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the last date stamped below. 

2 2 SEP 19« 
2 6 NOV 1993 





VOL. I. 















P- I'lint; 



Introduction Page 1 

The Description of Athens by Pansanias 107 


Of the Positions and existing Monuments of ancient Athens, as to the 
Identity of which there can be little or no Doubt . ... 164 


Of some other important but more disputable Questions of Athenian 
Topography — The Mountain Anchesmus, or Lycabettus — ^The 
Agora — ^The Cerameicus — Dipylum, and the Peiraic Gate . 204 


First Part of the Route of Pausanias through the City.— From the 
Stoa Basileius to Enneacrunus 236 


Second Fart of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Stoa Basileius to 
the Prytaneium 252 


Third Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Prytaneium to the 
Stadium 271 



Fourth Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Prytaneium to the 
Propyksa of the Acropolis Page 284 


Fifth and last Part of the Description of Pausanias. — ^The Acropolis, 
Areiopagus, and Academy 307 


Of Maritime Athens, and its divisions, Peineeus, Munychia, and 
Phalerum.— Their Harbours, Monuments, and Fortifications 363 


Of the other military defences of Athens ; namely, the Long Walls 
and the Walls of the Asty. Of its Demi, Districts, and Gates. 



I. On the Tyrrheni Pelasgi 449 

II. On the Treasure in the Acropolis in the Year 431 b. c. . 458 

III. On the Cost of the Works of Pericles 461 

IV. On the various Writers named Pausanias 475 

V. Description of Athens by a Greek of the zvth century . 478 

VI. On some Monuments illustrative of the Worship at Athens, 

of the Earth and other terrene Deities 482 

VII. On various Buildings and Places at Athens .... 485 

VIII. On the Monument of Philopappus 494 

IX. Of the ei}<rcIov, or Temple of Theseus 498 

X. On the *0\vfiiruiov, Olympinm, or Temple of Jupiter Olym- 

pius 513 

XL On the Pnyx 517 

XII. On the Capacity of the Dionysiac Theatre 520 

XIII. On the Supply of Water at Athens 524 

XIV. On the Propylaea 527 


XV. On the Temple of Victory Page 529 

XVI. On the Parthenon 536 

XVII. On the Erechtheium 574 

XVIII. On the Cater Cerameicus and Academy 593 

XIX. On the Date of the Commencement of the Peiraic Fortifi- 
cations 603 

XX. On an Inscription relating to the Long Walls .... 606 

XXI. On the Population of Attica and Athens 618 

Addenda 625 


P. 46, note l,ybr wearing, read weaving. 

P. Ill, line IS, for earthen roo^ rrod earthen tiled roof. 

line 14, /or Scyron, read Sciron. 
P. 147» note 7» line ult., /or Reinacher, read Rienacker. 
P. 158, line 16, for opposite to Sunium, read sailing onwards 
from Sunium. 

P. 192, /or the year 850 b.c, read the year 335 B.C. 

P. 811, note 8, line 6, for Tyrrhenian, read Pelasgic. 

P. 365, line 4,ybr " afford anchorage to 400 ships," read 

contain 400 ships." 

P. 374, note 1, line 4, /or p. 400, read p. 402, n. 2. 

P. 434, line 3, /or the year 307 b.c, read the year 298 B.C. 

P. 585, line 16, /or Minotaur, read Marathonian bull. 


t . 


As enquiries into the topography and antiquities of 
Athens require a frequent reference to the primeval 
history of the Athenians, and to their mythology, 
"which differed in many respects from that of the rest 
of Greece, it is intended, in a few preliminary pages, 
to recall to the reader^s recollection those parts of 
the history of Athens, whether real or fabulous, which . 
are most necessary to the elucidation of its topography 
and antiquities. The remainder of this Introduction 
will be devoted to a rapid view of the progressive 
ruin of ancient Athens, and of those monuments of 
art which were its peculiar distinction. 

There can be no stronger proof of the early civili- 
zation of Athens than the remote period to which its 
history ascends^ subject unavoidably to some uncer- 
tainty in the traditional part, but sufficiently consis- 
tent to prove its foundation in truth. We have some 
reason to believe that Cecrops, who was regarded by 
the Athenians' as their first king and legislator, was 
contemporary with Moses, and that he introduced 
among the Pelasgic race which then inhabited Attica' 

1 Herodot. S, 44. 


the worship of Neith (AOfivri), and possibly also that 
of Phtha CH^aicn-oc). Zeus and Poseidon, Pelasgic 
deities, were of earlier date in Attica * . Apollo and 
Dionysus, which was another personation of the sun, 
appear to have been borrowed, as well as the Dioscuri, 
from the Doric race of Greeks, and to have been intro- 
duced at a later date than the preceding. Last came 
the worship of Venus, very ancient in Assyria, and 
brought into Greece by the Phoenicians, but not 
introduced into Athens until the reign of ^geus *. 

Among the successors of Cecrops it will be suffi- 
cient for the present purpose to notice those whose 
names have been chiefly recorded in Athenian tra- 
dition: 1. Amphictyon, son of Deucalion of Thessaly, 
who is said to have succeeded to the throne in right 
of his wife Atthis, daughter of Cranaus, a native 
Athenian, who succeeded Cecrops. 2. Erechtheus 
the first, called by later writers Erichthonius ^. 
Erechtheus set up an image of Minerva, made of 
olive wood, in the Cecropia, and instituted festivals, 
called Athensea, in the Attic cities, which were then 
twelve in number. Erechtheus was fabled to have 
been the son of Vulcan and the Earth, to have been 
educated by Minerva, to have been instructed by her 

' The Athenians considered Neptune to have preceded Mi- 
nerva. — ApoUod. 3, 14, 1. Isocrat. Panath. p. 273 Steph. 

' Pausan. Attic. 14, 6. 

' In reconciling the authorities relating to the ancient his- 
tory of Athens, it is an important preliminary to establish the 
identity of Erichthonius with Erechtheus the first. For this 
purpose it is sufficient to compare Homer (II. B. 547)) and Hero- 
dotus (8, 55), with Isocrates (Panath. p. 258), Apollodorus (3, 
14), Lucian (Philopseud. 3), Pausanias (Attic. 2, 5. 18, 2), and 
Aristides (in Minerv. et in Panathen. I. p. 12, 119 Jebb.) 


in the invention of war horses and chariots, and to 
have been buried in the temple which he had dedi- 
cated to her in Cecropia, and which, from the circum- 
stance of his interment in it, was to the latest period 
called the Erechtheium. The superiority given by 
Erechtheus to the worship of Minerva was accom- 
panied by a change in the name of his people, who in 
Pelasgic time had been Pelasgi, under Cecrops were 
Cecropidse, and now became Athenians '. 3. Pandion 
the first. In his reign lived Triptolemus, who was 
supposed to have been instructed in the arts of agri- 
culture by Ceres, and to have instituted the Eleu- 
sinian mysteries. 4. Erechtheus the second. He 
colonized a part of Euboea, and defeated Eumolpus, 
who, with a body of Thracians, had seized Eleusis, 
but was slain in the action'. The daughters of 
Erechtheus were devoted to death, that their father 
might obtain success in the Eleusinian war^. About 
the same time the daughters of Leos were sacri- 
ficed to avert a contagious sickness, in obedience 
to the Delphic oracle, which required human sacri- 
fices upon this occasion^. 5. Ion, son of Creusa, 

* Herodot. 8, 44. 

' Some of the ancients believed Erichthonius, the reputed son 
of Vulcan, to have been the same as Erechtheus, the father of 
Creusa and of Cecrops the second. Sir I. Newton, adopting this 
opinion, struck out from the list of Athenian kings the names of 
Pandion I. and Erechtheus II. ; nevertheless, the far greater 
number of authorities incline to the opposite opinion, which is 
found more useful therefore in the explanation of topography and 
ancient monuments. 

' Euripid. Ion 281. See Meursius de Reg. Athen. 2, 9. 

* Axistid. Panathen. p. 119 Jebb. Schol. Thucyd. 1, 
20. Suid. in AttoKSptov. Mliaxt. Var. Hist. 12, 28. See 

B 2 


daughter of Erechtheus, was distinguished as a teacher 
of religion rather than as a temporal monarch. He 
introduced the worship of Apollo Pythius, who, be- 
coming one of the chief protectors of Athens, was 
sumamed Patrous : and hence Ion himself was fabled 
to have been the son of Apollo \ 6. Mgens, who, 
after the direct succession had been considerably 
disturbed by the collateral branches, recovered the 
throne, and enjoyed a long reign of thirty-nine years. 
7. Theseus. In his way to Athens from Trcezen^ 
where he had been living in obscurity, Theseus 
cleared the country of the robbers who opposed him, 
and for these brilliant exploits was acknowledged by 
iBgeus and the Athenians as successor to the throne. 
He afterwards relieved Athens from a disgraceful 
tribute to the king of Crete, and, having succeeded 
to the royal authority, laid the foundation of the 
early pre-eminence of his country, by establishing a 
court of judicature and a festival common to all 
Attica. The city was enlarged by the occupation of 

Meursii Ceramicas Gem. 17. Pausan. Attic. 5, 2. It has been 
asserted, that neither oracles nor human sacrifices were known to 
the heroic ages ; but these traditions of the Athenians seem to 
prove the contrary. The story of Iphigeneia and the sacrifice of 
twelve Trojans, by Achilles, to appease the manes of Patroclus, 
leave little or no doubt that this savage custom prevailed as late 
as the Trojan war. 

' From Ion the Athenians, according to Herodotus (8, 44), once 
more derived a new name, and became lonians. But this appel- 
lation was applied to all the Greeks who like the Athenians and 
Peloponnesian Achseans were distinguished by their worship of 
Neptune and their division into four tribes and twelve cities, — a 
division older than the time of Ion, and probably Pelasgic ; the 
distinctive name of Athenians therefore was still necessary. 


some of the ground to the southward and eastward of 
the Cecropia or Acropolis, and the whole assumed the 
name of 'A^vai. The immediate consequence of 
this change, which occurred about the year 1300 B.C., 
was the decline of the other eleven Attic cities, a 
concentration of government in Athens, and a great 
increase of population in Attica, attracted by the 
security and justice resulting from the new Istws of 

Homer, the earliest of Greek historians, has left us 
a strong confirmation of the reality of those facts, 
which are not obviously fabulous, in the history of 
the two great heroes of ancient Attic story, Erech- 
theus and Theseus. He notices the temple of 
Erechtheus, and those periodical sacrifices of an ox 
and a sheep \ which we know to have been performed 
to a very late period of Athenian superstition^; and, 

* 02 2' &p* *A94vac cTxoK, ivicrifuyoy vroKledpoy^ 
Aijfwv *Ep€\BiioQ jueyaX^ropoc, ^y ttot' 'A6//vi| 
Bpei^c, ^log Ovyanipt riice 2c i^iidwpoe''Apovpaf 
Ka22* iv *AQiivffo clcrey, c^ kv\ jcioyi vri^* 
*£v6a2e iiiy ravpoiai xal iipytidic iXdoyrai 
Kovpoi 'ABfiyaliay, inpiTtWofAiyiay iviavrQy. 

II. B. 546. 

These lines have been supposed an interpolation of the time of 
Solon or Peisistratus, but they agree with those of the Odyssey, 

H. 78. 

■ — :^ dwifiri yXavKufTiQ ^Adriyri 

^IxtTo 2* ic MapaO&ya Kal cvpvayvcav *AO^yfiy 
Avvc 2* ^Ept'xOfioQ'irvKiydy i6fwy • ; . • 
One reason given for suspecting them is, that Homer makes no 
allusion to temples ; but this is not correct. There was a temple 
(niofr) at Cilia before the Trojan war, II. A. 39. 

' Philochorus et Staphylus ap. Harpocrat. in 'Ewifiowy, 


in confirmation of the political reforms of Theseus, 
instead of naming all the cities of Attica, as he has 
done in the other provinces of Greece, he speaks of 
Athens alone, and of the people of Erechtheus, that 
terrible An/ioc, whose first specimen of tyranny and 
ingratitude was the banishment of their great bene- 
factor himself, whom they left to die an exile in the 
island of Seyms, ^geus introduced the worship of 
Venus Urania, and Theseus, that of Venus and 
Peitho\ as well as that of Hercules, with whom, 
according to the Athenian antiquaries, he was con- 
temporary, and to whom, in return for services re- 
ceived in Epirus, he dedicated all his own sacred 
property in Attica, with the exception of four The- 
seia, which always continued to bear his name,^ — 
the worship of Apollo Delphinius he appears to have 
found already established. 

During the six or seven centuries which elapsed 
between the Trojan war and the reign of Peisistratus, 
the Athenians seem to have been not more engaged 
in foreign wars or internal commotions than was 
sufficient to maintain their martial spirit and free 
government, both of which were essential to the 
progress made by them in civilization, commerce, 
and a successful cultivation of the arts. The change 
of chief magistrate from king to archon for life, then 
to decennial and to annual archon, indicates that 
gradual increase, first of aristocratical, and then of 
popular authority, which ended in a purely demo- 
cratical government. Solon, apparently aware of the 
evils to which these changes tended, endeavoured to 

' Pausan. Attic. 14, 6. 22, 3. 

' Philochorus ap. Plutarch. Thes. 35. 


correct them by enacting that none but men of a 
certain landed property should be eligible to magis- 
tracies; but the restriction was insufficient, or at 
least came too late. The excess of democratic power 
led to its usual result; and Peisistratus not only 
usurped all the functions of government to himself, 
but made them hereditary in the persons of his two 
sons, which caused so strong a re-action in favour of 
democracy, that Cleisthenes, Cimon, and Pericles, 
could only direct affiiirs by conciliating the people 
and adding to their privileges. After the time of 
Aristeides, who offered some check to the advances 
of democracy, the poorest Athenian citizens might 
aspire to every office, except a few connected with 
finance ; and they were even paid for attending those 
multitudinous assemblies of the Pnyx and Theatre, 
which embarrassed all rational business, and at length 
threw the fate and character of the country into the 
hands of those who might chance to possess the 
popular favour. But notwithstanding this progressive 
decline, caused by the abuses to which all human 
establishments are liable, the great objects of govern- 
ment were attained. Property was protected, and 
industry was encouraged : for, without these blessings, 
the Athenians could not possibly have made any 
advances to that perfection in the arts of civilized 
life at which they at length arrived, however adapted 
to it by the active and sagacious minds with which 
nature had endowed them, by their innate good taste, 
and by their keen perception of the beautiful. 

During the ages which elapsed between the reigns 
of Theseus and Peisistratus, we may suppose that the 
advance of art caused the altars of the several deities. 


whose worship had been established, to be converted 
into temples, or their temples to be renewed upon a 
larger and more elegant plan. A body of the Pe- 
lasgic nation, distinguished as Pelasgi Tyrrheni, or 
Tyrseni, sought refuge in Attica from their enemies, 
and were employed by the Athenians to fortify the 
Cecropian hiir. It was probably in the time of 
Solon' that the existing Pnyx was constructed ; his 
constitution having then, for the first time, required in 
particular cases that numerous assemblage of citizens 
in the eccleeia which was still continued in the time 
of Demosthenes^ The rude simplicity of the Pnyx 
seems, however, to belong to a still earlier age than 
that of Solon ; namely, that in which the archi- 
tects of Greece built subterraneous treasuries, and 
when the temples were mere cells : as the people 
therefore had already a share in the government in 
the time of Theseus, a smaller and earlier Pnyx may 
possibly have existed on the same site. In the time 
of Solon, the Prytaneium was probably first esta- 
blished at the foot of the Acropolis, in the Asty ; as 
from this period it served, among its other important 
uses, as a place of deposit for the written laws of 
the state, which had previously been kept in the 
Acropolis ^ 

The usurpation of the ambitious, but humane, 

' See Appendix I. on the Tyrrheni Pelasgi. 

' About B. c. 590. 

' Demosth. c. Tinoarch. p. 715. c. Neaer. p. 1375 Reiske. 

* Polemon ap. Harpocrat. in "Aiovcc* J« Poll. 8, 10 (128). 
The more ancient laws still remained in the Acropolis, and it 
was a remark, in later times, that the lower laws were more than 
a match for the upper : t6v KdrutOtp po/ioy dvriBivav npot ri^y 
* AKpowoXiy. 


enlightened, and patriotic Peisistratus, far from 
being an impediment to the prosperity of Athens, 
operated in aid of its rapid improvement in splendour 
and civilization, as has often happened* when power 
has fallen into the hands of a person uniting good taste 
with magnificence. By establishing a public library \ 
and by editing the works of Homer, Peisistratus and 
his sons fixed the muses at Athens;, while by 
raising the quadrennial revolution of the Panathe- 
naic festival to a footing of equality with the other 
similar assemblies, and by upholding it during their 
united reigns of about thirty years \ they greatly ad- 
vanced the dignity of the republic among the states 
of Greece. They founded the temple of Apollo 
Pythius \ began the construction of that of Jupiter 
Olympius S and possibly built also the earliest 
Odeium; for as song and musical recitation preceded 
the drama, the Odeium was probably an older esta- 
blishment than the theatre, having served before the 
regular drama was invented, as a place of exhibition 
to the rhapsodists and musicians ^. The Peisistratidse, 
in short, were the chief founders of that splendour 
and opulence, which, not long after their time, by 
moving the envy and cupidity of the Persians, 
became one of the causes of the invasion of Attica^ 

^ According to Aulns Grellius (6, I?)* Xerxes carried the books 
to Persia, and Selencus Nicator restored them. 

' Peisistratus was twice exiled : from his first usurpation in 
560 B. c, to the murder of Hipparchus, there was an interval of 
forty-six years. 

' Tbncyd. 6, 54. Said, in UvBioy. Meurs. Pisist. c. 9. 

* Aristot. Polit. 5, 11. Yitruv. prsef. in 1. praef. in 7* 

' Hesych. in 'Miloy. 


wliicli was defeated at Marathon ^ About fifteen 
years after the fall of the tyranny, the Dionysiac 
theatre was commenced ', but was not completed to 
its greatest magnitude and perfection until 160 
years later *. 

Hitherto, however, the progress of the useful and 
ornamental arts had scarcely been so great at Athens 
as in some other parts of Greece, as at Sicyon, Corinth, 
ifigina, Argos, Thebes, and Sparta. Still less was 
she able to bestow that encouragement upon the 
arts which they received in the opulent republics of 
Asia ; for, although her territory was more extensive, 
and her resources already greater than those of any 
of the states of Greece Proper, except Sparta, they 
were still insufficient to bestow adequate ornament 
upon a city which was already the most populous in 
Greece. It was to an event the most unlikely to 
produce such a result, that Athens was indebted for 
a degree of internal beauty and splendour, which no 
other Grecian city ever attained. The king of Persia, 

> B. c. 490. 

* Soon after the 70th Olympiad, b. c. 500, partly in conse- 
quence of the &lling of a wooden construction, by which many 
persons were killed during the exhibition of a dramatic perform- 
ance by Pratinas, a contemporary and rival of JEschylus (Suid. 
in Uparlyao), The wooden theatre was under a poplar-tree, upon 
which those climbed who could not obtain seats. Hence the 
proverbial expression " a view from the poplar- tree" (aV* alytlpov 
Oia) for a cheap or imperfectly seen spectacle. Suid., Hesych. 
in vv. Eustath. in Od. £. 64. 

' Namely, in the administration of Lycurgus, son of Lyco- 
phron, about the same time that he restored the comic drama and 
erected brazen statues in the theatre to the three great tragic 
poets. Ps. Plutarch, de X. Rhet. in Lycurg. Pausan. 

Attic. 29, 16. 


in directing against Greece an expedition of a mag- 
nitude unparalleled in the operations of one nation 
against another, made the capture of Athens his prin- 
cipal object. His success was most fortunate for the 
Athenians ; for by forcing them to concentrate all their 
exertions in their fleet, in which they were as supe- 
rior in numbers to any of the other states of Greece as 
they were in skill to the Persians, it led to their acqui- 
sition of the chief honour of having obliged Xerxes 
to return in disgrace to Persia, followed by such a 
degree of influence in Greece, that even the rivals of 
Athens were under the necessity of giving up to her 
the future conduct of the war, now become exclu- 
sively naval. By these means the Athenians acquired 
an increasing command over the resources of the 
greater part of the islands, as well as of the colonies 
on the coasts of Asia, Macedonia, and Thrace ; .and 
thus, at the very moment when the destruction of 
their city rendered it necessary for them to renew all 
their principal buildings, fortune gave them sufficienf? 
means both to maintain their ascendency in Greece, 
and to apply a part of the wealth at their command 
in the indulgence of their taste and magnificence. 
The same sources of wealth continuing, and even 
increasing, during the half century which intervened 
between the victory of Salamis and the Peloponne- 
sian war, the injury inflicted upon the buildings of 
Athens by the Persians was not only fully repaired, 
but those new and splendid edifices were erected 
which continued to be one of the chief glories of 
Athens, until Europe becoming too unenlightened 
to be sensible of the beauty of such objects, they 
remained for more than twelve centuries unknown 



or unnoticed; Greece itself during all the latter 
part of this time having been the prey of a race of 
Oriental invaders far more barbarous than those of 
ancient times. 

If we follow literally the evidence of Herodotus, 
we must suppose that» after the second retreat of the 
Persians, the Athenians had again to lay out every 
street in Athens, and to renew every public building 
from its foundations ^ But experience shows that an 
invader, in the temporary possession of an enemy's 
capital, seldom has the power and leisure for destruc- 
tion equal to his will ; and that the total annihilation 
of massy buildings constructed of stone, is a work of 
great difficulty *. 

The remarks of Pausanias upon the temples of 
Bacchus and of the Dioscuri in the Asty, of Juno 
in the Phaleric road, and of Ceres at Phalerum, show 
that the work of destruction by the Persians had 
been by no means complete. Possibly the vengeance 
of the Persians was chiefly directed against the works 
of defence, and against the buildings of the Aero* 
polis ; while those which stood at the foot of the hilU 
namely, the Odeium, the temples of Bacchus, of the 
Earth, of the Dioscuri, of Venus, of Vulcan, of the 
Eumenides, and of Mars, having suffered chiefly from 
fire, their walls as well as those of a great number of 
the smaller fanes and heroa, may have been left in 

' Herodot. 9, IS. 

' Among several existing ruins which might he named in 
proof of this ohservation, there is none more remarkahle than 
Egyptian Thehes, whose magnificent remains, still hearing the 
marks of the Persian conquerors, show, at the same time, how 
small a progress had been made in their destruction. 


such a state as rendered it an easy task to restore 
them on the original plan. 

The new buildings which arose at Athens in the 
half century of her highest renown and riches, may 
be divided into those erected under the administra- 
tions of ThemistocleSy of Cimon, and of Pericles. 
Utility appears to have been the sole object of the 
first of these celebrated men ; the two latter added 
to similar views the ambition of making Athens 
the most splendid city in Greece. Under Themisto- 
cles the city was walled, and one temple only is 
known to have been erected in the Asty during 
his administration \ For the maritime city was 
his great object. He began to fortify it upon an 
extensive plan, greater indeed than was ever 
executed ; and he engaged Hippodamus, of Miletus, 
io build an entirely new town at Peirseeus, in 
the regular manner of the cities of AsiaS where 
the arts had hitherto been in a more advanced 

^ Temple of Diana Aristobula. — Plutarch. Themist. 22. de 
Malign. Herodot. 87. 

' Hippodamus was distinguished not only for having intro- 
duced a better mode of building towns into Greece, but also as a 
natnral philosopher (/icrewpoXoyoc) and as the first speculative 
writer on politics, as his iUustrious follower on both these sub- 
jects has testified as to the latter, ('lirxii^afioc ^c Ehpwf^wyroc 
MiX^ffioc, oc Kal n}v ir6\€tjy Zialptoiv tltpt koX top Utipaid xar^ 

trtiAt wptirot TtSv fi^ iriiroXirivofiivuv kvtxiipi^tri ri vcpc 

voKiTtia^ fhrtiy r^c dpitmic* Aristot. Polit. 2, 5.) Hippodamus 
dwelt in Peiraeeus, and presented to the state the house which he 
had bnilt or acquired there for himself: he left a son named 
Archeptolemus, who is alluded to in the Knights of Aristophanes 
(327). Schol. ibid. Harpocrat., Snid., Phot., Lex. ap. Bek- 
ker Anecd. Gr. 1. p. 266, in 'liciroSdfxua, Hesych., Phot, in* 
*lwwoiafJunt yifitivic* 


state, than in European Greece. Uippodamus was 
employed also to lay out the streets and communi- 
cations of Athens. 

Cimon was enabled to effect his purposes by his 
private opulence and by the spoils of war, which 
he acquired as the most successful of Athenian 
commanders; Pericles, chiefly by means of the 
accumulated residue of the annual contribution of 
the confederates, which he remoyed from Dolus to 
Athens, and to which were added the yearly savings 
of an increased tribute, until he began to expend this 
treasure on the public buildings ^ 

To the administration of Cimon may be attributed 
the temple of Theseus, and the painting of the Stoa 
Poecile, which, although resolved upon soon after the 
battle of Marathon, was not completed until long 
afterwards, when some of the same artists were 
employed also on similar decorations in the The- 
seium, Anaceium, and Propylaea*. The Academy 
and the Agora were planted and otherwise improved 
by Cimon ', and to him probably may be ascribed 

' See Appendix II. on the treasure in the Acropolis in the 
year 431 b. c. 

' Micon, Polygnotns, and Pantsenus, were the artists who ex- 
ecuted the greater part of these paintings. The Olympium was 
painted by Phidias. Plin. H. N. 35, S (34). 

* The Platanus Orientalis was generally selected for such 
purposes, as an umbrageous tree of rapid growth, partial to 
a sheltered situation, as every valley in Greece proves, and 
flourishing even in the midst of towns, as our own city demon- 
strates. To plant a plane-tree in the Agora seems to have been 
proverbially a laudable action. 

*Ey 'Ayop^ S' a? irXdravoy tZ ^laif^vrevffoficv, 
Aristoph. reoipyoi, ap. Hephaestion. de Metro peeonico. 


some of the Stose of the Agora, which still remained 
in the time of Pausanias. His military works were 
the soathem wall of the citadel, and the foundations 
with some part of the superstructure of the two long 
walls which connected the inclosure of the Asty, 
with those of Peiraeeus and of Phalerum '. 

For Pericles was reserved the honour of com- 
pleting the military works and new town of Peirseeus, 
as weU as the two Long Walls, to which he afterwards 
added a third. He formed a gymnasium at the 
Lyceium, or at least improved that which had been 
established there by Peisistratus, so as to render it a 
rival of the Academy '. Under his administration, 
the repairing or rebuilding of all the Attic temples 
injured by the Persians, which were not left pur- 
posely in a ruined state, was probably completed ; 
for the temples of Rhamnus and Sunium have every 
appearance of being of this and not of an earlier 
time. In the Asty, Pericles constructed a new 
Odeium, but the great works which will ever confer 
the highest glory on his administration, are those 
magnificent edifices still existing in ruins, the mystic 
temple of Eleusis, the Parthenon, the Propylsea^ and 
the Erechtheium, in all which we are at a loss whe- 
ther most to admire the perfection or the rapidity of 
the execution : for although the Peloponnesian war 
appears to have prevented the completion of the 
Erechtheium and the Eleusinian temple, the Odeium, 
Parthenon, and Propylsea, which were built in this 
order, were constructed in less than fifteen years, at 

' Platarch. Cimon 1 3, ' See Section vi. 


an expense which may be represented^ in the present 
time, by about two millions sterling '. 

But the meridian of Athenian prosperity was now 
past. Whatever &rther designs Pericles may have 
entertained for the embellishment of the city, by 
means of the 6000 talents still remaining in the 
treasury of the Acropolis, were arrested at once by 
the war. The Lacedsemonians, in hostile invasion, 
were in sight from the walls of Athens ; and, during 
twenty-seven years, the necessities of an army of 
32,000 men, with those of a navy of 300 triremes *, 
left hardly a drachma disposable for public build- 

The command of the seas, which had enabled the 
Athenians to carry on the war with glory for so 
many years, in despite of the imprudence, incon- 
sistency, and extravagance of their government, was 
at length lost* Their rivals learnt to beat them 
upon the^ own element ; and the loss of the army 
in Sicily, together with the defeat of the fleet at 
^gospotami, placed Athens at length at the mercy 
of the Lacedsemonians '• The only injury, however, 
which she suffered in her buildings, was the destruc- « 
tion (probably not very complete) of the Long Walls 
and walls of Peirseeus ; and only ten years had elapsed, 
when the enemy having in his turn been defeated by 
Conon at Cnidus, the Athenians resumed their naval 
superiority in Greece, again commanded the resources 
of the greater part of the islands and colonies, and 
once more applied their wealth to the defence or 

* See Appendix III. on the cost of the buildings of Pericles. 

• Thucyd. 2, 18. * b. c. 404. 


embellishment of the city. The Long Walls, and the 
^alls of the maritime city, were re-established in the 
year after the battle of Cnidus \ The work was 
performed by the Persian fleet, and by the fleet of 
Conon, then lying in the Athenian harbours, by the 
Boeotian and Argive troops, then acting as auxilia- 
ries to the Athenians, and by mercenary artificers at- 
tracted from every part of Greece by the liberal pay 
which Conon offered '. 

Athens had soon so far recovered from the effects 
of the Peloponnesian war, that, when the manage- 
ment of the finances fell into the hands of a prudent 
and active administration, the resources of the repub- 
lic, when compared with its exigencies, were almost 
as great as they had ever been^. The Dionysiac 
theatre was now completed, a stadium was con- 
structed for the Panathenaic contests, and further 
improvements were made at the Lyceium. Lycur- 
gus, son of Lycophron, who had the credit of having 
caused the execution of these works, was not less 
attentive to the military safety of the republic, than 
to the adornment of the city. He formed a large 
magazine of offensive and defensive armour in the 

• Xenoph. Hell. 4, 8, § 10. Diodor. Sic. 14, 85. Corn. Nep. 
in Conon. 

* In the middle of the Peloponnesian war, the yearly revenue 
was near 2000 talents, consisting of 1300 from the allied or sub- 
ject cities ; the remainder, of domestic income. Lycurgus was con- 
sidered to have deserved great credit for having raised the latter 
to 1200 talents, (Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycnrg.) but the enemies of 
Athens were no longer so troublesome as during the Pelopon- 
nesian war. For every thing relating to the public economy of 
Athens, see the excellent work of Boeckh. 



Acropolis, built covered docks for the diips of war i& 
PeirseeoSy and filled the storehouses with a complete 
equipment for 400 triremes ^ 

But the time was fast approaching when naval 
superiority over the republics of Greece could no 
longer secure the preponderance, or even ensure the 
safety of Athens. H^ own bright example, and the 
light of genius and science kindled within her walls, 
spread around her beyond the bounds of Greece, 
producing its natural etBscts among nations which 
had never entered into the political system of Greece, 
in the earlier periods of her history. Attica, most 
unfortunately for a naval power, was not an island ; 
so that as soon as all the natural resources of Mace- 
donia, augmented by the conquest of many sur- 
rounding districts, were called forth by a strong and 
enlightened government, the conflicting interests of 
a collection of small independent states could not 
long withstand the highly disciplined armies of a 
warlike nation, directed by the undivided councils 
of an active, crafty, and ambitious monarch. 

Nothing at this time saved Athens, and the other 
states of Greece, from beconung mere dependencies 
of Macedonia, but the diffiision of the Macedonian 
power in the distant conquests of Egypt and Asia. 
The consequences of these conquests, totally changed 
the complexion of Grecian politics. Epirus and 
^tolia, relieved from Macedonian pressure, and 
rising above the disunited and uncivilized state, 
which had hitherto kept them in obscurity, now 
obtained a considerable weight in the Grecian 

' Yil. X. Rhet. ibid. Lycurgus died about b. c. 324. 


balance of power. The new kingdoms establiabed in 
the east bj the snccessors of Alexander, soon became 
members also of the Grecian system ; and, by enlarg- 
ing the boundaries of the langaage, manners, and 
refinement of Greece, brought the whole country 
from Sardinia to Persia within the scope of the Gre- 
cian statesman* Instead of confining his attention 
to a few small republics, acting upon one another, 
and upon one great foreign power, he had now to 
watch the motions, leam the interests, and speculate 
upon the designs of many powerful monarchies, 
among which Athens, deprived of a great part of 
her external influence, and soon rivalled, upon her 
fiiTourite element, even by the republic of Rhodes, 
could not hope to enter as a power of equal rank, 
though still able to maintain a high degree of pros* 
perity and political importance. 

It was now her wisest course to side with the 
strongest. Such was the constant aim of the most 
able and honest of her later statesmen ; and it was 
by means of her alliance vrith Macedonia^ and after- 
wards with Rome, that she preserved her station 
during the remaining ages of independent Greece. 
At no period was Athens more happy and secure 
than when Demetrius of Phalerum, supported by a 
Macedonian garrison, administered its aflairs \ So 
flourishing was the revenue, that, among many other 
works undertaken at this time, a dodecastyle portico 
was added to the mystic temple at Eleusis, by the 
celebrated Philo : and the same architect was em- 

* Strabo, p. 398. The power of Demetrius^ which lasted 
twelve years, ended in 307 b. c. 



ployed to build an arsenal in Peirseeus, which 
was considered one of the most wonderful of the 
Athenian edifices. Twice only after this period did 
Athens suffer any material injury from hostile 
attacks. Having joined the Romans, assisted by 
the naval forces of Attains, and the Rhodians, 
against Philip, the Macedonians invested Athens 
before the Romans could come to her assistance, 
demolished the groves of the suburban Gymnasia, 
and destroyed every building in the plain of Athens ^ 
In the latter instance, by too readily espousing the 
cause of Mithradates, when he carried the war into 
Greece, and thus abandoning the alliance of Rome, 
she forgot the prudent policy which had been her 
protection for. more than a century, and exposed 
herself to the vengeance of the most cruel of Roman 
conquerors ^ 

The military importance of Athens expired at 
once with the destruction of the Peiraic fortifica- 
tions by Sylla. Accumulation of capital, the attach- 
ment of commerce to an accustomed route, and 
commercial security, which increased as the Roman 
power became established by land and sea, may 
have still maintained a considerable degree of opu- 
lence in Athens; but her gradual downfall as a 
maritime state was inevitable; and, in less than 
a century after the siege by Sylla, the Athenian 
navy was almost extinct, little remained either of 
the Peiraic or Long Walls, and of the lower 
city no more than a small part of the maritime 
quarters '. 

' B. c. 200. Liv. 31, 24—26. * b. c. 86. 

' Strabo, p. 396. Lucan. Pharsal. 3, 181. 


Bot the respect which the arms or political influ- 
ence of Athens could no longer command, was still 
paid to the recollection of her former glory ; to her 
haying been, from the sera of the battle of Marathon, 
the great depository of the science and literature of 
Greece ; and to her still continuing to be the school 
in which were found the most skilful artists, and 
the best productions in architecture, sculpture, and 

Of the surrounding nations, there was not any in 
which this feeling had a stronger effect than among 
the Romans, who, from the period of the conquest 
of Corinth and Carthage ^ had applied themselves 
with a rapidly increasing ardour to Grecian arts and 
literature, and who, from that time, treated Athens 
with a filial respect and indulgence, which was in a 
certain degree shown to her eyen by Sylla himself'. 
Although Julius Csesar had to pardon the Athenians 
for their adherence to the adverse party of Pompey, 
Antony for their having espoused the cause of Brutus 
and Cassius^ and Augustus for the favours which 
they bestowed upon Antony, Athens received dis- 
tinguished benefits from all these mighty Romans. 
Julius Cssar bestowed some donations upon the 
city, which contributed to the erection of one of the 

^ Corinth and Carthage were taken and destroyed in the same 
year, b. c. 146. 102 years afterwards, or b. c. 44, they were 
both restored and colonized by Julius Caesar. Dion Cass. 43, 
50. Appian. de R. Punic, ad fin. Pausan. Corinth. 1, 2. 

' Strabo, p. 398. Appian. de B. Mithrid. 38 — 39. Plutarch. 
Syll. 12—14. 

* The Athenians had erected the statues of Brutus and Cassius, 
by the side of those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, in the Cera- 
meicus. Dion Cass. 47| 20. 

22 iinBODUcrioN. 

still existing buildings. Antony made Atliens his 
&vouiite place of residence, during his frequent 
expeditions into the east ; flattered the Athenians, 
by assuming their manners and mode of life ; and 
bestowed upon them the islands of .^llgina, Cea, 
Icus, Sciathus, and Peparethus \ Augustus indeed 
showed some degree of resentment towards the 
Athenians for their attachment to his riTal, and 
deprived them of one of the islands (iEgina), which 
they had receiyed from Antony, as well as of 
Eretria in Euboea * ; but his clemency and favourable 
inclinations towards them are sufficiently indicated, 
by his leaving them in possession of all the other 
gifts of Antony ; by the pecuniary donations which, 
added to those given by Caesar, enabled the Athe- 
nians to erect the Propylieum of the new Agora * ; 
and even by an edict forbidding their sale of the 
right of citizenship \ by which he showed a respect 
for their ancient name, greater than they entertained 

We are informed that, a short time before his 
death, Augustus was called upon to quell a revolt 
of the Athenians : but it appears to have been a 
mere local tumult, which was suppressed as soon as 
it broke out ^ and has not even been noticed by the 
principal historians of the life of Augustus. We can 
hardly doubt, from the testimony of Strabo, that, 

' Appian. de B. Civ. 5, 7. 
' Dion Cass. 54, 7. 

* Stoart, Ant. of Athens, i. 1. Boeckb,C. Inscr. Gr. No. 477. 

* Dion Cass. ibid. 

* 'A9f|vaioi (rraatdCtiy dpidfuyoi Ko\a(r6iyr€Q iwavoayro. Syn- 
cel. Cbron. p. 318, Paris. Euseb. Chion. 01. 1^. Oros. 6, 


firom the time of Sylla, Athens continued to enjoy 
its own laws, and the respect of the Romans ; or 
that Augustus, in whose time Strabo lived, generally 
treated the Athenians with lenity and favour K Be- 
fore he attained to the empire he had been initiated 
into the Eleusinian mysteries ' ; and a small temple 
was erected to him in the Acropolis, in which, accord* 
ing to a custom always required by him, his name 
was subjoined to that of the goddess of Rome *. 

Germanicus testified his respect to the Athenians, 
by entering the city without the insignia of his rank, 
and preceded by a single lictor ^. 

Vespasian and Domitian, who ezpelled the philoso* 
phers from Rome \ could not have been well disposed 
to the Athenian schools which produced them ; bat 
there is no reason to think that Athens received any 
ill treatment from these two emperors» or that any 
change was made by Vespasian in the privileges of 
the Athenians^ when he made Greece a Roman pro- 
vince, beyond that of confirming the authority of the 
Roman proconsul over the city ^ than which nothing 
could be more conducive to its advantage ; for it is 
probably to a similar control over the democracy 
of Athens, that we may ascribe its general tran- 

^ 2vXXac TJ w6\n avyy vvfitfy iviifie xal /icxp^ yvr 

kv iXivdtpi^ re larl Koi n/ip irapa toIq 'PwfiaioiQ, Strabo* p. 

' Sueton. Octav. 93. 

' Boedcb, C. Inscr. 6r. No, 478. 

^ Tacit. Annal. 2, 63. 

* Dion Cass. 66, 13. 67, 13. Sueton. Domit. 10. Tacit. 
Agric 2. Aul. Gel. 15, 11. 

* Sueton. Vespas. S. Eutrop. 7i 19. Oros. 7> 9. Pausan. 
Achaic. 17, 2. 


quillity during the prevalence of the Macedonian 
and Roman power in Greece. 

From the accession of "Nerva, Athens for near a 
century and a half enjoyed in general, not only the 
protection, but the peculiar favour of a succession of 
Roman emperors. 

Hadrian and Septimius Severus visited Athens, 
while they were yet in a private station. They 
were both initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, as 
well as Marcus Aurelius, at the time of his visit 
to Athens, after the Marcomannic war K Hadrian 
was Archon Eponymus \ and twice passed the winter 
at Athens \ 

No city ever enjoyed such a course of prosperity 
after the loss of its political importance. Even the 
respect which has been paid to the ancient name of 
Rome, can scarcely be compared to that enjoyed by 
Athens during five centuries, among all the nations 
into which Grecian civilization had penetrated. We 
cannot have a stronger proof of this fact than that 
the most remarkable buildings erected in Athens 
after the decline of her naval power, were executed 
at the expense of foreign potentates. 

The first example of this generosity occurred 
when Ptolemy Philadelphus constructed an ex- 
tensive gymnasium near the temple of Theseus*. 
Sixty years afterwards, when the Athenians were 

' Dion Cass. 69, 11. Spartian. Hadrian. 13. Philostr. So- 
phist. 2, 10. Lamprid. Sever. 3. Capitolin. Marc. 27. 

' Coss. Trajan. Q, C. Sext, Africano. (a. d. 112.) Phlegon. 
Trail. 25. Spartian. Hadrian. 19. 

* Euseb. Chron. 01. 2$5, 227* Cassiodor. Chron. in Hadr. 

♦ 260 B. c. 

iNTRODUcrrioN. 25 

in alliance with the Romans, the Rhodians, and the 
first Attains of Pergamus^ this monarch visited 
Athens, and presented some dedications in the 
Acropolis \ In gratitude to these two benefactors, 
the names of the two new ^vXai or tribes of Athe- 
nian citizens, which had been established on the 
liberation of Athens from Cassander by Demetrius 
Poliorcetes, and had then been named Demetrias and 
Antigonis in honor of Demetrius and his father, were 
changed to those of AttaUs and Ptolemais '. 

Not many years afterwards, Antiochus Epiphanes 
undertook a work which the Athenians, in the 
heig[ht of their power, had been unable to accom- 
plish; and which, when completed, exceeded in 
magnitude and costliness all their other buildings. 
This was the temple of Jupiter Olympius, which 
Antiochus began to erect upon the foundations laid 
by Peisistratus 360 years before. After a long inter- 
ruption at the death of Antiochus, the work was 
resumed at the joint expense of the kings and states 
in alliance with Augustus, and was finally completed 
by the emperor Hadrian. 

' Polyb. 16,25. Li v. 31, 15. 

' PaQsan. Attic. 25, 2. These were four statuary compositions, 
placed upon the southern wall of the Acropolis towards its 
eastern end. The subjects of three were complimentary to the 
ancient glory of the Athenians. The fourth recorded the action 
from which Attains himself derived his greatest fame, namely, the 
defeat of the Gauls in Mysia, by which they were driven into 
the part of Phrygia, which they ever afterwards occupied, under 
the name of Oalatia. Pliny has recorded the names of four artists 
who exercised their talents in representing these battles. Plin. 
H. N. 84, 19. Liv. 38, 16. Pausan. Attic. 8, 2. 

' Pausan. Attic. 5, 8. 


Very soon after the capture of Athens by Sylla, 
Ariobarzanes the second, king of Cappadocia, re- 
paired the Odeinm of Pericles, which had suffered a 
partial destruction in the siege. But Hadrian was 
the greatest of all the regal benefactors of Athens. 
He not only completed the Olympium, which for so 
many years had been the despair of the Athenians^ 
but erected buildings of yarious kinds adapted to a 
place which he wished to render at once the centre 
of religion, of philosophy, and of polite education, 
namely, two temples, a stoa with magnificent 
apartments opening into it, a library, and a gymna- 
sium ^ He moreover bestowed upon the Athenians 
large sums of money, a yearly allowance of com, and 
the whole island of Cephallenia *. 
• During the ages of which we are now treating; 
seyeral opulent individuals also, both Attic and 
foreign, emulating the Athenian dtizens of anti* 
quity, to whom the city had been indebted for many 
of its minor buildings, made it their glory to adorn 
Athena with edifices, erected at their private ex- 
pense. Andronicus of Cyrrhus built the Horolo- 
gium in the Agora which still remains; Agrippa 
constructed a theatre ; and Herodes, son of Atticus, 
rivalled even the imperial benefactors of Athens, 
by covering the Stadium with seats of Pentelic 
marble, and by erecting a theatre, the ruins of 
which are still seen on the south-western side of 
the Acropolis. 

Rich in the accumulated magnificence of eight or 
ten centuries, Athens was never more splendid than 

' Pausan. Attic. 18, 9. * Dion Cass. 69, 19. 


in the time of the Antonines. The maritime town 
indeed, once as large as Athens itself, and where 
commerce was so flourishing, that every known 
commodity might be found there \ was reduced to 
two or three detached villages round the temple of 
Jupiter and the ports '. But the Asty and Acropolis 
were uninjured. Hie ancient monuments of the 
Pericleian age were still in such unimpaired pre- 
servation as to rival the recent structures even 
in this respect. The works of Callicrates, Ictihus, 
Mnesicles, and Phidias, which had now been ex- 
posed to the seasons of 600 years, still possessed all 
their original freshness ; and it was justly regarded 
as wonderful that buildings^ remarkable for the ra- 
pidity with which they had been constructed, should 
nevertheless have been executed with such perfec* 
tion, as seemed to have endued them with a per- 
petual youth \ 

Not many years after Plutarch had thus described 
the buildings of the age of Pericles, Greece was 
visited by the traveller to whose writings we are 
chiefly indebted for a knowledge of the ancient 
topography of this country, and still more for that o£ 
the treasures, which it still preserved in the various 
productions of the arts of design. Without his assist- 
ance we should even be ignorant of the names of many 
ruined cities still existing in the present time. We may 

C9& h iropo rmv aWi^F li' Trap' croffrwv yaKiw6w tort Xa/3cir, rav6^ 
iwarra wap' air^c fi^iiov elvai vopittatrdai. Isocrat. Paneg. 
p. 49, Steph. The Sophist Sopatrus decignates it as to Koipor 
'EXXo^ ifiwofHQy. 
* Strabo, p. 395. * Plutarch. Pericl. 13. 


infer from the occasional remarks of Pausanias, that he 
wrote his two first books containing the description 
of Attica, Corinthia, and Argolis, in the reign of 
Hadrian ^ In one place he states that the theatre 
bf Herodes at Athens was not begun when he wrote 
his Attica, and that it was finished when he wrote 
his seventh book or Achaica. From another passage 
we learn that in the thirteenth year of Marcus Aure- 
lius, he was still employed on his Prior Eliacs, which 
is the fifth of his ten books ^. It is manifest, there- 
fore, that the travels of Pausanias in Greece, and 
their description, furnished employment during the 
greater part of his life. That his knowledge could 
not have been derived from a transient view of 
Greece, is evident from the minuteness of his 
remarks on the topography, antiquities, local history, 
and traditions of every part of the country. 

^ Attic. 5, 5. Corinth. 27, 7. In the latter place Pau- 
sanias describes several costly buildings erected in the Epidau- 
rian Hierum by Antoninus, a senator ; this could scarcely have 
been any other than the successor of Hadrian, who, until the last 
year of the reign of that emperor, was no more than a senator. 
Again, in the Arcadics, (9, 4,) Pausanias remarks that he had seen 
statues and pictures of Antinous, but had never seen that person 
when living (jier* iivdpwwtay fuv en ahroy ovra oi/K eI3bv), which 
seems to imply that they were cotemporaries. Antinous accom- 
panied Hadrian into Egypt in the year ISO, and died there in 
132, six years before the death of Hadrian himself. Pausanias 
could scarcely at that time have been less than twenty-five or 
thirty years of age, if he had already visited Athens and Argolis ; 
nor is it likely that he was much older, as thirty-six years after- 
wards he had not written the half of his Periegesis. 

' Eliac. prior, 1,1. He remarks that 217 years had then elapsed 
from the time of the restoration of Corinth by Julius Caesar. 
See above, p. 21, note 1. 


The length of time which he employed in these 
researches, may be accounted for by repeated in- 
terruptions, and by long intervals between his 
different visits to Greece ^ ; for he appears to have 
been a native of Ionia*, and in the course of his 
life to have made many distant journeys into foreign 
countries. He had seen a part of Arabia'; had 
visited Egyptian Thebes^; and had penetrated to 
the temple of Jupiter Ammon in Libya \ In 
Judsea' he had particularly examined Joppa', the 

' Some proof of this may be found in bis change of opinion on 
pardcalar qaestions. Thas in the Attica he twice quotes the 
Theogonia as a genuine production of Hesiod, but towards the 
end of his work never mentions it without expressing doubts on 
that head, which were confirmed at the temple of the Muses in 
Mount Helicon. Pausan. Attic. 24, 7. 28, 6. Arcad. 18, 1. 
Boeot. 27, 2. 31, 5. 35, 1. 

' That he was an Ionian, may be presumed from his know- 
ledge of the Ionian cities, and the interest which he took in them, 
as shown by his remarks on them in his Achaica, and from his 
reference to the Ionic mode of constructing Agorae, which is 
introduced incidentally into his description of Elis. The fol- 
lowing passage gives reason to believe that his native place and 
ordinary residence were Magnesia ad Sipylum. 

Kol ec roit X^iwiTaif Ta vraXov fiiv Xi/Jtyti rt dir* avrov KaKovfiiytj 
Kal ovK ii6ayfiQ ra^c. IleXoiroc ie kv ScirvX^ iikv Bp6voQ iv Kopw^j 
rov opovc c^y wrip r^c HXatrriiyfic fii^rpoc r6 Icpov. itaPdvri Be 
^V»piiov wora^dy 'Ai^poilrriQ fiyaXfia iy Tii/Jiy^ iniroiiifiiyoy U 
fivprlyfic rc6i|Xv/ac* Pausan. Eliac pr. 1 3, 4. 

For although Magnesia is not here named, it is identified by 
the lake of Tantalus, which is found on Mount Sipylus, and the 
river Hermus, which flows in face of that city. 

* BcBot. 28, 2. * Attic, 42, 2. 
» Eliac. prior, 15, 7. Boeot. 16, 1. 

* Eliac. post. 24, 6. Phocic. 12, 5. 
' Messen. 35, 6. 


Jordan, the lake of Tiberias, and the Dead Sea ' ; 
nor can it be doubted that he visited also the 
northern part of Syria, as well from the manner in 
which he mentions the Orontes and Daphne ^ as from 
the particular notice which he bestowed on Antioch \ 
He had travelled through many parts of Asia 
Minor \ and had inspected the cities of Ionia and 
of some of the neighbouring provinces, with no less 
attention than those of Greece^. He had visited 
Rome and other parts of Italy ^ had travelled 
in Epirus^ Macedonia ^ Thrace and Thessaly^ 
and in the islands of Sicily ^^ Sardinia, and Cor- 
sica ^^ 

In regard to his writings, it appears that he com^* 
posed a work upon Syria ", which has not reached us, 
and that it was chiefly historical, his book on Antioch 
having probably formed a part of it ^*. In Greece he 
seems to have confined his minute researches to the 
Peloponnesus and the south-eastern provinces of con- 
tinental Greece ; incorporating in his description 

' Eliac. prior, 7» 3. 

2 Eliac. post 2, 4. Arcad. 23, 4. 29, 3. 

* Stephan. in ZeXcvici^jSiyXoc* Tzetz. Ch. 7, 118. 
' Achaic. 17, 5. BceoU 21, 4. Phodc. 32. 

* Messen. 35, 6. Achaic. 2. 3. 4. 5. Phocic. 12, 2—4. 

' Eliac. prior, 12, 1 — 4. Arcad. 46, 2. Boeot. 21, 1. 
Phocic. 5. 5. 

' Attic. 13, 2. 17, 5. ' Eliac. post. 5, 3. Boeot. 40, 4. 

' Attic. 13, 2. Eliac. post. 5, 2. Achaic. 27, 2. 

'• Eliac. prior, 23, 5. " Phocic. 17. 

^* Stephan. Byz. in Fo/SjSa, Td(a, AJpoc, Mapiafi/i/a, 


" See Appendix IV. on the variotts writers named Pausa- 


of them, some of the remarks which he made in his 
trarels to the north and west of Mount (Eta. The 
insertion, in his Achaiea, of his obsenrations upon 
the cities of Ionia, indicates at least that such was 
his process in regard to Asiatic Greece ; leaving little 
doubt upon the whole, that his rXcpinyiKnc rnc 
'EXXaSoc was his principal work, and that it was 
the only one which he completed and published, ex<- 
cept that on Syria. Stephanus of Byzantium, who 
often refers to these productions of Pausanias, 
notices no others. He mentions the Periegesis of 
Greece as divided into ten books, bearing the 
names still attached to them, and that on Syria as 
being in not less than six books. 

It is perhaps fortunate for us that Strabo and 
Pausanias were men of opposite characters, and that 
they adopted a totally different plan in their travels 
and writings. Strabo had adorned and strengthened 
a mind, naturally powerful and philosophical, with 
all the learning of the age, together with the expe- 
rience derived from extensive travels ^ Pausanias 
seems not to have been equal to Strabo in the acterU 
of his travels, or in his intellectual qualities; and 
he was certainly less fortunate in the time in which 
he lived. He was infected with all the super- 
stition and credulity of an ardent votary of poly- 
theism, but they appear to have been accompanied 
by a sincere love of honour and justice, and of the 
virtues which had ennobled ancient Greece, not 
unmixed with a melancholy consciousness that the 

* He informs as, p. 117» that he had visited all the countries 
from Armenia to Etruria, and firom Ethiopia to the Euxine. 


£BJ>ric of his devotion was rapidly falling to rain. 
Strabo, although well acquainted with the parts of 
Asia, surrounding his native city Amasia, and those 
places where his residence had been longest, bestowed, 
in general, no great time or attention on particular 
countries, trusting in great measure to the informal 
tion of other authors of various times, whom he 
oflben cites, and taking a general view of all 
the geography known in his time, which he dis- 
cusses more as a philosopher and historian, than as 
a geographer. The description of Greece, therefore, 
by Strabo, although luminous and accurate in parti- 
cular instances, is extremely imperfect, when com- 
pared with that which Pausanias has left us. He 
adverts to some of the most celebrated regions with 
scarcely any other notice than that of their total ruin 
and desolation ; and he speaks of the annihilation of 
cities, where Pausanias, almost two centuries later, 
found much to describe, and of some of which there 
still exist considerable remains. As his account of the 
sea-coast is generally more accurate and detailed 
than that of the inland districts, we are tempted to 
believe that few jmrts of the interior were visited by 
him, but that his travels in Greece were principally 
perfonned by sea. 

The work of Pausanias, on the contrary, bears 
undoubted marks of the author having subjected 
every part of that country to a minute personal ex- 
amination ; and no writer more strongly possesses 
internal evidence of truth and fidelity. His style 
is dry and inanimate, his phraseology affected ^ and 

' It 18 supposed that Pausanias took Herodotus for his model ; 
if so, he has most unhappily missed the perspicuous simplicity of 


sometimes ambigaous ; and his language, when com- 
pared with that of Strabo, serves to show how much 
the written Greek had declined in the century and 
a half which had elapsed from the time of the one 
writer to that of the other. Except in some detached 
passages of history, he is very deficient in method ; 
and often disappoints the reader by some absurd 
question of mythology, in place of those particulars 
of history, topography, or art, which it would have 
been interesting to know. To say that it is 
*' worthy of being seen," (dcac a^cov) is the strongest 
expression of admiration which he bestows upon 
some of the inimitable performances of the great 
masters of Grecian sculpture ; and he passes without 
the slightest change of manner, from the description 
of some splendid colossus in ivory and gold, the work 
of a Phidias, or a Praxiteles, to that of a group of 
small figures in clay, or of some ancient statue in 
wood. But this cold conciseness furnishes the best 
assurance that he has fiuthfuUy described Greece as 
he found it; and a,t this distance of time, in the 
absence of all other authority of the same kind» 
one cannot but value his work the more, from 
his having been deficient in that ardour of genius, 
which often makes travellers the dupes of their 
own feelings, and leads them to exaggerate and 
misrepresent. Together with many historical cir- 
cumstances, and a large portion of the mythology 

that author. The occasional lonisms of Pausanias may he attri- 
huted perhaps to his origin ; though in his time they were rather 
a veminisoenee than a custom. 


of Greece, of which we ehould otherwise have 
been ignorant, Pausanias has preserved for us much 
important information, and such as none but a 
diligent traveller could have obtained, upon the 
history of those arts in which the Greeks have 
BO peculiarly excelled all other nations. 

It is little to say of him, that in accuracy he 
is superior to his cotemporaries, Pliny, Diodorus, 
and Plutarch, as he had the advantage over them 
of having been an autaptes of all he described. 
By the actual inspection of a great number of monu- 
ments and records unvisited or unknown by the 
learned of his time, he has been enabled to excel 
every other author in giving us an adequate idea of 
the genius, study, and skill, which the Greeks applied 
to the arts of design ; of the extent to which those 
qualities were exercised ; of that combination of 
private economy, and public magnificence, which 
adorned the smallest city with some elegant build- 
ing or work of art; as well as of the immense 
number of those productions, which, in spite of all 
the calamities to which Greece had been exposed, 
still rendered the country one great museum as 
late as the latter end of the second century of our 

But replete as the work of Pausanias is with 
information of this kind, it is still too confined to 
do justice to the fertiUty of his subject. It unfor- 
tunately happened that the author^s favourite pur- 
suits were those of an antiquary, mythologist, or 
devout polytheist, rather than those of an historian or 
topographer ; and that his judgment in matters of 


art naturally partook of the declining taste of the 
times in which he lived. His written remarks seem 
also to have heen in many instances modified by 
prudential considerations, arising from the political 
circumstances of the times. Such a zealous admirer 
of the antiquities and mythology of the Greeks 
could not be otherwise than extremely shocked at 
the prostitution to vicious or tyrannical Romans, 
of the divine honours conferred upon the ancient 
heroes. ** Evil (he remarks in the Arcadica ^) has 
now arrived at such a pitch as to overspread every 
land and every city, and men are raised to the dignity 
of gods during their lives by the excess of compliment 
and flattery." A mixed sentiment of fear and indig- 
nation often produced upon him the effect of silence 
or obscurity, and induced him while he kept his 
attention steadily fixed upon the productions of the 
best times of Greece, to pass unnoticed her nume- 
rous monuments of national degradation. 

But it is chiefly in his description of Athens 
that we have to lament the brevity of Pausanias. 
Here, besides the confined nature of his under- 
taking, which obliged him in eveiy part of the 
country to confine his narrative to the most remark- 
able objects \ he was at once oppressed by the co- 

* Paosan. Arcad. 2, 2. 

' roc yap eUopa^ rac iL^riaripac ypd^tiv ovk iOiXui, Attic. 

*0w&4m a aJiuL i^iyero eJvai /uioi Ocac htiyiityofiai. Attic. 35 » 4. 

dicicpivt ii dw6 tAv xoKkiav e£ af>x>IC o Xoyot; /not rh cc 
ffvyy pa^^r dytiKovra, Attic. 39, 3. 

oU iy rj 9vyypa^^ fioi rp 'ArOi^* iwayopStitfjLa iyiyiro, ^ij ra 
rdyra fte <^£4Cf aXXo ra fAoXuna ajio fiyiifJiili ewiXiUifityoy 



piousness of the subject, and bj tbe reflection that he 
was at the beginning of a work which was to compre^ 
hend the whole of Greece ^ When it is considered, 
moreover, that there existed at that time several works 
descriptive of Athens', we are no longer surprised at 

air* avTtSy eipriKirai, ^riXkuru ^fj wpd tov \oyov rov cc Sirapria- 
rac' ifiol yap c£ apx^C iBiXritrev 6 \6yo£ dr6 ToXKvy Kal ohK 
diiiay di^riyii9€iact Jy ccacrroc irapa a^iffi Xiyovmv, diroicplyai ra 
ditoXoyifrara, Lacon. c. 11, 1* 

oi)3c awdffbfy ktrrfiKaviy dydpidyrec oh^i tovtoiq jtainy ewiUtfJ^i 
.... oirSffoiQ ci jj avroiQ €Jx€v ec 2<${av, fj role iiy^ptdffiv vrrjp^iy 
afi€tvoy kripwy ireiroc^ffOac, roffavra ical avroc fiyrioBiiffOfiai, 
Eliac. post. 1, 1. 

* In the midst of his description of the Acropolis, he checks 
himself by saying, Aei hi fit ai^ixicBai rrn Xoyov wpotna, frdyra 
ofioli^Q ixe^tdyra ra *£XXi7viica. Attic. 26, 5. 

' The principal ircptiyyi^rai who wrote on the topography and 
edifices of Athens were Polemon and Heliodorus. The former, 
sumamed Zri^Xocoirac, from having been a collector of inscriptions, 
flourished about 200 b.c, and among many other works wrote 
four books on the dedications of the Acropolis, a book on the 
pictures of the Propylsea, and another on the Sacred Way 
(Strabo, p. 396. Herodicus ap. Athen. 6, 6 [26]. Athen, 10, 10 
[48]. 10, 12 [59]. 11, 6 [43]. 11, 11 [72]. 13,6 [51]. Harpoc. 
in Nc/Ltc/ac XapaBpat 'lepd 'Oidc, AafiwAc Suid. in UoXifiiay). 

Heliodorus was author of 15 books on the Acropolis, of 
Uepl Ttiy fiyrifiaruty, in not less than three books, and Ucpi 
Twy ^AOiiyrivi rpiwohuty, Vit. X. Rhet. in Hyperid. Harpoc. in 
GerraXoc, ^Oyirnap, UpoirvXaia. Harpoc, Suid- in N/ci| 'AOi^ra. 
Two other writers on similar subjects were Diodorus 6 Ilepciiyiiri^c 
(Pluterch. Thes. 86. Themist. 32. Cimon. 16. Harpoc. in 
KoXtaivtVac) and Menecles or Callistratus (Harpoc. in 'Eicardft- 
wthoy, Kcpa/Ltecrc^c. Harpoc, Suid., Phot, in '£p/Lta7. Schol. Aris- 
toph. Av. 395). Ammonius of Lamptra wrote a book on altars 
(Schol. in Hermogen. c. de Suav.). 

To these we may add, as having incidentally illustrated the 
topography and buildings of Athens, many parts of the 'Ar9i2ec 


the obscure conciseness of his topographical descrip- 
tion of the city, or at the brevity with which he has 
treated of some of its most interesting monuments ^ 

Strabo had felt equally oppressed by the magnitude 
of this part of his subject : he was still more brief in 
proportion as the plan of his work was more com- 
prehensive, and was satisfied with naming only a few 
of the principal places and buildings of Athens. 

The description given by Pliny of the Grecian 
pictures and statues collected at Rome in his time, 
concurs with the work of Pausanias, and with the 
general tenor of Grecian history, in leading us to 
believe that Greece Proper suffered less in its works 
of art, from Roman spoliation, than Sicily and Asiatic 
Greece. The subjugation of the European states was 
gradual, and accompanied by a succession of wars, 
alliances, and negotiations, during which the Romans 
met with resistance in every part of the country, and 
had cares of more immediate exigence than the 
collection of works of art — ^a pursuit which, even 
among conquerors the most anxious for such acqui- 
sitions^ easily yields to the promotion of political and 

or works of the historical antiquaries, Hellanicus, Cleidemus, 
Amelesagoras, Phanodemus, Androtion, Philochonis, Demon, 
Istros, Andron, who were all probably Athenians or Metoeci, and 
scarcely any less ancient than the third century b.c. See the 
fragments of these autliors collected by Linz and Siebelis, and 
for some account of the works of the greater part of them 
Clinton's Fasti Hellenici. 

^ Pausanias is particularly brief upon the subject of the Par- 
thenon ; but besides the works upon the Acropolis, just men- 
tioned, was the treatise upon the construction of that temple by 
the architect Ictinus himself, and Carpion, mentioned by Yitru- 
vins (prsef. in 1. 7)* 


military advantages, or to the levying of pecuniary 

The valuable spoil exhibited by T. Quinctius Fla- 
mininusy on his triumphal entry into Rome, after his 
long and successful command of the Roman armies in 
Greece, consisted chiefly of uncoined gold and silver, 
with a great number of the celebrated gold coins of 
Macedonia, called Philippi \ When a few years after 
the departure of Flamininus, Q. Fulvius Nobilior 
plundered the temples of the gods at Ambracia, he 
was obliged by the Roman senate to restore the 
statues'. Impressed with veneration for a common 
religion, and wishing to conciliate a half-subdued 
people, who commanded respect by their superior 
civilization, the Romans were at first unwilling to 
violate the temples where the choicest works of 
Grecian art were generally deposited as offerings. 

It was not long, however, before their victories 
over the Carthaginians, and their increasing influence 
in Greece and Asia, rendered some of them less 
scrupulous* The conquest of Syracuse by Marcellus 
was soon followed by the triumphs of P. iBmilius 
Paullus, and Q. Ceecilius Metellus, over Macedonia, 
and of Mummius for the conquest of Achaia'. To 

' Plutarch. Flamin. 14. 

» Liv. 38, 44. From Pliny, however, H. N. 35, 10 (36), 
and from Eumenins Rhetor (pro restaur. Scholia, 7), it appears 
that the nine Muses of Amhracia were retained at Rome in a 
temple of Hercules. 

' The numerous statues brought from Macedonia by ^milius 
Paullus are mentioned by Plutarch. Two of them were by 
Phidias (Plin. H. N. 34, 8). Metellus Macedonicus carried to 
Rome from Dium the equestrian statues by Lysippus of the 
Macedonians, who fell in the battle of the Granicua. (Arrian. de 


these events, and to the great number of books, 
statues, and pictures, which they introduced into 
Rome, is to be ascribed the rise and the establishment 
of that taste for the arts and literature of Greece, 
which soon essentially altered the Roman character. 

After the entire conquest of Asia, this taste quickly 
degenerated into luxury, and was often gratified at 
the expense of the Grecian cities. It sufficiently 
appears irom the orations of Cicero against Verres, 
that provincial governors, by violence, solicitation, or 
more frequently by forced purchase, deprived the 
public edifices of the Greeks of many pictures and 
statues ; but it is not less evident from the expres- 
sions of the orator, that such practices were held in 
the greatest disrepute among the Romans in general, 
and that the Greeks indulged in a manifestation of 
resentment at such spoliations, which equally prove 
that they were not very common. 

Pausanias, in mentioning a single example by Sylla', 
expressly remarks, that such things were contrary to 
the usual conduct of the Romans (ii9ovc iXXovfia tov 
TwfMioiy,) and he adds, that it was for this sacrilege 
of Sylla, and for his treatment of the cities of Thebes, 
Athens, and Orchomenus, that the gods afilicted him 
with the disgusting disease of which he died. 

During the ages which elapsed between the first 

Exp. Alex. 1, 16. VeU. Patcrc. 1,11. Plin. H. N. 84, 8 (19). 
Mnmmius and Lncullns SUed Rome with brazen statues, brought 
by the former from Achaia, and by the latter from Asia (Plin. 
ibid.). Polybius, though an admirer of the Romans, blames them 
for filling their city with the pictures and statues of the countries 
which they had conquered. 

' He carried off an ivory statue of Minerva from her temple at 
Alaloomense. Besot. ZS, 4. 


entrance of the Romans into Greece, and the com- 
plete establishment of their power over that country, 
Attica appears to have suffered less than anj of the 
countries which the arts of Greece had adorned. 
Once only in the course of this time was the citj 
exposed to the pillage of a victorious armj. After 
the aiRsault by Sylla, it is not to be supposed that his 
soldiers, who even carried away the votive shields 
from the Stoa Eleutherius, left in the Cerameicus, or 
adjacent parts of the city, many valuable works of 
art of easy transportation. But Sylla himself abstained 
from this kind of plunder; and there is reason to 
believe that he never exercised his privileges of a con- 
queror by the removal of any of the more celebrated 
Athenian works of art^ The description by Pau- 
sanias of the state of Athens^ 250 years afterwards, 
compared veith the enumeration, given by Pliny, of 
the Grecian statues at Rome, furnish a strong pre- 
sumption in favour of this opinion ; nor do we find 
in the account which Plutarch has left us of the 
triumph of Sylla, any of that display of Grecian 
statuary works, and other similar plunder, which 
distinguished the triumphal entries of ^milius 
PauUus, Metellus Macedonicus, Mummius, LucuUus, 
and Pompey. It is true that Sylla removed to Rome 
some columns which had been prepared for the temple 
of Jupiter Olympius, for the purpose of adapting them 
to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus * ; and he seized 

' For the conduct of Sylla at Athens, see Strabo, p. 398. 
Appian. de B. Mithrid. 38—39. Plutarch. Syll. 12—14. Pau- 
san. Attic. 20, 3. Phocic. 21, 8. 

' Columnis demum utebantur in templis. non lautitise causa 
(nondum enim ista intelligebantur), sed quia firmiores aliter 


Upon the library of Apellicon of Teus, which had 
been first collected by Aristotle, and augmented by 
Theophrastus^ But money for the support of his 
army was his great object. He pillaged the sacred 
treasuries of Delphi, Olympia, and Epidanrus * ; and 
when the Acropolis of Athens capitulated, he took 
forty pounds of gold, and six hundred of silver, from 
the Opisthodomus '• 

The good fortune of Athens, during the Roman 
wars in Greece, was partly the effect of her early 
alliance with Rome, and arose in part from the vene- 
ration in which she was held as the mother of learn- 
ing and the arts. This respect increased with the ad- 
vancement of the Romans in Grecian civilization ; 
and it was fostered by the opinion, which soon pre- 
vailed among the opulent at Rome, that their edu- 
cation was incomplete veithout the study of Greek 
literature, and a residence at Athens. In the advan- 
tages derived from these sentiments, all the surround- 
ing provinces of Greece, full of places illustrious by 
their sanctity and ancient celebrity, would naturally 
in some degree participate. 

statai noD poterant. Sic est inchoatum Athenis templum Jovis 
Olympii, ex quo Sylla Capitolinis eedibus advexerat columnas. 
(Plin. H. N. 36, 6 (5). Such columnn could hardly have been 
of so late a date as those of the temple undertaken by Antiochus 
Epiphanes ; Sylla, therefore, seems to have carried off the old 
columns of the building begun by Peisistratus. 

^ Plutarch. Syll. 26. Stiabo, p. 609. 

' Appian. Mithridat. 54. Pausan. Boeot. 7» 4. 

* Appian. Mithr. 39. The gold of the statue of Minerva in 
the Parthenon had been carried off 210 years before, by Lachares ; 
yet Pausanias describes the statue as still made of ivory and gold 
in his time. 


The opportunities of collecting plunder of everj 
kind, which occurred to the Romans in authority in 
the conquered countries, ceased in great measure with 
the establishment under Augustus, of a new system 
of government throughout the Roman world. From 
this time no extensive spoliation of Grecian works of 
art could be undertaken but by the emperors them- 
selves ; and such was still the influence of a com- 
mon religion, that to remove sacred oflferings from 
temples, could only be inflicted as a punish- 
ment upon an offending city, or undertaken by 
those emperors who were totally indifferent to public 

Augustus removed some dedications from the 
temple of Minerva Alea, at Tegea, because Tegea 
had led the whole confederacy of Arcadia, ex- 
cept Mantineia, to take part against him in his 
war with Antony '• Pausanias justifies this action by 
the right of conquest; but as he mentions several 
occasions upon which statues had been removed from 
Grecian temples by conquerors, beginning from the 
war of Troy, without alluding to another instance in 
which the Romans had exercised a similar privilege, 
he furnishes a strong argument that such examples 
were not very frequent 

The celebrated Cupid in bronze by Lysippus, 
which was removed from Thespise to Rome by Cali- 

^ Pausan. Arcad. 46, 2. The objects which Augustas re- 
moved from Tegea to Rome were more curious than beautiful ; 
namely, an ivory statue of early date by Endoeus, and the 
teeth of the Calydonian boar. The former was placed in 
the entrance of the forum of Augustus, and one of the tusks 
was seen by Pausanias in the temple of Bacchus in the gardens 
of Caesar. 


gula, was restored to its temple by Claudias ' ; and 
we find that, even under the tyrant Nero, Bareas 
Soranus, his proconsul in Asia, sensible how deeply 
the injury would be felt by one of the most flourish- 
ing cities of his government, ventured to oppose 
Acratus in collecting works of art for the emperor, 
and prevented him from removing some sacred 
offerings from Pergamus*. 

The only Roman emperors who are recorded as 
having despoiled Greece of its productions of art are 
Caligula and Nero. 

Caligula deprived Greece of some renowned 
works in painting and sculpture, and ordered some of 
the most celebrated statues to be brought to Rome, 
in order by changing the heads to convert them into 
statues of himself. But as these excesses were not 
begun until the middle of his short reign, and both 
the Greeks and Romans of that time lent themselves 
unwillingly to such sacrilege, his spoliations were 
never carried into execution to the extent which he 
designed. The celebrated chryselephantine statue 
of Jupiter at Olympia by Phidias, for the removal of 
which he gave orders, still remained in its place 135 
years afterwards '. 

> PausAD. Boeot 27, 3. 

' Tacit Ann. 16, 23. 

' Pansan. Eliac. pr. 1 1, 1. Chandler, in supposing (Travels in 
Gneoe, 15), that a Jupiter Olympius was removed at this time 
from Athens to Rome, seems to have mistaken the words of 
Suetonius, (Calig. 22.) which are as follows : ** datoque negotio, 
ut simulacra numinum, religione et arte praeclara, inter quae 
Olympii Jovis, apportarentur k Grsecia, quibus, capite dempto, 
suum imponeret.*' Here is no mention of Athens ; it is clear, 
therefore, that Suetonius meant the same Jupiter which Dion 
CaMiu8(59, 28) andJo8ephu8(Ant. Jud. 19, 1) expressly state in 



It was by Nero that the cities of Greece aud 
Asia were most cruelly plundered of their works 
of art. According to Dion Chrysostom^ who wrote 
about fifty years afterwards, Nero spared no 
place : except Rhodes ; but notwithstanding this 
strong testimony, the words of which would even lead 
us to believe that Athens had suffered more than 
any other city upon this occasion ', we learn from 
Pliny, that there still remained after Nero's spoli- 
ation, 3000 statues at Athens, and as many at Olym- 
pia and Delphi ' ; and it is remarkable that among 
the Greek statues at Rome, enumerated by the same 
author ^ and the great part of which, as he tells us^ 
were transported thither by Nero, few are stated to 

reference to the same actions of Caligula, to have been that of 
Olympia, and concerning "which, it is clear firom all these authors, 
that the orders of Caligula were never executed. Memmius 
Regulus, whom he charged with the commission to remove it, 
excused his delay by stating, among other prodigies, that the god 
uttered a loud laugh when the attempt was made to move him. 
Sneton. Calig. 57. 

^ Ncp«i»v TotavTtiy iirtOvfiiay Kal airov^ily ircpi touto £X^''> ^^^^ 
firiii TtSy e( 'OXv/iir/ac itwoajdiffdat, /iiy^c ruv U ^eXi^v^ co/roi 
fravTiay fAoKivra rt/jiiitrac ravra Ta lepd* trt ^c rove tXccotovc tAv Ik 
rfjc *AKpoir6Xc«i»c ^AdiivriBtv furtyiyickfv. Dion Chrys. Orat. Rhod. 
p. 355 Morell. According to Pausanias, Delphi was the place 
that chiefly suffered, Nero having taken from thence no less than 
500 brazen statues (Phocic. 7, 1 ), but from Olympia, where he 
left some garlands, as a dedication of his own, not above three or 
four statues (Eliac. prior, 25, 5, 26, 8) ; from Thespise he removed 
once more the Cupid of Lysippus, which was finally destroyed 
at Rome by fire (Pausan. Bceot. 27» 3). The Cupid in marble 
by Praxiteles had been carried to Rome before the time of Strabo, 
and in that of Pliny was in the schools of Octavia. Strabo, 
p. 410. Plin. H. N. 36, 5 (4). Pausan. Boeot. 27, 3, 

» H. N. 34, 7. • H. N. 34, 8. 


have been brought from Greece Proper, and not one 
from Athens. We perceive from Pausanias that> 
long after the time of Nero, the Acropolis still pre- 
served its most celebrated dedications. There is some 
reason to think, therefore, that the most eminent cities 
of Greece did not suffer greatly even in the reign of 
this emperor; that the name of Athens still com- 
manded respect, sufficient to divert the collectors 
into places more distant and obscure ; and that Se- 
cundus Carinas, the agent for Nero's collections in 
Greece, vras less nctive or successful in that province 
than Acratus in Asia \ It is not improbable that the 
religious veneration, and the general respect of the 
Romans for Athens, v^hich had so long protected it, 
operated in some measure upon the superstitious 
mind of Nero himself; for we are told that, when 
so near as Corinth, he was afraid to visit Athens, 
because it was the abode of the Furies *, whose venge- 
ance he feared for the same crime for which they 
had tormented Orestes. The strong terms in which 
Dion Chrysostom alludes to the robberies of Acratus 
in Asia \ and the favours conferred upon Greece by 
Nero, which Plutarch and Pausanias are far from 
denying \ are further reasons for thinking that Asia 

* Per Asiam atque Achaiara, non dona tantum sed simulacra 
naminum abripiebantur, missis in eas provincias, Acrato et Se- 
cnndo Carina te ; ilie libertus cuicanqae flagitio promptus, hie 
Grseci doctrini ore tenus exercitus, animum bonis artibus non 
induerat Tacit. Ann. 15, 45. 

* Dion Cass. 63. 14. 

' "Icrt yap" AKparov eiceivov, 5c Trjy ohcoviuyfiv ir\iioy &iraoay 
Tipitkdity rovTov x&piy KaX firiBe Ktiffifiy irapdt fxriiefilay. Dion 
Chrysost, ubi sup. 

* Plutarch. Flamin. 12. Pausan. Achaic. 17> 2. 


suffered more than Greece from that monsters pas- 
sion for collecting statues. 

But, however numerous the statues taken from 
Greece hy Nero, by Caligula, or by some of the Ro- 
mans, who enjoyed uncontrolled power in Greece in 
the time of the republic, may have been, we have still 
the undoubted testimony of Pausanias that hr the 
greater part of the most perfect monuments of Gre- 
cian skill and genius remained untouched in the 
time of the Antonines, and that the sanctity of Del- 
phi, Olympia, Epidaurus, Helicon, and of noany other 
temples both in the cities and sacred groves, still 
afforded protection to numerous works of Onatas, 
Calamis, Alcamenes, Phidias, Myron, Polycleitus, 
Praxiteles, Lysippus, and other eminent artificers 
of ancient sculpture. 

It was somewhat different with regard to paintings. 
Some of the works of Micon, Polygnotus, Apelles, 
Nicias, and other great masters, still remained in 
Greece in the time of Pausanias, but for the most 
part they were mural pictures on public buildings. 
The art of painting, which speaks more promptly 
and intelligibly to the vulgar sense than sculpture, 
has in every age and country excited more extensive 
admiration; for which reason and because tabular 
paintings are generally more moveable than statues, 
it became customary to coUect paintings among 
the Romans, even in the time of the republic, as 
well as among some of the Greek princes of the same 

^ Lucullus returning from the Mithradatic war, paid two 
talents at Athens for a ffre^a^i^irXoicoc, or woman wearing a gar- 


Not long after the age of the Antonines, a cause 
of destixiction began to operate, which, although slow 
in its progress, has been more surely fatal to the fine 
works of the ancients than Roman spoliation, or the 
religious zeal of the early Christians, or the ignorant 
violence of the northern barbarians. The decline of 
taste, which began to be very evident in the produc- 
tions of the age of Diocletian, went hand in hand 
with the decline of Paganism itself ; and as the artist 
of antiquity was inspired by the proud consciousness 
that his work was to be an object of religious wor- 
ship, and sometimes by the belief of divine assistance, 
so the decay of superstition was necessarily accom- 
panied by the inability to produce works equal in 
merit to those of the ancients, as well as by a neglect 
of the ancient works themselves, and by their gradual 

This cause had not been long in operation, when a 
more active motive of injury occurred in the hostility 
of the Christians towards idolatry. It happened, 
however, by a remarkable coincidence, that, at the 
same period when the conversion of the Roman 
emperors first enabled the Christians to raise their 
hands against those idols, which they had long de- 
nounced from the pulpit, a practice was revived at 
Constantinople, which tended to save a great number 

bad, by Pampfailos. Plin. H. N. 35, 11 (40). Attalus, at a 
•ale of the spoils of Mnmmius, purchased a Bacchus by Aris- 
tides at more than twenty times that sum, which induced the 
Roman conqueror to take back the picture, and place it in the 
temple of Ceres at Rome. Plin. N. U. 35, 4 (8), who adds, 
quam primam arbitror picturam extemam Romse publicatam. 


of ancient works from destruction^ though it had the 
effect of removing them from their original situ- 
ations. In attempting to make new Rome a rival of 
the old, it was an object with the founder of Con- 
stantinople, and many of his successors, to embellish 
the capital with statues, and other similar works 
of art. 

Constantino collected numerous monuments from 
Asia, plundered some of the sacred places of Greece, 
and laid Athens itself under contribution for statues 
to adorn his new capital; but as he not onty 
allowed a perfect toleration to the Pagans, but fa- 
voured their liberty of worship, and did not himself 
altogether renounce the Pagan deities, it is not 
to be supposed that he often removed any of the 
idols from the temples where their worship was still 

Constantius followed in general, with regard to the 
Pagans, the same line of policy ^ though if we may 
trust to Libanius, he, in some instances, caused the 
temples to be thrown down, and made presents of 
their estates to his favourites ^ 

But, to whatever extent these excesses may 
have been carried, it seems evident that both 
from the collectors and the destroyers of the 
ancient works in the fourth century, the cities 
of Asia suffered much more than those of Eu- 
rope. Indeed, the work of destruction appears to 
have been confined almost entirely to the eastern 

' Gibbon iii. p. 404 et seq. Svo. 

' Monod. in Julian. I. p. 500, Reiske. Orat. pro Templis,. 
IT. p 185. 


provinces, where the Christians were more numerous, 
and where the national manners still partook of 
their original harbarism, in proportion to their dis- 
tance from the centre of Grecian civilization. The 
cities of Asia, moreover, were more conveniently 
situated for the transportation of the objects to Con- 
stantinople, than those of European Greece : and it is 
remarkable, that, among the places enumerated by 
Codinus, as having contributed their works of art to 
the ornament of the new capital \ all, except Athens, 
were in Asia. 

But neither in Athens nor in any part of Greece, 
properly so called, is it probable that such spoli- 
ations were carried to a great extent during any part 
of the period in which the collecting of ancient 
works of art chiefly prevailed at Constantinople ; nor 
does it appear that the occasional demonstrations of 
the emperors against Paganism were there attended 
with any destructive effect to the temples and sacred 
offerings. The Isthmian, Pythian, and Nemean 
games were still celebrated : the Roman colony of 
Corinth still indulged in the slaughtering of wild 
beasts in the theatre ' : and the temples were in 
general open to the Pagan rites, until the reign of 
Theodosius '. 

Athens enjoyed the particular fitvour of some of 
the early Byzantine emperors; and there is no 
record of her having experienced a different treat- 
ment from any of them. Constantino gloried in 
being appointed <rrparriyoc of Athenp, and, in return 

' Oeorg. Codin. de Origin. Constant, p. 29, Paris. 

' Jalian Epist. 35. ' Zosim. 4, 29. 


for the honour of a statue, which the Athenians con* 
ferred upon him, he presented the city with a yearly 
gratuity of com ' : Constans followed his example by 
bestowing several islands upon the city ^. 

Julian was anxious to show his partiality to 
Athens, as well from religious motives, as from 
the affection which he entertained for it as his place 
of education. His brief reign wa« soon followed 
by the struggles of the empire against the Goths, 
in the course of which Athens, though repeatedly 
assailed by them, suffered scarcely any injury in its 
buildings and works of art, chiefly in consequence of 
its having been a fortified town, the barbarians pos- 
sessing little skill in the reduction of such places. 
In the first invasion of the Goths in the reigns of 
Philip and Decius, Philippopolis, which they cap- 
tured, was the extent of their progress towards 
Greece'. Three years afterwards, in the reign of 
Valerian, the Greeks, alarmed at their approach, for- 
tified the isthmus and occupied Thermopylae, while 
the Athenians repaired the defences, which, secure 
in the protection of Rome, they had neglected firom 
the time of the dilapidation of the walls by Sylla. 
But Thessalonica was alone sufficient to check the 
progress of the invaders, and to prevent their nearer 
approach to Athens *. It was not until fourteen years 

' Julian Orat. 1. p. 8, Spanh. The principal duty of the 
(TTparriydQ at that period, was to superintend the provisioning 
of the city, which accounts for the title having been conferred 
upon Constantine. 

' Eunap. de Philos. in Proseres. p. 123, Genev. 

^ A. D. 250. Ammian. 31, 16. Aur. Victor Epit. 29. Zosim. 
1,24. Zonar. 12, 21. Jornand. 16 — 18. 

* Zosim. 1, 29. Zonar. 12, 23. 



later, in the reign of Gallienus, that southern Greece 
was first afficted with the actual presence of the 
barbarians. This was the third of their naval expe- 
ditions, and the first which advanced beyond the Hel- 
lespont. Crossing the iKgsean, thej anchored in the 
Peirsseus, disembarked their forces, and marched to 
the Asty. While employed in besieging, or, accord- 
ing to some authorities, in plundering the city, 
Dexippus an Athenian \ in company with Cleo- 
damus an engineer, who had been sent by the 
emperor to provide for the security of the maritime 
cities, made his way to the harbour with a body of 
troops, and attacking the hostile armament, obliged 
the Groths to abandon the city, and to re-embark, 
after which they proceeded to Epirus ^ Two years 

' Apparently the same Dexippus, an Athenian rhetorician 
and historian (^iiTwp koI iWopck-oc) who lived in the reigns of 
Valerian, Gallienusi Claudius II. and Aurelian (Suid. in Aikimrog), 
and of whose historical works we find a valuable fragment 
relating to the Macedonian kings, in S3nicellus (p. 264, Paris) : 
another of his works was a history of legations, ending with 
Claudius II. and which was continued by Eunapius. (Script. 
Legat. in Hist. Byzant. I.) 

' Trebell. Poll, in Gallien. 5. Aur. Victor de Caesar. 33. 
Zosim. 1, 39. Zonar. 12,26. Syncell. Chronog. p. 382, Paris. 
Zosimus uses only the words T&y ^^KvBwy ^Adrivac iKTroXiopKfierciy' 
Tktv, Zonaras describes the barbarians as having collected all 
the books of the Athenians with the intention of burning them ; 
when one of the Gothic chiefs advised that they should be spared, 
because those who were addicted to books would never be for- 
midable in arms. Syncellus evidently exaggerates in asserting 
that the Goths took Byzantium, and burnt not only Athens, 
but Corinth, Argos, and Sparta. He admits, that they were 
surprised and beaten by the Athenians, and adds that 3000 were 
afterwards slain by Gallienus, at the river Nessus, in Thrace, 
which is confirmed by Zosimus. 



after this invasion, the Goths again issued from the 
Hellespont with a much larger armament than the 
former. Having entered the Thermaic gul^ they 
made a vain attempt upon Cassandria, and once 
more found the walls of Thessalonica impregnable. 
They then pursued a desolating march through 
Macedonia, Pelagonia, and Pseonia, into Mcesia, 
where they were defeated by the emperor Claudius, 
who thus acquired the Eponymon of Gothicus. 
The wrecks of their retreating horde overran Thes- 
saly, but made no attempt on Thermopylae, the great 
barrier of southern Greece, the garrison of which on 
the preceding occasion had been under the com- 
mand of Claudius himself*. Soon after the defeat 
and death of Valens at Hadrianople^ the Goths 
overran Thessaly and Epirus; but by the prudent 
counsels of Theodorus, prefect of Achaia, Athens, 
and the southern provinces, were saved on this 
occasion from their rapacity ' ; and it was not until 
sixteen years afterwards, that Alaric, assisted by a 
treacherous proconsul, who caused Thermopylae to 
be opened to him, ravaged Phocis and Boeotia, and 
without attempting Thebes, which was then well for- 
tified, hastened forward to Athens, one great object 
of his invasion. As he had recently become a Chris- 
tian, and was followed by a troop of monks, the 

' Zosim. 1, 43. Trebell. Poll, in Claud. 5—16. Eutrop. 9, 
1 1 . Aur. Victor de Caesar. 34. 

* A. D. 378. 

' The Athenians dedicated a statue of Theodorus, in marble, 
ou this occasion, and requested permission of the emperor Theo- 
dosius to erect one in brass. See Chandler Ins. Ant. p. 58. 
Boeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 373. 


idols and sacred buildings of Athens were in some 
danger : but Alaric, little provided with the skill or 
materials requisite for a siege, was not more inclined 
to encounter its delavs here than he had been at 
Thebes. Having entered the city as a friend, and 
accepted the hospitality and presents of the magis- 
trates, he departed peaceably out of Attica, and pro- 
ceeded to the Peloponnesus, where he took Corinth 
and Ai^os by force, and received the submission of 
Sparta ^ Zosimus, as a determined adherent of the old 
religion, attributes the escape of Athens from injury 
to the protecting divinities as well on this occasion, 
as on that of an earthquake which had ravaged 
Greece in the r^ign of Valens. He asserts that 
Alaric was deterred from attacking the walls of 
Athens by the apparition of Achilles and Minerva 
Promachus, prepared to defend them. 

Some words of the poet Claudian, and a rhetorical 
flourish of Synesius', have been thought to prove 
that Zosimus has not been correct in representing 
the moderation of Alaric ; but the historian adds a 
hct which shows that Athens sustained no great 

* A. D. 396. Euuap. de Philos. in Maxim, p. 75. Zosim. 5, 
5—6. Claudian in Rufin. 2. v. 186. 

' The decline of Athens was a fine subject for the rhetorical 
taste of S3mesius, who seems also, as bishop of a town in the 
Cyrenaica, to have taken some pride in giving a preference to 
Alexandria over Athens, as the seat of learning in those days. 
He has certainly represented Athens as being in a more decayed 
condition than it could possibly have been in his time. It 
appears from Synesius, that the Pcecile had preserved its pictures 
until they were carried away by a proconsul. Synes. ep. ap. £p. 
Gnec. Mut. p. 192, 246. 


injury on this occasion. When he wrote his his- 
tory, many years after the departure of Alaric from 
Greece, the Minerva Promachus of Phidias, a colossus 
higher than the Parthenon, was still standing, toge- 
ther with other brazen statues in the Acropolis ^ 
We may be assured, that, if Alaric had plundered 
the citadel, the avarice of the conquerors would not 
have overlooked the metallic value of these monu- 
ments ; nor would the enemies of idolatry have left 
in its place so conspicuous an object of their ab- 
horrence as the Minerva Promachus. If the Chris- 
tian faith of Alaric had not armed him against such 
feelings, the sight of this great statue may by its 
effect upon his imagination have been one cause of 
his irresolution. 

The next attack of the barbarians upon Greece was 
from an opposite quarter. In the middle of the fifth 
century, the Vandals of Genseric from Africa, visited 
this among other countries on the shores of the Me- 
diterranean; and although the writers from whom 
the fact is known, have not particularly alluded to 
Attica on this occasion, there would be great diffi- 
culty in believing that it was saved from the tem- 
pest. Athens, however, was still fortified, as it 

* ....... r^v Upofxa^oy ^Adrivav luc itrrlv ahnjy opdv kv roic 

ayaXfiaoiv, Zosim. 5, 6. 

Zosimus, although a Pagan, held the rank of comes, and an 
office in the treasury (jkirof^ierKotrvyrfydQ, Phot. Myriobib. cod. 98.) 
at Constantinople. His history terminates in the year 410, in 
the reign of Theodosius II., but is supposed not to have been 
completed until after the fall of the western empire in 475. 
See the disquisitio in Zosimum annexed to Reitimeier's edition, 
8vo, Leipzig, 1784. 


continued to be a century later, when Justinian 
caused its walls to be repaired \ The city, there- 
fore, probably escaped without injury; for it was 
the practice of these pirates to make rapid incur- 
sions, carrying horses with them for this purpose, 
seldom engaging with regular troops, and still less 
waiting to attack fortified places ^ 

Notwithstanding a succession of edicts against the 
Pagans during the reigns of Theodosius, Arcadius, 
Honorius, and Theodosius the younger, the old reli- 
gion still subsisted in Greece, supported in great 
measure by the ancient fame of Athens, and the 
favour with which the emperors still treated it, 
granting protection to its schools of philosophy and 
letters, and by a necessary consequence tolerating in 
some degree the ancient superstition. At Athens, 
therefore, and in all the south-eastern part of Greece, 
of which Athens was the chief city, as it has con- 
tinued to be to the present day, it is probable that 
the imperial edicts against sacrifices were, if not 
openly, secretly at least, transgressed in the temples. 

If from some of those decrees, confirmed by 
contemporary authors, we perceive that the Christians 
were excited by them to a cruel persecution of 
Paganism, and to an extensive destruction of the 
emblems of the ancient worship, others tend to show 
that such excesses were never intended by the 
government, and that they were checked as soon as 

' Procop. de JEdiL 4, 2—23. 

' Procop. de £• Vandal. 1, 5, 22. Priscus ap. Excerpt. 
L^at. Hist. Byz. I. p. 42, Paris. Sidon. ApoUinar. Carm. 1, 
V. 348 — 5, V. 420—7, v. 441. Victor Vitens. de Persec. Van- 
dal. 1, 17. 


known. After baving forbidden idolatry, and the 
opening of temples to pagan sacrifices, the next 
object of the emperors seems to have been that of 
preserving the temples from destruction, in order 
to convert them to useful purposes ^ and, in con- 
sidering as merely ornamental the toreutic and glyp- 
tic works with which the Greek and Roman cities 
were still crowded, to save them as valuable ob- 
jects from the hands of bigotry or wanton violence. 
It appears that Theodosius adorned his capital with 
many of the finest and most curious ancient statues, 
after having removed them from their temples ; and 
that among them were the Venus of Cnidus, the Myn- 
dian Cupid, the Minerva of Lindus, and the celebrated 
statue of ivory and gold by Phidias, from Olympia, 
together with another Jupiter, a recumbent figure '. 

^ In the year 399 Arcadius and Honorius commanded the tem- 
ples to be destroyed for the repair of bridges, highways, aque- 
ducts, and city walls : but we may be assured that this edict 
was not executed, except in the instance of ruined buildings ; for 
the temples soon became, as churches, objects of the greatest 

' Compare Cedrenus (p. 254, Paris) with Codinus and an 
anonymous writer annexed to Codinus in the Byzantine History, 
vol. 21. See also some other anonymous remarks on the build- 
ings of Constantinople in Banduri,(Imp. Orient. I.) Codinus wrote 
after the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and copied much 
from the anonymous author, who wrote probably about the twelfth 
or thirteenth century (see Lambecii Animadv. in Codin.) : but 

both of them had had access to much earlier writings now losL 
The author to whom they were most indebted was Hesychius 
of Miletus, who lived in the time of Justinian. The statue of 
Minerva Lindia stood, together with the Jupiter of Dodona, 
before the senate-house. Zosim. 5, 24. Codin. p. 8. These 
two alone escaped destruction, when many other fine Grecian 
works were destroyed by lire in that building, in the year 404. 



Among the works enumerated by Cedrenus, or 
among those named by Nicetas, in describing the 
statues which were coined into money by the 
Franks after the capture of Constantinople in 
1204 ^ no mention occurs of any of the cele- 
brated works of Greece, with the exception of the 
Olympian Jove already mentioned, the Muses from 
Mount Helicon, and the Apollo of Delphi '. 

Some of the Byzantine writers assert indeed that 
Athens in particular had contributed many of the 
statues with which Constantino adorned his new 
city; but, among the few which are specified, we 
cannot recognise with certainty any of the celebrated 
productions which Pausanias and other writers have 
described K 

' Nicet. Clioniat. ap. Banduri Imp. Orient. I. p. 93. 

' Zosim. 2, 31. Euseb. de vita Const. 3, 54. Sozom. 2, 5. 
Socrat. ly 16. It appears from these authors that some tri- 
pods were brought from Delphi and placed in the Hippodrome, 
where remains of the monuments which ranged along its axis 
are still seen. One of these corresponds exactly to the triple 
serpent of brass, which served as a pedestal to the golden tripod 
dedicated at Delphi from the Persian spoils of Plataea (Herodot. 
9, 81). This tripod had been removed by the Phocians, B.C. 
358, leaving the stand, as Pausauias found it five centuries 
later (Phocic. 3, 5). Possibly a brazen tripod may ha^e after- 
wards been added for the sake of the stand and its history. 
P. Gyllius (de Topog. Const. 4, 8) refers to Sozomen as proving 
the monument of the Atmeidan or Hippodrome to be the identical 
tripod in question : but this writer describes not a tripod, but a 
statue of Pan, as having been the monument of the Persian war, 
removed by Constantine. The Muses, which are alluded to 
by Theroistius in an oration to Theodosius (Orat. 19) were 
destroyed in the conflagration mentioned in a preceding note. 

* Cedrenus describes a colossal Apollo converted into a Constan* 
Line, which stood on the summit of the column of porphyry now 


The state of the arts in the age of Constantine 
and his snccessors, may have operated to save some 
of the finest productions of the ancient masters 
from being removed from Greece ; for the declining 
taste of that period was hardlj competent to dis- 
tinguish all the merits of the ancient works, or suffi- 
ciently keen to prompt the Byzantine collectors to 
transport them from the places difficult of access, in 
which many of them were situated. 

It appears, moreover, that by &r the greater part 
of the statues at Constantinople represented Roman 
or Byzantine princes, or eminent men and women of 
the court, or saints, to whose images some miracu- 
lous properties were attributed. Some of these were 
undoubtedly ancient statues, converted by a change 
of head, or merely of name ; but many we may sup- 
pose to have been productions of the times when the 
persons lived. There is evidence also, that a very large 
proportion of the statues collected at Constantinople, 
had been brought from Rome K In Greece Proper 

called " the Burnt Pillar,'* and adds that it had been brought from 
Athens ; but, according to Zonaras and George of Alexandria, it 
was from Phrygia, which is the more probable, as Pausanias 
has not noticed any such colossus at Athens. 

Codinus mentions, as having been brought from Athens, some 
statues at the monument of the emperor Maurice, and a mono- 
lithe, probably colossal, in the Hippodrome, a fragment of which 
was in the Strategium, — also two figures of elephants at the 
Golden Gate, which belonged (he says) to the temple of Mars 
at Athens. The Anonymous author annexed to Codiuus 
notices a work of sculpture from Athens which he names 
]} Ipi^ia TtJQ 'A6i7Kac : this may possibly have been the group 
of Neptune and Minerva which stood near the temple of 
Jupiter Polieus in the Acropolis. Pausan. Attic. 24, 3. 

' Codin. p. 29, 51. 


therefore, it is probable that a great number of works 
of art still remained when the goYemment of Con- 
stantinople^ declining in its taste for such objects, 
had ceased to have any desire for collecting them. 

Numerous noble productions in brass were unques- 
tionably melted for the sake of the metal, as well 
by Christian enemies of images as by unconverted 
gentiles : and hence the extreme scarcity of ancient 
metallic figures of large dimensions, which were the 
finest among the glyptic works of the Greeks, and 
formed one of the most numerous classes. Of those 
in marble, which offered no such value, many were 
broken by Christian zealots. Some works of sculp- 
ture, both in brass and marble, were concealed by 
the persecuted Pagans in the hope of times which 
never arrived \ and many others we may readily 
believe to be still buried beneath the numberless 
ruins of ancient cities which still encumber the soil 
of Greece. 

Neither among the edicts which forbad idolatry, 
nor among those which were issued to repress the 
excesses of the Christians, do we find any one di- 
rected to the prefecture of Illyria, of which Greece 
formed a part ^ until the year 426, when the emperor 
Theodosius the younger, who three years before, in 
confirming his edict against the Pagans of the eastern 
prefecture, had added the words, '^quanquam jam 

* Two of the finest extant bronzes had been concealed in this 
manner; namely, the great statue of Victory at Brescia, and the 
small Mercury of the Payne-Knight Collection in the British 

' Zosim. 2, 33. 


nullos esse credamus/* now issued a denunciation 
against the Pagans of Illyriay having discoyered, as 
the edict stated, that idolatry still existed there; 
and ordering, in consequence, the destruction of 
all the temples. But these commands were not very 
strictly enforced : and the temples^ instead of being 
destroyed, were for the most part closed only for a 
time, and then re-opened as Christian churches. At 
Athens, the favourite seat of the Pagan deities, the 
progress of Christianity had been slow, although it had 
gained a footing here at an early time. Dionysius, a 
member of the Council of the Areopagus, who was 
converted by St. Paul ', is supposed to have been 
the first bishop of Athens. Publius, one of his suc- 
cessors, suffered martyrdom in the reign of Marcus 
Aurelius. Under the Antonines Paganism was almost 
as flourishing at Athens as it ever had been : we are 
not surprised, therefore, to find that its church at 
this time is reported to have been in the most abject 
state. The Athenian congregation seems indeed at 
one time to have been entirely dispersed, as it was 
said to have been again collected {iiriawa-j^Ori) about 
the year 1 65 by Quadratus, to whom a letter was 
addressed on the occasion by Dionysius, bishop of 
Corinth and metropolitan of Achaia, to whom the 
credit was given of having converted many Athe- 
nians to Christianity ^. 

Of the progress of the Athenian church during the 
two following centuries we have little means of judg- 

' Act. Apost. 17, 34. 

' Dionys. Episc. ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. 3, 4. 4, 23. cum 
notis Vales. Xicephor. Cal. 21, 3. 


ing, but as the schools of philosophy were still main- 
tained in some parts of Greece, Egypt, Asia Minor, 
and Syria, and as that of Athens was still pre-eminent 
among them, that progress was slower than in any 
other city of the Eastern empire. The Athenian Chris- 
tians derived security from their peaceable demeanour, 
sometimes favourably contrasted with the turbulence 
of the Pagan population \ and in great measure we 
may believe from the spirit of tolerance inherent in 
the ancient religion of Athens, which gave a hos- 
pitable reception to the deities of all nations, even to 
those whose names were unknown ^ Hence the 
Christians of Athens were exempt from those per- 
secutions under which the church has been generally 
found to flourish; and had therefore no provoca- 
tion to acts of violence, when the Christian faith 
at length obtained the ascendancy. Thus their 
priests took quiet possession of the magnificent 
temples of the Athenian mythology ; and every thing 
insured, as well to the ancient religion as to the 
philosophy of Athens, a tranquil and gradual down- 
fall. Nor does there appear to have been in any part 
of Greece that violent hostility against the emblems 
of Paganism, which distinguished the Christians of 
some parts of Asia. 

It was not probably until the beginning, or even 
until towards the middle of the sixth century, that 
the Athenian temples were converted into churches, 
as the schools of Athens were not finally closed until 
towards the end of that century by an edict of 

' Origen cont. Gels. 3, p. 128, Spencer. 
' Act. Apost. 17, 23. 


Justinian ^ The Parthenon then became a church 
consecrated to the same 'Ayia So^m, or divine intel- 
ligence, of which the virgin goddess had been a per- 
sonification ^ while Theseus was exchanged for the 
Christian hero, George of Cappadocia. In these, and 
numberless other instances, we have proofis of the 
spirit of conciliation and compromise which accom- 
panied the change of religion in Greece. 

' The most correct idea of the state of phflosophy in those 
ages is to be derived from the life of Proclus by Marinus, written 
towards the end of the fifth century, and that of Isidorus by 
Damascius, of which Photius has preserved some extracts 
(Myriobib. cod. 242, p. 1027). Plutarch of Athens, Syrianus, 
Proclus, Marinus, Isidorus, and Damascius, were successively 
at the head of the Platonic school of Athens. For the edict of 
suppression in the year 629 see J. liJalala, and an anonymous 
Chronicle of Aleman, p. 106. 

When Justinian was building the church of Saint Sophia, he 
consulted two Athenian philosophers, who (adds Codinus) were 
also astronomers — that is to say, dealers in astrology and magic, 
part of the Platonic philosophy of that time — to know whether 
the walls and pavement should be inlaid with gold. Their reply 
contained a remnant of Attic salt. They predicted, that, if the 
emperor adorned the church in the manner proposed, some poor 
kings would come and overturn it ; but that if he built it of 
plain marble, it would last for ever. Codin. p. 70. These 
philosophers may have been two of seven, who went to Persia on 
the suppression of the schools, and returned shortly in disgust, 
but protected by an agreement between Chosroes and Justinian. 
Agath. 2. p. 69 et seq. Paris. 

' When the Parthenon was converted from a church into a 
mosque, it appears to have been dedicated to the Panaghia. As 
the Greeks relapsed into idolatry, the " Divine Wisdom," or 
" Word of God " ('Ayta ^ia, ^rcc itrrlv 6 ASyoQ rov Beov. 
Codin. p. 68.) was exchanged for the more substantial worship 
of the QiotSkoc. 


The reign of Justinian contributed to the destruc- 
tion of some of the buildings of antiquity, and to 
the preservation of others. While such as were 
easUy susceptible of repair were converted into 
churches, many of those which were in a state of 
dilapidation were entirely demolished for the sake of 
the materials used in new constructions by Justinian 
in every part of the empire, and of which many 
remains still attest the degraded taste and imperfect 
execution. We are told by one of the Byzantine 
writers, who has described the foundation of St. 
Sophia, that, among the materials brought from dif- 
ferent ancient cities upon this occasion, were some 
columns from Athens \ These could not have been 
any of the numerous columns of the Olympium, for 
the loss of all traces of which it is now so difficult 
to account, because there are no columns of their 
magnitude in the mosque of St. Sophia ; but it seems 
not improbable that some of the columns of coloured 
marble, which support the galleries of this building, 
may have belonged to the porticos of Libyan and 
Phrygian mai'ble erected at Athens by Hadrian ^ 

To Justinian Greece was indebted for a new branch 
of cultivation, which, spreading by stow degrees, at 
length assisted materially in supporting industry and 
commerce in that country, during the ages of their 
greatest depression. The art of rearing the silk- 
worm, and of weaving its produce into cloth, such as 
had hitherto been brought into the Roman empire at 
a great expense from the east, flourished in Greece 
for several centuries before it was introduced into 

' Codin. de Orig- Const, (p. 65) following his anonymous pre- 
decessor, or a common prototype of both. 
* Pausan. Attic. 18, 9. 



Italy. When Roger, king of Sicily, invaded Greece 
in the middle of the twelfth century, and captured 
Thebes, Athens, and Corinth, he carried back with 
him from those cities some Greek artisans, who 
taught the manufacture of silk to the Sicilians, from 
whom it spread quickly over Italy*. The manu- 
facture of silken stuffs has since that time been 
transferred from Greece to countries where industry 
is more encouraged ; but the culture of the raw 
commodity still subsists, although at present almost 
entirely neglected in the three cities from whence 
Sicily first derived its silk. 

After the suppression of the schools of Athens, 
and the dispersion of the few remaining votaries of 
Grecian science and superstition, Greek literature 
was confined to Constantinople and Thessalonica, or 
took reftige in the monasteries. Here it was pre- 
served from being entirely extinguished during the 
four dark centuries which followed the reign of He- 
raclius, at whose death the eastern empire became 
reduced to those narrow boundaries which were never 
afterwards enlarged. As, during this period, there 
was scarcely any contemporary historian to record 
the fortunes of the imperial capital, we cannot be 
surprised that not a trace should be found of the iate 
of Athens, now dwindled to a provincial town, and 
deprived of every remnant of science. 

It has often been supposed that the fury of the 
Iconoclasts, or image-breakers, which for near 120 
years' divided the empire into two conflicting parties, 
alike regardless of the encroachments of the Musul- 
mans on one hand, or of the Sclavonians on the other, 

' See Gibbon, c. 53, 56. ' From about A.p. 725 to 842. 


was an active cause of the destruction of the statuary 
works of the ancients. 

Bat there is no foundation for believing that, in 
the provinces, the Iconoclasts exercised any active 
or efficient hostility against the ancient statues. The 
emissaries of Leo the Isaurian, and of his son Con- 
Stan tine, were generally resisted with success^; and 
although Leo himself destroyed some of the ancient 
works collected at Constantinople, where the quarrel 
chiefly raged, he left afiax greater number uninjured'. 
The Iconoclast dispute, moreover, was entirely a 
Christian quarrel. The fury of the breakers of 
images was directed, not against the Pagan super- 
stition, which was no longer an object of jealousy to 
the church, but against the images of Christ and the 
saints ; and it was directed, not against statues, but 
against pictures'. 

' Gibbon, c. 49. 

' Codinus (p. 34) remarks that a great number of those, which 
Jnstinian dispersed when he built the new St. Sophia, were still 
to be seen in various parts of the city. Doubtless the Turks 
found and destroyed many of them. 

' In the acts of the synod of Constantinople (a.d. 754), which 
forbad the use of images, there is no mention of any thing but 
pictures and colours. The words used throughout are ypa^ai, 
nipoc, varliecs (vXa, x/voicec, and the synod styles itself circ^icdirwK 

ofiiyvpiQ uvZtiTiifnv woifitrafAirri nepl Tfjc rQy 6/xocw/xaVwv 

%pwiiarmtpyi€tQ, Hist. Concil. vol. 7« p. 415. 

The word cik^k, which among the Pagan Greeks was used for 
a portrait or resemblance, either in painting or sculpture, became 
gradually applied in ecclesiastical language to that kind of re- 
semblance only, which was employed as an object of adoration in 
the churches. With this sense the word has been handed down 
to the present day, being now exclusively applied to the pictures 



But although there is no reason to think that the 
Iconoclasts sought out the productions of ancient 
sculpture for the purpose of destroying them, it was 
about the age of the Iconoclast dispute that those 
works finally disappeared from every part of the 
ancient world, with the sole exception of the Byzan- 
tine capital, where a few monuments of ancient 
sculpture were still preserved through the dark ages \ 
together with those relics of ancient literature which 
have contributed so much to polish and instruct 
modem Europe. 

In Greece, in proportion as the Scythian tribes 
settled in every part of the country, such monuments 
ceased even to be considered as ornamental. A few 
may have been found by those barbarous settlers, 
and broken or melted by them; many others had 
probably been buried in the ruins of the numerous 
public edifices of all kinds, which fell into disuse, 
neglect, and destruction, in consequence of the 
impoverished and depopulated state of the country, 
as well as of the new systems of religion and civil 

The state of Greece during the 250 years, which 
elapsed between the beginning of the thirteenth 
and the middle of the fifteenth century, when the 
Franks were in possession of the best parts of 
southern Greece, was not favourable to the pre- 
servation of any monuments of antiquity, which 
Athens may have preserved at the beginning of 

of saints, which the Greeks hang in their churches, houses, 
ships, &c. 

' Nicet. ap. Banduri, I. part 3. p. 107 & seq. 


that period. In the melancholj account which 
Nicetas has left of the melting of the ancient 
bronzes hj the Franks, when thej took Constanti- 
nople in 1204, we see how totally regardless the 
ancestors of some of the most civilized nations of 
Europe were of the works of the ancient Greeks, 
and how incapable they were of feeling any portion 
of that respect for them, which, together with the 
ancient language, was still cherished among the 
Greeks themselves. 

The account which the same author and others 
have given of the state of Greece at this time \ shows 
how naturally the country divides itself into small 
states, ready to contend with each other for bound- 
aries, and such objects of jealoui^ as usually occur 
among neighbours. 

According to the treaty of partition made by the 
Crusaders after the capture of Constantinople, Greece 
was to be divided between Bonifieu^ Marquis of 
Montferrat, and the Venetians. To the latter was 
allotted the Morea, with the islands ; to the former 
all the country north of the Isthmus, vidth Thessa- 
lonica for his capital. But the Franks were unable 
to realise the possession of all their conquests, several 
districts remaining in the power of independent 
tribes, or of Greek princes of the imperial iamilies, 
or of adventurers who had acquired, and were still 
able to maintain, their independence by force of 
arms. Thus Epirus and iEtolia were in the power 
of John Ducas ; the Vlakhiotes retained Mount 

^ Acropolita, Pachymeres, Chalcocondylas, &c, 

F 2 


Pindus ; and the Greeks of 'Agraia, Aspropotamo, and 
Karpenisi, the recesses of the ancient Dolopia and 
^tolia. In the Morea, Messenia was held by the 
family of Melissenos, who were descendants of a 
sister of the emperor Alexius Comnenus the first ; 
Laconia was in the hands of Leon Khamaretos, and 
Corinthia and Argolis in those of Leon Sguros. The 
Venetians took possession of Crete and of several 
other islands, but were not able to make good tbeir 
claims to any part of the Morea, where two French 
adventurers, of the families of Champlite and Ville- 
hardouin, having obtained authority in all those 
parts of the Peninsula which were not occupied by 
the Greeks, established the Frank principality of 
Achaia. Leon Sguros, who was married to a daughter 
of the dethroned Greek emperor Alexius, attempted 
to oppose the advance of the Marquis of Montferrat, 
at the celebrated passes of Tempo and Thermopylae, 
but he was not more successful than the Greeks of 
old had been against the Persians or the Gtiuls. 

His previous conduct, moreover, had been such as 
to facilitate the success of the Franks ; for, desirous 
of turning the confusion of the empire to his own 
aggrandisement, he had attacked Athens, and, failing 
in an attempt upon the citadel \ had injured the 

' Nieet. in fiald. 2. This circumstance may serve to show 
that Athens was already reduced nearly to its actual dimensions, 
the citadel having heen no longer surrounded as anciently on 
every side by the town, but confined, as at present, to the 
northern side. It seems also that the town was but slightly 
provided with means of defence ; in which respect its condi- 
tion was nearly the same as in 1770, when the Albanians 
invaded Attica, and when Athens had no other protection than 


towns, burnt the fenns, and carried away the cattle 
of the Athenians. He had also taken and ill-treated 
Thebes, so that no sooner had the Franks made good 
their passage over Mount CBta, than they found the 
Boeotians ready to receive them as masters. 

Michael Ghoniates, bishop of Athens and brother 
of the historian Nicetas, had defended the city against 
Sguros, but now found himself under the necessity 
of yielding to tlie Marquis. He was replaced by a 
Latin bishop sent from Rome, and the duchy of Athens 
was conferred by the Marquis of Montferrat, as king 
of Thessalonica, upon the most illustrious of his 
followers, a Burgundian, named Otho de la Roche. 

After these conquests, Boniface received the 
voluntary submission of the inhabitants of Euboea, 
who even constructed a bridge over the Euripus for 
the passage of his army; but he was not equally 
successful in the Morea, where he laid an ineffectual 
siege to the Acrocorinthus and Nauplia \ 

For a particular account of the revolutions of 
Greece, during the two centuries which followed 
the Latin conquest of Constantinople, the reader is 
referred to the history of Constantinople under the 
French emperors, by the diligent and accurate Du 
Cange. The &te of Athens itself during the same 
period, may be comprised in a few lines. 

The recovery of Constantinople by Michael Palaeo- 
logus, in 1261, was preceded and followed by the 
expulsion of the Franks from many parts of Greece. 

such as was afforded by the junction of the outer houses^ with a 
few gates and loop-holes. 
^ Nicet. in Balduin. 8. 


Macedonia and Thessaly were again united to the 
imperial city, and the Greeks recovered several places 
in the Morea ; but their possession of the latter was 
no more than temporary, and in general the pro- 
vinces of southern Greece continued to be divided 
between the Greeks and Franks nearly in the same 
proportions, which had occurred after the Latin con- 
quest of Constantinople. All the southern parts of 
the Morea remained in the hands of Greek princes, as 
well as the Despotate of the West, of which loannina 
was the capital, until it was conquered by the Ser- 
vians in the middle of the fourteenth century. The 
rest of Greece, including the islands, was occupied 
by Frank chieftains, the fluctuation of whose politics 
depended upon the influence of the popes and of the 
kings of Naples, and still more upon the two great 
naval powers, the Venetians and Genoese. It was 
the fate of Athens never to revert to the Greeks, 
but to be a Frank principality, from the year 1204, 
until, in the middle of the fifteenth century, it was 
absorbed into the Turkish empire. Hence arose the 
use of many Italian words in the vernacular Attic 
speech, which are not found in any other parts of 
Greece, except in the islands, which have been under 
Frank dominion for an equal space of time. 

The family of La Roche enjoyed the dukedom of 
Athens, which included Attica, Boeotia, and parts of 
Phocis and Euboea, during the greater part of the 
thirteenth century, when it fell to Hugh de 
Brienne, who married the heiress of La Roche. 
His son Walter, by means of his Frank mercena- 
ries, who were chiefly Catalans, enlarged the boun- 


daries of the duchy, and took Corinth, Argos, and 
some other fortresses, from the Greek princes of the 

The success of Walter, however, led to his ruin ; 
for, having been unable to satisfy all his greedy 
adventurers of Catalonia, a contest ensued, in which 
he lost his duchy and his life in a battle on the 
banks of the lake Copais in Boeotia ^ The victorious 
party of the Catalans then raised Roger Deslau, a 
native of Boussillon, one of their prisoners, to the 
dukedom of Athens, and under him made some con- 
quests from the Despot of the West, particularly 
Neopatra, (the ancient Hypata,) at the northern 
foot of Mount CBta, which continued to be the 
chief bulwark of the duchy to the northward, 
until this city, together with all Thessaly, and 
the vale of the Spercheius, fell into the hands of 
the Turks. The Catalans were prevented from 
making any further advances in this direction by the 

On the death of Roger Deslau, the fortresses in 
the Morea falling off from the rest of the alliance, 
and the Catalans being again at a loss for a leader of 
sufficient talents ahd influence to preserve order and 
union among the different chieftains, each of whom 
was in possession of his castle and small district, 
they came to the determination of placing the duchy 
under the protection of the house of Arragon*. 
Hence, for the next sixty years Attica, Boeotia, 
Phocis, and the valley of the Spercheius, were gene- 
rally an appanage of the younger branches of the 

' A. D. 1312. Niceph. Greg. 7, 3. ' a. d. 1326. 


royal family of Sicily. It was called the duchy of 
Athens and Neopatra, and was governed by depu- 
ties who resided at Athens, and administered the 
affairs in the name of the Sicilian prince. At the 
end of this period it fell into the hands of the Flo- 
rentine iamily of Acciajuoli. 

The first of these was Nerio, or Renerio, nephew 
of Nicholas, grand seneschal of the kingdom of 
Naples. In the year 1364, Nerio obtained from the 
titular empress, Mary of Bourbon, the principality 
of Vostitza (the ancient Mgium) in Achaia, and 
some years afterwards, under the real or pretended 
authority of the court of Naples, seized upon Corinth 
and Argos ^ When the troops of the Holy League^ 
formed between France, Naples, Venice, and Grenoa, 
and cemented by pope Boniface the ninth, passed 
over into Greece, with the pretence of settling the 
quarrels of the Greek empire, and of preventing the 
further encroachments of the Turks, Nerio was 
opposed to the Catalans, Navarese, and other ad- 
venturers, who obtained possession of several parts 
of the duchy of Athens. To the advantage of per- 
sonal qualities he joined an influence derived from 
matrimonial alliances, for he had espoused a Genoese 
lady of Eubcea, had given one of his daughters in 
marriage to Charles Tocco, duke of loannina, and the 
other to Theodore Palseologus, Despot of the Morea, 
and brother of the Greek emperor. 

Having reduced the whole duchy, Nerio received, 
in 1 394, the patent of duke of Athens from Ladis- 
laus, king of Naples and Hungary ; dying not long 

' A.D. 1371. 


afterwards, he bequeathed Athens to the Vene- 
tians, Thebes to his illegitimate son Antonio, and 
Corinth to his son-in-law the despot of the Morea. 
But Antonio seized upon Athens before the Vene- 
tians could assert their rights ; and, having had the 
prudence to maintain good terms with both Greeks 
and Turks, he enjoyed a long and peaceful reign. 
As he is said to have adorned Athens with several 
buQdings, it is not improbable that the high tower 
which was erected on the southern wing of the Pro- 
pjlsea, is the work of this prince \ 

Upon the death of Antonio, his widow endeavoured 
to obtain the succession for herself; and the Turks 
having now established themselves in Thrace, irom 
whence they were extending their incursions into 
Greece, she sent Laonicus Chalcocondyles, father of 
the historian, with rich presents to Adrianople, to 
procure the sanction of the Sultan, Murat the second, 
to her claims. But Nerio and Antonio, two relatives 
of Antonio the first, who had lived in his court, seized, 
in the mean time, upon the citadel, which gave the 
Sultan a pretext for sending his Turks to plunder 

Nerio soon found himself obliged to give way 
to the superior talents and activity of his brother 
Antonio, and retired to Florence. But Antonio did 
not long enjoy his acquisition. Upon his death, in 
1435, his widow, who was a Greek, and heiress of 

* It was probably one of a system of watch-towers, which are 
traced through Attica, Boeotian and Phocis, and along the coasts 
of Greece. The practice seems to have been common in those 
sges to al) the countries bordering on the Mediterranean. 


the family of Melissenos of Messenia, endeavoured 
to transfer all his possessions, including Athens and 
Thebes, to one of the Palseologi, Despot of the 
Morea ; but, before she could put the design in exe- 
cution, Turakhan seized upon Thebes for Sultan 
Murat ; and Nerio Acciajuoli the second, returning 
from Florence to Athens, resumed the duchy as 
tributary to the Sultan. 

During his reign, in the year 1445, the Sultan 
marched to the Isthmus of Corinth, took the intrench- 
ments of Hexamili, and received submission and 
tribute irom the princes of the Morea; but this 
state of affairs lasted no longer than the Turkish 
army remained in that part of the country; and 
the Greek despots were not finally reduced until 
Mehmet the second marched into the Morea, five 
years after the conquest of Constantinople. 

On the death of Nerio the second, his widow 
administered the government of Athens for some 
time in the name of her young son: but, having 
married a nobleman of Venice, of which republic 
the Turks were already extremely jealous, the Sultan 
sent Francesco, son of Antonio Acciajuoli the second, 
to Athens as governor. This young man, who, accord- 
ing to the usual Turkish mode, had been brought up 
among the attendants of the Sultan, as a hostage for 
the fidelity of his father, had not long been in pos- 
session of Athens, before he gave evidences of his 
Turkish education, by putting to death the widow of 
his uncle Nerio, though neither she nor her Venetian 
husband made any opposition to his assumption of 
the government. 



This event ftinushed an opportune pretext to the 
ambitious Mehmet the second, who had now suc- 
ceeded to the scjmetar of Ali Osman, to order his 
general, Omar, son of Turakhan, to seize upon Athens. 
Francesco having retired into the citadel, made a 
capitulation, by which he retained the government 
of Thebes; and Omar, in the month of June 1456, 
took possession of Athens, which, three years after* 
wards, was visited by Mehmet himself, on his return 
from the conquest of the Morea. 

The humiliation of Athens was now complete. 
Obliged at last to bend her neck to the yoke of the 
eastern barbarians, who for more than nineteen cen- 
turies had been kept at a distance by the effects 
of Grecian superiority in all that makes a nation 
powerful, Athens considered herself fortunate during 
the greater part of four centuries in receiving the 
orders and protection of the oriental Despot, through 
the mediation of a black eunuch slave, the guardian 
of the tyrant's women. This envied privilege ori- 
ginated with the conqueror himself, who, having ex- 
pressed the highest admiration at the beauty of the 
situation, the magnificence of the ancient buildings, 
the strength of the citadel, and the convenience of 
the harbours, thought the whole district not unwor- 
thy of becoming an appanage of his own household. 
He punished some of the Athenians for a conspiracy, 
either real or pretended, to restore Francesco ; and 
soon after his return to Constantinople, he ordered 
Francesco himself to be put to death \ The Par- 
thenon was converted from a Christian church into a 

' Chalcocond. 4. p. 118, 6. p. 16D, 0. p. 241, Paris. Phranza 
2, 10—21. Ducange, Hist, dc Constant. 8, 44. 


mosque ; a minaret was erected pit its sonth-westera 
angle, and some alterations were made in the defences 
of the western entrance of the Acropolis, rendered 
necessary bj the recent invention of artillery ^ 

At the end of that great revolution, which, having 
begun in the abandonment of ancient civilization to 
the northern barbarians, had ended in the conversion 
of all those barbarous nations to Christianity, and in 
the consequent commencement of a new and better 
civilization, Greece had begun to feel the effects of 
this great change in a partial revival of letters, when 
its progress was at once arrested by the Turkish con- 
quest, which reduced Greece to the level of the 

' An apartment was raised upon the northern wing of the 
Propylflsa, and the Propylsenm or great Testihule itself was 
formed into a magazine of powder and military stores, by 
closing four of the doors at the eastern end, and by walling up 
the Doric columns of the western front. This magazine having 
exploded, all the upper part of the eastern side of the Pro« 
pylaea was thrown down by the explosion; but the western 
part of the building seems to have suffered little damage ; for, 
in 1676, when Spon and Wheler visited Athens, the pediment 
of the western front, which has now disappeared, together with 
all the entablature, was still in its place. It was even standing 
after the siege of 1687, if we may trust to the drawings of the 
engineer, Yemeda, made after the capture of Athens by Moxosini. 
See Fanelli, Atene Attiche. 

A part of the military stores above mentioned, consisted of a 
great quantity of the kind of armour which was in use before the 
invention of gunpowder ; for Spon and Wheler relate, that after 
the explosion, shields and bows and arrows were found dispersed 
over the surrounding country. The use to which the Propyliea 
had long been put seems to have suggested the name of the 
arsenal of Lycurgus (son of Lycophron), by which it was known 
among the Athenian pretenders to learning in the seventeenth 


Mosulman nations, and left it stationary during the 
ages in which the rest of Europe has been in a state 
of progressive improvement. 

The darkness of Greek history during the four 
centuries preceding the twelfth, is suddenly illumined 
by the histories of Anna Comnena and Nicetas, from 
whom it appears that Greece emerged from that 
darkness nearly in its present state. Although the 
learned of Constantinople might turn with pride and 
satisfaction to the ancient authors for models of the 
written language, there f^re undoubted proofe in the 
Byzantine writers of the twelfth century, that the 
country had then undergone all the changes in its 
language, in its population, and in its names of 
places, which characterize modem Greece. The 
grammar of the vernacular language had assumed 
nearly the same form which distinguishes the modem 
languages of Europe, derived from the Latin ; and 
its poetry no longer regarded the structure of feet, 
and quantity of syllables, but, like that of the nations 
of modem Europe, was regulated by accent, to the 
exclusion of quantity. 

A fond attachment to the ancient glory of the 
nation might induce the Byzantine writers, and in 
particular the leamed princess Anna, to prefer the 
use of names so dear to classical recollection, as 
Peloponnesus and Sparta; but it is evident from 
Nicetas, that those of Morea and Mistra were 
already in use. The people of Greece, divided as 
they now are into Romans ('Pcn/iaioi), Albanians 
('ApSavirac), and Wallachians (BXaxoi), had severally 
settled themselves in the districts where they are now 
found, while the Bulgarians had pervaded every part 


of Greece, and bad established those names of Scla- 
Tonic deriyation, which we find spread over the 
country, more or less mixed with names of Greek 
origin, from the north of Macedonia to Cape Mata- 
pan. The degree of dependence of each part of the 
country upon Constantinople, its political divisions, 
and the towns in which the population had chiefly 
concentrated itself, were nearly the same as they are 
at the present day. In the Morea \ Patra, Mistra, 
and the maritime fortresses of Monemvasia, Navplio, 
Koroni, and Mothoni, already held the chief rank. 
Beyond the Isthmus, the towns of note were Athens, 
Thebes, and 'Egripo (the ancient Chalcis) ; in Thessaly 
and JEpiruSf Larissa, Trikkala, Arta, and loannina ; 
and in Macedonia^ A'khridha, Skopia, Serres, Verria 
(Berrhcea)^ and Thessaloniki. 

Athens among the rest seems to have emerged 
from the dark ages nearly in the state in which we 
now find it, and, relatively to the other towns of 
Greece, as it bad been prior to those ages ; that is 
to say, it was the principal city of Greece, to the 
southward of the (EUean ridge. Deprived of the 
adventitious circumstances which had caused its 
ancient splendour, deprived even of that maritime 
commerce which is necessary to raise it above the 
rank of a mere provincial town, Athens had pro- 
bably been reduced to its present population of 
eight or ten thousand, soon after piracy, the natural 
curse of the Levant seas, had resumed its reign, and 

^ Tripolitza has acquired its importaDce only during the last 
century, from its having become the Turkish seat of government 
instead of Naujdia, 


had reduced the external traffic of Athens to its 
state in the heroic ages. 

It happened most opportunely for the Turks, that, 
about the time when their martial virtues began to 
decline, and when they began to be opposed to 
annies in which the art of war was making improve- 
ments, which they are incapable of imitating, the 
discoveries of a new continent, and of a maritime 
route to India, together with the new views of ambi- 
tion^ commerce, and international policy, which arose 
out of those events, diverted the attention of civilized 
Europe from the countries which had been conquered 
by the Turks from the Christians. Had it not been 
for these events, it is probable that the Turks would 
long since have been expelled from Europe, and from 
the shores of the Mediterranean, instead of being 
left to the present time in the undisturbed and even 
protected abuse of the finest regions of ancient 

The antipathy which has ever prevailed between 
Mohammedans and Christians impeded intercourse 
between Greece and the rest of Europe to such .a 
degree^ as long as Turkish power was a common 
object of terror among the nations of Europe, that 
the name of Athens, although it has never undergone 
any change, was scarcely known but to those who 
found it in the pages of ancient history. So great 
was this obscurity two hundred and fifty years ago, 
when Greek literature had long been cultivated in 
many parts of Europe, that Athens was hardly known 
to exist as an inhabited place ; still less was it sus- 
pected to retain any remains of its ancient magni- 
ficence. Its poverty and obscurity, however, were 


attended with some advantage ; for, combined with 
the strength of the Acropolis, and the distance of 
the city from the sea-shore, thej served in great 
measure to protect it from the pirates, and from the 
corsairs of the Turks, Venetians, Genoese, or other 
nations, which have constantly frequented the Mgssan 
sea, and desolated its coasts. Twice however since the 
Turkish conquest the events of war have carried ruin 
or spoliation into the city itself, and the last time 
with the most fatal consequences to the remaining 
monuments of the arts of Greece. 

In the year 1464, the Venetians landed at the 
Peirseeus, surprised the city, and carried off plunder 
and captives to Eubcsa. Two centuries afterwards, 
Athens again experienced from the same nation an 
interruption to her lethargic repose. 

At the end of the campaign of 1687, in which 
the Venetians, under Francesco Morosini, afterwards 
Doge, made those important conquests in the Corin- 
thian gulf and the Mor^a, which gave to the Vene- 
tians the possession of the peninsula for eight-and- 
twenty years, Morosini, vnth the Venetian fleet, 
entered the gulf of .£gina, intending to proceed 
against Euboea; but the season appearing too far 
advanced, he determined to employ the remainder of 
the autumn in the reduction of Athens, thus securing 
at least a convenient station for the winter in the har- 
bour of Peirseeus. Having sent a squadron into the 
straits of Euboea to prevent the Turks of 'Egripo from 
assisting those of Athens, Morosini proceeded with 
his armament from MginK to the Peirseeus. Here 
he was met by the chiefis of the Greek community, 
who, in offering submission and assistance, informed 


him at the same time that the Turks had retired 
into the citadel, abundantly provided with means of 
defence, and that they had sent to demand succour 
from the Seraskier at Thebes. 

Ou the 21st and 22d of September, the land 
forces who were under the immediate command of 
Count Konigsmarck, a Swede, and consisted of 8000 
infantry and 870 horse, were disembarked in the 
Peirseeus. On the 25th, four large mortars, and eight 
pieces of heavy ordnance, had been placed in bat- 
tery ; a portion on the heights to the west of the 
Aieiopagus, the remainder to the southward and 
eastward of the Acropolis. On the 26th the fire 
was opened. 

The operations were for a short time interrupted 
by a party of the Seraskier's cavalry, who suddenly 
made their appearance in the plain, but were at- 
tacked and put to flight by the Venetians. On the 
27th, the besiegers began to make approaches to- 
wards the enemy's outworks, but proceeded with 
difficulty, on account of t|;ie rocky nature of the 
ground. The fire, meantime, was continued from 
the mortars upon the citadel. The Parthenon 
being the most conspicuous object, and occupy- 
ing a large portion of the platform, could not 
long escape injury ; but this might have been com- 
paratively unimportant, had not the Turks' unfor- 
tunately placed in the temple, together with their 
most valuable property, a large quantity of their 
ammunition for the defence of the citadel. Towards 
the evening of the 28th, a shell, falling upon the 
centre of the building, inflamed the gunpowder, 
which, having been in the eastern chamber, over- 


turned all that part of the cella, and threw down 
the adjoining lateral columns of the peristyle, with 
all except one of the Pronaus, but left a part of 
the Opisthodomus standing, as well as the two 
fronts, without even displacing more than two or 
three of the statues of the pediments ^ The con- 
flagration caused by the explosion extended to the 
houses of the citadel ; another shell killed the Pasha 
and his son ; the garrison then made offers to capi- 
tulate, and on the 29th of September signed a treatji 
by which they were to leave the place in five days, 
with baggage but without arms, to give up all their 
slaves and prisoners, and to be transported with 
their families to Smyrna or elsewhere at their own 
expense *. 

' Of the northern side of the peristyle of the Parthenon, eight 
colamns were wholly or partially thrown down with their enta- 
blature : of the southern, six columns. Of the six columns of 
the Pronaus, it is possible that the two middle may have been 
already displaced by the Greeks w^ien they formed the Parthenon 
into a church, in order to make room for the dyiov fifjfiaf as they 
appear to have done in the Theseium and the temple of Trip- 

' For the history of the siege, see Gktiziani (F. Mauroceni 
Gesta, Patavii, 4to, 1698) ; Fanelli (Atene Attica, 4to, Venezia, 
1 707); and Arrighi (de Vita et Rebus gestis F. Mauroceni, Patavii, 
4to, 1749). But the best authorities are the following contem- 
porary documents : — 1. A print, representing the siege of Athens, 
published at Rome in the same year. 2. Letter of a Venetian 
captain employed in the siege, preserved by Antonio Bulifon, in 
his collection called Lettere Memorabili, Pozzoli, 1696, Napoli, 
1697. Vol. II. p. 86. 3. "A Journal of the Venetian Cam- 
paigne, A.D. 1687, translated from the original Italian, sent from 
Venice, and printed by the most Serene Republic." It was 
licensed to be printed on the 16th December, 1687, and pub- 
lished with the royal arms of James II. in the title page. A copy 


On the 4th of October, 3000 Turks, of whom 500 
were military, marched out, and were embarked. 

of this joarnal is in the British Museum, King's Library, 4to, 
44 pages. The following is an extract from this document : — 
" On .the 21st (the Venetians) landed all their militia, horse 
and foot, but not so much as one Turk appeared in the field ; 
whereupon they passed on to Athens, and made themselves mas- 
ters of the town, which is only inhabited by the Greeks, while the 
Ottomans were retired into the upper enclosure. His Excellency, 
understanding the strong situation of the place, because he would 
not be constrained to ruin it with his bombs, summoned the de- 
fendants to a surrender. But the enemy returned answer by 
word of mouth that they were resolved to hold out. The 22nd, 
two mortar pieces of 500, and two pieces of cannon of 50, with 
two lesser guns of 20, were landed, which were easily brought 
to the batteries that were raising, because the way was smooth 
and level, and but six miles in length. On the 23rd, they went 
on with their work in raising the batteries, during which labour 
Seijeant Major Perez, of the regiment of Cleuters, died the 
24th at night of a wound received by a musket-bullet. The 2drd, 
four more great guns, two of 50 and two of 20, with two mortar- 
pieces, were landed and brought to the battery. The 26th they 
began to play with their bombs upon the fortress ; one of which 
fell among their ammunition, and fired a great part of it, to the 
great terror of the besieged, whose defences began to fail them, 
their parapets being ruined, and their great guns dismounted. 
The 27th, this day the trenches were opened in order to make the 
approaches and to advance under the walls. The 28th, towards 
evening, through the continued playing of our bombs, which fell 
all into the small enclosure, there happened another great fire, 
which increasing upon the fuel of the houses and the continual 
playing of our bombs, endured so furious all that day and the 
next night, that the enemy, astonished to see their houses and 
their goods consumed, and Iheir families burnt, resolved to hang 
out a white flag, and with earnest and loud cries towards the 
battery of the superintendent. Count Felice, begged them to fling 
no more bombs, which the Count understanding caused all hos- 
tility to cease." The second ** great fire" was the explosion of 



The Venetians found eighteen pieces of cannon in 
the fortress. These they distributed in three re- 
doubts, which they built between the city and Pei- 
rseeus, to secure the road from the cavalry of the 
Seraskier. But a more formidable enemy now 
assailed them. It was not long before the plague 
made its appearance among their troops in the 
Acropolis, when Morosini, to prevent its spreading 
from the city to the fleet in Peirseeus, and to the 
camp at Munychia, and partly as a military security, 
ordered an intrenchment to be thrown up across the 
isthmus between the harbours of Munychia and 
Peirseeus. He soon discovered likewise that some 
defences would be required for the town of Athens, 
which was then unwalled ; and in the course of 
the preparations which were made during the win- 
ter for the expedition against 'Egripo, he became 
equally convinced that this enterprise would demand 
all his armament, while a considerable force would 
be required to secure the communication of the 
garrison of Athens with the sea, from whence alone 
it could be supplied with provisions. He resolved, 
therefore, upon the abandonment of his recent con- 

the Parthenon, as the other authorities leave no room to question* 
In thus alluding, therefore, to this catastrophe, the Venetian 
government seems to have wished to keep it unknown to the rest 
of Europe. The description of Athens, which follows the narra- 
tive of the siege, is more erroneous and ignorant than the Greek 
accounts of the preceding century. The Parthenon is described 
as follows : — " In this inclosure (the Acropolis) stood a temple 
dedicated to the unknown God, the inscription of whose altar is 
still to be seen ; and though the workmanship be very costly 
for the marble, yet it serves for no use either to Christians or 


quest, after having dismantled the Acropolis. In 
Tain the Greeks, ' dreading the vengeance of the 
Turks against them, offered the payment of 20,000 
ducats, besides maintaining the garrison. In the month 
of March, 1688, the captured ordnance was con- 
veyed from Athens to the Peirseeus ; and the Greeks 
proceeded to the same place, not without some dis- 
turbance from the Turkish cavalry, and bitterly com- 
plaining that the pretended friendship of their fellow- 
Christians had produced no other result than the loss 
of their homes and estates. 

On the 4th of April, the Venetian garrison eva- 
cuated the Acropolis, retired into the entrenched 
camp of Munychia, and three days afterwards em- 
barked. Some of the emigrant Greeks were con- 
veyed in Venetian ships to Salamis, Mgins^ and 
the islands of the ^gaean; others to Corinth and 
Nauplia. Near the latter place the senate of Venice 
allotted habitations and portions of land to some of 
the emigrants in the district of Iri (the ancient 
Asine) ; to others they gave annual stipends. The 
greater part of the emigrant families were, however, 
in the course of a few years prevailed upon by the 
Turks of Athens to return. 

Thus ended this fatal expedition, no less destruc- 
tive to the remains of Athenian art, than useless as 
a military enterprise ; for it contributed nothing to 
&cilitate the acquisition of Euboea, or to complete 
the conquest of Peloponnesus. In three days the 
works of Pericles received from a nation which not 
only prided itself upon the encouragement of the 
arts, but which had even rivalled the ancients in 
painting, more injury than had been caused by many 


centuries of the grossest ignorance and barbarism K 

A few years before the siege, when Wheler, Spon, 

and De Nointel visited Athens, the Propylaea still 

preserved its pediment ; the temple of Victory 

Apterus was complete; the Parthenon, or great 

temple of Minerva, was perfect, with the exception 

of the roof, and of the central figures in the eastern, 

and of two or three in the western pediment ; the 

Erechtheium was so little injured that it was used 

as the harem of a Turkish house ; and there were 

still some remains of buildings and statues on the 

southern side of the Parthenon. If the result of 

the siege did not leave the edifices of the Acropolis 

in the deplorable state in which we now see them, 

the injury which they received on that occasion was 

the cause of all the dilapidation which they have 

since suffered, and rendered the transportation of the 

fallen fragments of sculpture out of Turkey their best 

preservative from total destruction. 

The great cause of these disasters has been the prac- 
tice prevailing among the Athenian Turks, of deposit- 

' Morosini seems to have foreseen the effect of his bombard- 
ment — at least in some degree ; for a Swedish lady, who accom- 
panied the Countess Konigsmarck, writes, in a letter to her bro- 
ther, '* II repugnait k son Excellence de detruire le beau temple, 
mais en vain, les bombes firent leur effet : ainsi jamais dans ce 
monde le temple ne pourra etre remplace." — See Brondsted, 
Voyage dans la Gr^ce, ii. p. 182. 

The " Venetian Captain," in describing the temple, says, ** In 
alcuni luoghi per omamento vi erano alcune cupole, le di cui 
estremit^ si componevano di mattoni di musaico. In uno di 
queste cupole cadde la bomba." These cupolas, with summits of 
brick in mosaic, have the air of a Byzantine work, and tend to 
favour the conjecture in p. 82, note 1, as to the columns of the 


iDg their ammunition in the convenient receptacles 
afforded by the ancient edifices. Although works 
so exquisitely finished as those of the Acropolis could 
not fail to receive cruel injury from a bombardment 
and cannonade at a range of six or seven hundred 
yards, the solidity of Athenian architecture might 
have defied the Venetian projectiles, but for the 
combustible materials placed in the buildings. It 
was by a deposit of gunpowder, supposed to have 
been inflamed by lightning, that the eastern portico 
of the Propylsea, together with the adjacent parts, 
was thrown down about the year 1 656 ^ : and to a 
similar cause we may probably attribute the demo- 
lition of the temple of Victory ; for we know that 
eleven years prior to the siege, that temple served as 
a powder-magazine K 

The removal of the statues of the western pedi- 
ment of the Parthenon, which even the. explosion 
had been unable to displace, was begun by Morosini 
himself, who thought that the -car of Victory, with 
its horses of the natural size, and of such admirable 
workmanship as to strike the Venetians themselves 
when they came to examine them with astonishment 
and regret^ would be a fine accompaniment to his 
triumphal entry into Venice, and a noble monument 
of his conquest of Athens, or according to the more 

* Spon, Voyage II. p. 81. Wheler, Travels, p. 359. 

' Spon, ibid. p. 80. Wheler, ibid. p. 858. In tbe year 1835, 
in removing the Turkish battery below the Propylsea, all the 
component parts of this temple, except its roof and that part 
o( the frieze which is in the British Museum, were found among 
the materials, and in the following year the temple was reerected. 
The Propylaea was about the same time cleared of the modem ma- 
sonry which obstructed its columns. See the Addenda, this page. 


candid expression of Fanelli, of his ^^ voluntary aban* 
donment of the Attic conquest.'* By the awkward- 
ness of the Venetian engineers, however, the whole 
group was thrown down in the act of lowering it, 
and, according to the testimony of an eye-witness, 
was broken to atoms ^ 

We have already seen, that, until the middle of 
the sixteenth century, Athens was hardly known 
in western Europe, to preserve any remains of an- 
tiquity, or even to exist as an inhabited place. The 
study of Greek literature produced at length an 
endeavour to penetrate the darkness which had 
enveloped Greece since the Turkish conquest, and 
which had rendered it almost as little known as the 
wilds of the lately discovered new world. It was 
not that travellers had not occasionally penetrated 
into Greece at an earlier period ; for it appears that 
Ciriaco d'Ancona copied some inscriptions at Athens 
in 1437 : and we are informed by Spon, that he saw 
at Rome a manuscript, on vellum, of an Italian 
architect named Giambetti, of the date of 1465, in 
which the artist had given designs of the Tower of 
the Winds at Athens, of Sparta, and of other places'; 
but the progress of literature was still so slow, that 
little curiosity was shown for such inquiries. In the 
year 1 573, not very long after Greek had begun to 

* TheVenedaD Captain above mentioned, whose company was 
quartered in the Acropolis, expresses himself as follows: ^'Sopra 
Tentrata eravi I'effigie di Giove, i trionfi della nascita di Minerva, 
e molti (due) cavalli che tiravano il carro, ove essa sedeva. L'eccel- 
lentissimo Capitan Generale roandd a levare quei cavalli, ma la 
poca accortezza di alcuni gli fece cadere e si ruppero non solo, ma 
si difeceio in polvere." * Voyage II. p. 104. 


be a brancb of education in Germany, Martin Kraus, 
or Crusius, professor at Tubingen, curious to ascer- 
tain the actual state of Greece, and of its language, 
contrived to open a communication with some natives 
at Constantinople upon those subjects. In a letter 
addressed to Theodore Zygomalas, he states that 
Athens was described by the modem historians of 
Germany as totally destroyed, and occupied only by 
a few fishermen's huts, and he desires to know from 
his correspondent whether such was the truth. 
Zygomalas answers that, being a native of Nauplia, 
he had often visited Athens, and he attempts to 
describe its antiquities, but exposes his ignorance, 
by calling the Parthenon the Pantheon ^ Another 
correspondent of Crusius, Symeon Kavasila, of the 
city Acamania (as Arta was then called by the 
leamed)^ describes the Parthenon as the temple of 
the unknown God '. These and many other ancient 

' To xdvdioy, oiko^o/i^k vucuiirav grairac oUo^OfiaSf yXvTrrwQ 
uroc 3ca trdmig r^c o2ico2o/x^c exoviray rdc iffropioQ 'ISXKfivwv 
tal Tavra rdc Odat* rai /lera rwy 6XKiay, iicdyia rfjc fieydXriQ 
rvXifCi <7irovc Bvo i^vcufvofiiyovc AyBpofuay iiq odpKa, to Bokuv 
c^i/w)^ovc, ovc Xiytrat ori eka^vtre Upa^iriXjiQ. Theod. Zygo- 
malaa ap. Mart. Cms. Turco-Grsec. 1. 7. ep. 10. The writer 
was probably thinking of the horses of Diomedes. In alluding 
to two horses he seems to show that the horses of the car of 
Neptune were already wanting ; that the pediment therefore was 
nearly in the same state in which it was designed a century later 
by Carrey. 

* IlaXm fA€y to r&y 'Adriy&y &arv rpiTrXoKov ^v, koI diray 
cucovfuroy, NSv ii ro fiiy koufrepoyf Bwep aKpdiroXtt, ky f kqI 
yaoc rf 'Ayvw^ry B<^» dway inro ^idviay 'IffftariXtriay oiicov- 
fuyoy' TO Be iicrog (to ityafura^v ^iifit) oXoy vxo rHy Xpivriavoiv' 
Tov a li/t^ripov (iy f Ka\ (iauiXtia ^la fxapftdputy ical Ktoywy 


appellations^ not more correctly applied, such as 
lanthom of Demosthenes, palace of Themistocles, 
school of Aristotle, arsenal of Lycurgus, show the 
ignorance of the Greeks of those days, and how 
thoroughly the real history of Athens and its build- 
ings had fallen into oblivion ; though in this respect 
perhaps the Athenians were not much more remark- 
able than the Romans, or the people of any ancient 
city which had preserved monuments of antiquity, so 
great had been the effects of the ten preceding cen- 
turies of moral darkness upon the countries which 
had formed the empire of Rome. Kavasila states 
the citadel of Athens to have been then inhabited 
by Turks, and the lower town by Christians, or pre- 
cisely as the Venetians found them a century later. 
The Turks probably began to inhabit the lower town 
after their recovery of the Morea in 1715. The 
extent of habitations appears to have been greater 
near the Olympium in the sixteenth century, than it 
is at present; for Kavasila states one-third of the 

fLeyitrrwy, e^' Jv, r^c irvXriQ iiriyeypairrai itov6m\ov kcli tn 
ffw(6fitvov — At^ iiir* 'Ad$vac, Qtiirias ^ irpiy iroXtc)' to rpiroy 
ouovfieyov' oXoy Bk iv 5<ry ol &ydpiinroi oyriQ rvy^dyovaiy 

{roy dpidfJLoy ^iXca^cc SwiEKo) k^ l£ $ tirra fiiXif^y 

nepuxofuyoy, S. Kabasilas ap. M. Cms. Turco-Graec. 1. 7- 
ep. 18. 

The" AyywfrroQ QeoQ is obviously derived from the Acts of the 
Apostles, but St. Paul alluded only to an altar, virhich, if he 
landed at Phalerum, may have been the same noticed at that 
place by Pausanias (Attic. 1 , 2). This and some of the other 
absurd names of the seventeenth and sixteenth centuries may be 
traced to the fifteenth, in the MS. of an anonymous Ghreek, in the 
Imperial library of Vienna, who wrote in the time of the Dukes 
of Athens. See Appendix, No. V. 


ancient Hadrianopolis to have been inhabited, where in 
another century there remained only a few cottages. 
With this exception Athens seems to have been 
nearly of its present dimensions, to which indeed we 
have reason to believe that it was reduced long 
before the time of Kavasila ^ If therefore his com- 
putation of 12,000 inhabitants be correct, the city 
since his time has been curtailed of its dimensions on 
the northern side. 

Deshayes, who was French ambassador to the 
Porte in 1621, visited Athens in his way to Con- 
stantinople, and published a few observations upon 
the place, the value of which may be understood 
from his having adopted the supposition of the 
Parthenon having been the temple of the Unknovm 

Thus, until the middle of the seventeenth century, 
although curious inquirers might learn that Athens 
was not only a considerable city, but that it still 
contained many monuments of antiquity, they must 
notwithstanding have been totally at a loss to un- 
derstand which of the celebrated buildings of the 
ancients had survived. It was to the establishment 
in Greece of the monastic orders of the Roman 
church, that Europe was indebted for the first accu- 
rate information upon this subject'. Dr. Spon, a 
physician and learned antiquary, of Lyons, having 
opened a correspondence with the P^re Babin, a 
Jesuit residing at Athens, received from him such a 

' See page 68, note 1. 

' The Jesuits first went to Athens in 1645 ; the Capuchins in 


description of it as Spon thought worthy of being 
published. This was done at Lyons in 16749 &nd 
may possibly have assisted in inducing the Marquis 
de Nointel, who in that year was sent to Constanti- 
nople for the second time as ambassador of France \ 
to carry with him to Athens a pupil of the painter 
Lebrun, named Jacques Carrey, who was employed 
at Athens for about five weeks in making drawings '. 
The originals of these designs, executed very rudely 
and inaccurately, partly in red chalk, and partly in 
black lead, are now in the National Library at Paris, 
and correct copies of them have been presented to 
the British Museum. They represent in twenty- 
eight drawings the two pediments of the Parthenon, 
the metopes of the southern side of the same temple, 
and a great part of the frieze on the outside of its 
cella. Among the buildings of the lower town there 
delineated, are the church of the Megali Panaghia, 
with three Corinthian columns in its wall, two 
ancient friezes in the wall of the church of Gor- 
gopiko, a view of the eastern extremity of the city, 
which comprises the Olympinm, the banks of the 
Ilissus, and Mount Hymettus, and lastly a nearer 
view of the Olympium. 

^ De Nointel left France on his first embassy in August, 1670, 
and arrived at Constantinople in October. Chardin, Voyage en 
Perse par la Mer Noire et par la Colchide, p. 35. 12mo. 

' Wheler (p. 362) says two months, but it appears from 
one of the published letters of Cornelio Magni, who accom- 
panied De Nointel, that the permission to draw was not obtained 
until the 14th of November, that on the 15ih of December they 
were all preparing to depart, and that at Christmas they were at 


These drawings agree with Spon and Wheler in 
showing that very little of the quarter of Hadria- 
nopolis then remained. A few cottages are seen 
near the fountain Enneacrunus, and some others 
standing in a range of gardens, on the banks of the 
Dissus, which extended below Enneacrunus as fieu* as 
the bridge in the road to Sunium. We learn from 
Spon, that Callirhoe, the ancient name of Enneacru- 
nus, which is still applied to the river Ilissus, as well 
as to the fountain, was then attached also to the 
hamlet near it^ In the time of Chandler there 
were no houses at the fountain, but two or three 
remained on the opposite side of the river ^ which 
have long since disappeared. 

It further appears from Carrey, that there existed 
the ruins of a building attached to the northern end 
of the bridge of the Stadium ; of which a fragment, 
together with an arched entrance to the bridge, 
remained in the time of Stuart. We learn frt)m Spon 
that this ruin had been a monastery of nuns aban- 
doned at the Turkish conquest'. The columns of 
the Olympium were in the same state in the time of 
Carrey as at present, with the exception of the 
single column, which Stuart and Chandler mention 
to have been taken down a little before their visit to 
Athens. Within the area of the great cluster of 
these columns, Carrey has represented a Greek 
church, which no longer exists. It was called the 
church of St. John at the Columns (crraic icoXowacc), 
and its position, not connected with any part of the 

' Voyage II. p. 146^ Wheler, p. 379. 

• Travels, p. S8. Svo. 1766. ' Voyage II. p. 128. 


ancient building, seems to indicate that the ruin of 
the Olympium took place at a remote period. 

In the year 1675, Athens was visited by the Earl 
of Winchelsea, English ambassador to the Porte, 
and in the following year by Mr. Vernon, of whose 
travels in Greece a short account was soon after- 
wards published in the Philosophical Transactions. 
The same year was distinguished in Athenian annals 
by the visit of Dr. Spon and Sir George Wheler, 
from whom, and from the drawings of Carrey, we 
derive all our knowledge of the state of Athens 
prior to that siege, which forms the chief sera in the 
modem history of Athenian antiquities; for, as to 
Guillet, who published in 1675 the pretended tra- 
vels in 1669 of his brother La Guilleti^re, it is evi- 
dent that the work is nothing more than a romance, 
constructed indeed with some degree of learning 
and ingenuity, and founded probably upon some 
correct information acquired by Guillet from Greeks 
or from the missionaries, then recently established in 
Greece, added to that which he may have found in 
the printed account of the Pere Babin ; but con- 
founding places and objects in a manner which could 
not have occurred to any one personally acquainted 
with the localities, and mixing up with adventures 
of his own invention, descriptions taken from Pau- 
sanias or other ancient authors, of buildings and 
monuments which had been long annihilated, but 
which he represents as still in existence ^ What 

' Spon at first was inclined to defend Guillet against Vernon, 
who, having carried Guillet's book with him to Athens, gave 
testimony to its falsehood in his letter to the Royal Society. In 
the Voyage of Spon, first published at Lyons in 1677, he even 


are we to think, in the present day, of a traveller 
who asserts that he saw an inscription to the 
Unknown God on the front of the Parthenon, who 
describes a Pantheon near the Bazar more magnifi- 
cent than the Pantheon at Borne ^ who pretends to 
have seen rains of the temple of Neptnne, of the 
Prjtaneiam, of the Metroum, of the Bucoleium, and 
of several of the porticos of the Cerameicus, toge- 
ther with many of the statues described in that 
quarter by Pansanias, — ^who discovers the theatre 
of Bacchus in the plain half-hidden amidst trees and 
grass — who finds a circular building called the Lant- 
hom of Diogenes, which Spon inquired for in vain ' 
— ^who discovers a magnificent temple of Jupiter, 
and temples of Vulcan and Venus Urania, where 
Spon and Wheler saw only a Greek church and 
two mosques — and who finds the marble seats still 
remaining in the Stadium, although none of them 

allows that La Cruilletiere had been seven days at Athens ; but 
feeling himself unable at the same time to avoid making some 
observations upon Gnilletidre's absurdities, GuiUet replied in 
a ** Dissertation sur un Voyage, publie par an Medecin Anti- 
quaire. Paris, 12mo. 1679." Spon immediately published a 
" Reponse a la Critique, publiee par M. Guillet, sur le Voyage 
de Gr^e de Jacob Spon. 12mo. Lyons, 1679." In this work 
Spon expresses doubts that such a person as La Cruilletiere 
had ever existed, brings proofii of the manner in which GuUlet's 
information was obtained, and gives a list of 112 errors in his 

' Before it, he adds, were two horses, the work of Praxi- 
teles, evidently borrowing the blunder of Zygomalas, as to 
the Parthenon, and applying it to his pretended Pantheon in 

' Voyage H. p. 128. 


were to be seen six years after his pretended 
journey ? 

As frequent reference will be made in the course 
of the present work to the description given of the 
buildings of Athens, by Spon and Wheler, it will be 
unnecessary to say more at present upon the state of 
Athens in their time. 

One cannot, however, pass the mention of their 
names without expressing surprise that their publi-* 
cations, which first gave civilized Europe an adequate 
idea of the treasures of ancient art which Athens 
still retained, should not have roused any government 
or individual to some more effectual mode of ren- 
dering those treasures useful, than that of the Mar- 
quis de Nointel; that Louis XIV., in particular, 
who obtained some glory fis a patron of art and 
learning, and sent out missions to the Levant to 
collect drawings, coins, and inscriptions, should not 
have endeavoured to enrich his capital with copies 
derived from the purest school of architecture and 
sculpture, or at least that an interest should not have 
been created in favour of the Athenian monuments, 
suflScient to save them from the artillery of Morosini« 
But the ignorance and barbarism of feudal times was 
still too profoundly rooted and too extensively diffused. 

It was not until ninety years after the publication 
of the travels of Spon and Wheler, that an English 
artist, studying at Rome, having perceived that he vras 
not yet at the fountain-head of true taste in architec- 
ture, determined to proceed to Athens and to reside 
there, until he should have made technical drawings of 
all the principal remains of antiquity. Stuart, having 
engaged Revett, another architect, to join him, they 



arrived at Athens in the year ITSl, and remained 
there during the greater part of three years ^ The 
first part of the result of their labours was published 
in 1762; soon after which some further know- 
ledge of Greece and of its remains of antiquity 
was obtained by a private society in London, 
which has done more for the improvement of the 
arts by such researches than any government in 

In the year 1764, the society of Dilettanti engaged 
Mr. Revett to return to Greece, in company with 
Mr. Pars and Dr. Chandler ; the former an able 
draftsman, the latter well qualified to illustrate the 
geography and antiquities of the country by his 
erudition. The result of this mission placed the 
public in possession of the designs of several Athe- 
nian monuments, left imperfectly examined by Stuart, 
together with architectural details of some of the 
most celebrated temples of Asiatic Greece, a volume 
of Greek inscriptions by Dr. Chandler, and two 
volumes of travels in Asia Minor and Greece by the 
same person. 

As Chandler, with the exception of Spon and 
Wheler, is the earliest modem traveller who has 
applied a competent share of judgment and learning 
to the examination of any part of Greece ; and as 

^ See Preface to Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. i. In the 
year 1755, Athena was visited by Leroy, a French architect, for 
a similar purpose, and the result was published in one volume in 
1758. From such a rapid proceeding, great accuracy could 
not be expected, and accordingly we find fourteen columns on 
the sides of the temple of Theseus in Leroy's drawing of that 



the public has consequently been indebted to him 
for many important discoveries in illustration of its 
ancient history and topography, it would perhaps be 
ungrateful to accuse him of indolence, or want of 
enterprise ; but he cannot so easily be excused for 
having omitted to cite the ancient authorities in any 
of those very numerous passages of his works in 
which he had recourse to them, as the omission ren- 
ders it often diflScult to judge of the accuracy of his 

The researches of Stuart and Chandler upon the 
topography of Athens have cleared up much that 
had been left obscure and faulty by Spon and Wheler, 
and in some instances Chandler's superior learning 
enabled him to correct the mistaken impressions of 
Stuart ; but others he has left uncorrected, and he 
has added many errors and negligences of his own, 
as well in the application of ancient evidence, as in 
regard to the actual condition of the ruined buildings. 

The changes which occurred in the state of Athens, 
between the Venetian siege and the time of Chandler, 
were so small that Chandler found it sufficient for 
the explanation of his topography to insert a copy of 
the plan of Athens, published by Fanelli froin the 
Venetian engineers. 

The dilapidations produced in the half century 
which has elapsed since the visit of Chandler have 
been more considerable. Five years afterwards, the 
descent of the Albanians into Greece, which followed 
the insurrection excited in the Morea by the Rus- 
sians, obliged the Athenians to surround their city 
with a wall. In this operation the two Ionic columns 
belonging to the frontispiece of the aqueduct of 


Hadrian, at the foot of Mount St. George^ were 
demolished, and its inscribed architrave was placed 
over a neighbouring gate in the modem walls. 
The temple of Triptolemus, designed by Stuart, and 
found bj Chandler somewhat impaired, with one of 
the columns prostrate, was destroyed upon the same 
occasion ; so that a few years later nothing but the 
site and a part of the pavement were to be seen ^ 
The Roman bridge leading to the stadium was swept 
awaj by the same occurrence, as well as the remains 
of the monastery which had been attached to it. 

It would be highly unjust, however, to accuse 
the Turks as the sole dilapidators of the ancient 
works of Athens, or of any other part of Greece. 
Their hatred of images has indeed been peculiarly 
destructive to everjr work of sculpture representing 
the animal form ; but the Greeks themselves, although 
often anxious to preserve inscribed or sculptured mar- 
bles, and for that purpose depositing them in the 
churches, have generally been too unenlightened not 
to prefer the claims of temporary convenience to a 
desire of preserving the works of their ancestors. In 
fiict, there is scarcely a Greek village that does not 
bear marks of having been built or repaired with 
the materials of ancient edifices, the squared blocks 
of the ancient walls furnishing convenient materials 
to the mason; while the finer marbles which the 
ancients employed for their sculpture, or for the 

^ The original cause of its destrnction was a mass celebrated, 
aoooiding to the Latin rites, in the temple, which was then a 
Greek chnrch of the Panaghia, by the Marquis de Nointel, in 
1674. The Greeks having desecrated the church in consequence, 
it feU into neglect and gradual dilapidation. 

H 2 


more decorative parts of their architecture, have 
supplied him with the choicest substance for his 
cement or coatings ^ Many works of ancient sculp- 
ture have in this manner disappeared, nor ought we 
to forget, as a cause of the more recent diminution 
or degradation of Greek monuments, the depreda- 
tions of travellers and collectors, often destroying 
more than they carry away. 

In those cities which have never ceased to be 
inhabited, the remains of antiquity have been con- 
tinually disturbed and applied to purposes of modem 
construction. Where the chief population of the 
district has established itself at no great distance 
from the ancient site, the same cause of destruction 
has been almost equally in operation. The ancient 
cities therefore which, having been abandoned or 
reduced to a very small population at an early 
period, have at the same time been at too great a 
distance from any modem town to be largely re- 
sorted to for materials, are those which are most 
likely still to preserve valuable remains of antiquity 
below the surface of the soil*. 

' It frequently happens indeed that the wrought stones of the 
ancients are too massy for the artisans of the present day ; but 
the magnitude of the masses has not always saved them, for 
the finished materials of the ancients are often broken into 
smaller masses, for the convenience of transportation. 

' Perhaps the reader will not be displeased if I take this 
opportunity of naming the places which appeared to me to be 
most remarkably in the latter predicament. In the Peloponnesus 
were Corone (at the modem Petalidhi), Messene, Thurium, the 
city of the Taenarii, or Caenepolis of the Eleuthero Lacones (at 
seven or eight miles to the north-west of Cape Matapan), 
Oythium, Amyclse, Prasiae, Thyrea, Asine of Aigolis, Her- 



But the situations which afford the best prospect 
of finding productions of the ancient masters, are 
the aXffij, or sacred groves, which were generally 
removed from the ordinary habitations of men, 
sometimes in sequestered valleys or mountain soli- 
tudes \ and hence comparatively secure from spoli- 
ation ; for in some of these places the works of the 
most renowned artists were originally more abundant 
than any where, except in cities of the first rank. 

The sea-coast has generally been unfavourable to 

mione, Titszen, Epidauras, Phlius, Mantineia, Megalopolis, 
Orcliomenus, Clitor, Phigaleia, Psophis, Elis, Dyme, Pallene, 
Sicyou. Beyond the Isthmus were Eleusis, many of the Demi 
of Attica, Eretria and Histisa in Euboea, Platsa, Tanagra, 
Thespiae, Haliartus, Coroneia, Chseroneia, Orchomenus, Stiris, 
Cirrha, Opus, Elateia, Thronium, Heracleia of Mount (Eta. 
To these may be added many cities in Thessaly, Epirus, Acar- 
nania, ^tolia, and Macedonia, particularly the following: — In 
Thessaly, Thebae Phthioticse, Pagasse, Demetrias, Metropolis, 
Pelinnseum, Gomphi, and Cyretis. In Epirus, Phoenice, Gi- 
tan», Pandosia, Cichyrus, Cassope, and Nicopolis. In Acamania, 
Aigos Amphilochicum, Thyrium, Stratus, and the city of the 
CBniadse ; and in ^tolia, Thermus, and Calydon. In all these 
places the state of the soil appears to indicate that the sites have 
been little disturbed since the respective places fell to ruins, and 
to promise a rich harvest of ancient remains. 

' It is hardly necessary to name Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, and 
the Isthmus, as places to which I particularly allude. To these 
may be added the Grove of the Muses on Mount Helicon, the 
sanctuaries of Jupiter Lycseus, and of Despoena in Arcadia, the 
Heneum of Argolis, the Hierum of Epidauria, the oracular fane 
of Apollo in Mount Ptous, the temples of Minerva Itonia in 
BoM>tia and in Thessaly, Actium, and a very remarkable hierum 
to the south of loannina in Epirus, of which the ancient name 
is unknown. The sites of many insulated temples in various 
parts of the country might also be mentioned, though little now 
remains of their buildings above ground. 


the preservation of remains of antiquity, on account 
of the facility which it afforded of transporting 
materials for the construction of new buildings in 
other places near the sea. Many modem towns, 
churches, and monasteries, have thus been built or 
repaired at the expense of the ruined cities on the 
coast, which have greatly suffered also from the 
spoliation or wanton violence of Turks, Genoese, 
Venetians, French, and other nations, who have 
carried on war or commerce in the Grecian seas 
during the last eight centuries. 

In some instances the magnitude of the ancient 
city has been such, that its materials are not yet 
exhausted, even although placed in a situation very 
much exposed to modem depredations. Such are 
Sparta and Tegea, which, although they have served 
for ages as quarries to the neighbouring towns of 
Mistra and Tripolitz^ yet still retain numerous 
remains of antiquity. 

But above all the cities of Greece, Athens, although 
it has never ceased to be a large inhabited place, still 
affords the best prospect of discoveries interesting to 
the artist and antiquary. Here every fragment that 


is found bears testimony to the preeminent taste 
and skill of the ancient people; every inscription 
throws light on history or philology. The buildings 
of the modern town may forbid researches through- 
out a great part of the site, but all the southern and 
western parts of the Asty, the suburbs of the Gardens 
and of Agrse, the Longomural town, and the entire 
Peiraic city, are open to the excavator, whose labours, 
if they are increased by the depth of soil, which the 
successive ruins of buildings, during a long course of 


ages, have accumulated, are perhaps the more likely 
on that account to afford a valuable result. 

Of the three great branches of art in which the 
ancients peculiarly excelled, little can be discovered 
at this distance of time in the more perishable art of 
painting. Some new proofs may perhaps yet reach 
us of their having been at least our equals in elesign ; 
but as to their proficiency in the other attributes of 
painting, we can scarcely hope to obtain any very 
satis&ctory information. 

Although modem Europe has produced many fine 
works of sculpture since the revival of the arts in 
Italy, it will hardly be denied that the discovery of 
some of the productions of the great masters of the 
fifth and fourth centuries before the Christian a^ra, 
would add extremely to our materials of improve- 
ment in this branch of art. In considering, that, while 
there is no end to the examples of ancient perfection, 
afforded by smaller works, such as bronzes, coins, 
and gems, we have scarcely any undoubted originals 
of human or larger size, belonging to those favoured 
ages, with the exception of the marbles of the 
/Eginetan, Athenian, and Phigaleian temples, it must 
be allowed that the acquisition of some of those 
numerous works of the ancient masters, which were 
still untouched in the second century of the Christian 
sra^ and probably much later, would be the most 
interesting discovery that could occur in sculpture. 

But it is particularly in architecture that we need 
the guidance of the Greeks. By following the mo- 
dem Italians, who took for their models corrupted 
Roman imitations of Greek architecture, a style was 
introduced into England, which, having prevailed for 


about two centuries, has not been much corrected in 
the course of the half century during which we have 
enjoyed a knowledge of the genuine architecture of 
the Greeks, by means of the drawings which have 
been published of the antiquities of Athens, Ionia, 
Magna Graecia, and Sicily. 

The more we examine the buildings of the ancients, 
the stronger do the proofs appear of that profound 
study which they bestowed upon this most useful 
and ornamental of arts. Nor is their taste and 
judgment less conspicuous in the application of their 
rules according to circumstances of place and occsr 
sion ; which some recent examples show to be not 
more easy of attainment than the rules themselves. 

There are few problems more difficult of solution 
than to find a sufficient reason for the perfection 
which the Greeks attained in the elegant arts, 
and for its wide difiusion among them during 
several centuries. Something may be attributed to 
the more acute perceptions, to the more beautiful 
forms and colours of animate and inanimate nature, 
and to the brighter skies of a southern climate. 
Something more may be ascribed to circumstances 
j&om which we are happy to be exempt; such as 
the eager collision of rivalry between small inde- 
pendent states, the excitement given to the imagina- 
tion, and the encouragement afforded to the display 
of its powers by a mythology closely allied to the 
senses, and which gave the honours of divinity to 
the productions of the artist. Even with these 
advantages, to arrive at the productions of the 
age of Pericles required several centuries of trials 
and improvements, during which extreme diligence 


was applied by a scries of gifted men to one 
pursoity which, when successful, obtained as much 
worldly &me and advantage as that of arms, or of 
the conduct of public afiairs. Without such an 
equalization of the rewards of genius and labour, 
science, literature, and the arts, are more degraded 
than encouraged or protected. 



As the only detailed description of ancient Athens is 
found in the work of Pausanias, I shall begin by 
submitting to the reader a translation of all his 
information upon the topography of the city ; — • 
retaining his more important remarks upon the 
buildings, monuments, and works of art, but omit- 
ting the greater part of the history or mythology 
which he has introduced. 

After having described the remains of the maritime 
city, Pausanias speaks of the two roads, which led 
from thence to Athens, in the following terms : 

* In the road which leads to the city from Pha^ Cap. i. 
lemm there is a temple of Juno, without doors, and 
without a roof. It is reported to have been burnt by 
Mardonius, son of Gobrias^ The statue which it 
Qow contains is said to be the work of Alcamenes. 
At the entrance into the city' is the tomb of An- Cap. 2. 
tiope the Amazon. The Athenians possess likewise 
a tomb of Molpadia ^. 

(Phocic. 35, 2) again mentions this half-lmrnt 
temple on the Phakric road {ixl o^f rf ^akriptK^). 

* The Athenian tradition adopted by Pansanias (in this place, 
and in 15, 2) was, that Antiope had been brought to Athens as a 


Cap. 2. " In the ascent from Piraeeus^ are the ruins of the 
walls which Conon raised after the sea-fight at 
Cnidus; for the walls of Themistocles, built after 
the departure of the Modes, were destroyed under 
the govemment of the men called the Thirty. The 
most illustrious tombs on the road are those of 
Menander, son of Diopeithes, and of Euripides, the 
latter of which is empty, Euripides having been 
buried in Macedonia. Near the gates' is a monu- 
ment, upon which is the statue of a soldier standing* 
by a horse. Who it is, I know not ; but Praxiteles 
made both the horse and the soldier. 

** At the entrance into the city ' is a building set 
apart for the equipment of certain processions, some 
of which occur every year, and others at longer 
intervals *. Adjacent to it ^ is a temple of Ceres, 

captive by Theseus, when, in company with Hercules, he took 
Themiscyra on the Thermodon ; that, when the Amazones in- 
vaded Attica, Antiope was slain by an arrow from Molpadia, and 
that Molpadia was slain by Theseus. For various legends on 
this subject, see Plutarch in Thes. 26 et seq, 

^ 'Awoiraiv Ik Ueipaiut, ' oh iro^pw rtiy tvXiSv. 

' *^ff€\d6yTwy cc liiv trdXcv. 

* By the latter, Pausanias seems to allude to the greater Pan- 
athensea, which were celebrated at the end of every four years. 
The UofixeiOf or vases of gold and silver used in the sacred pro- 
cessions (V. Meurs. Attic. Lect. 2, 15), were kept in this build- 
ing, which itself also bore the name of Pompeium, and con- 
tained a brazen statue of Socrates by Lysippus (Diogen. Laert. 
2,43), a picture of Isocrates (Vit. X. Rhet. in Isocrat.), and 
the portraits of certain comedians by Craterus. Plin. H. N. 35, 
11, (40). At the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the value 
of the vases of the Pompeium formed a large portion of the 

* wXrialoy, 


containing statues^ of Ceres, of Proserpine, and of Cap. 2. 
lacchus holding a torch. It is written on the wall. 

503 talents at which the public plate, together with the Persian 
spoils, was estimated by Pericles. Thucyd. 2, 13. Diod. 12, 40. 
They were renewed or augmented out of the property of the 
Thirty Tyrants (Philochor. ap. Harpocrat. in Ilofircca), and again 
by Lycnigus, son of Lycophron (Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. Pau- 
san. Alt 29, 16), and again by Androtion. Demosth. c. Androt. 
p. 615, Reiske. Aldbiades was accused of applying some of 
them to his own use. Plutarch. Alcib. 13. Andocid. c. Alcib. 
p. 126, Reiske. The Pompeium was one of the buildings in 
which com and flour were deposited, and measured before the 
proper officers. Demosth. c. Phormion. p. 918. 

' It may be right to remark, in entering upon this description 
of Athens, that Pausanias has four words to express our words 
gUttMCf image^figure^ namely, ayaX/xa, l6avov^ dvBpiac and ciicwy ; 
the two former are applied by him to gods, or deified or ideal 
persons, the two latter to portraits of men. !B!6avoyf though 
employed by Strabo (p. 396), in speaking of one of the most 
celebrated works of Phidias in marble, was reserved by Pausanias 
exclusively for rude statues, and principally those of wood: 
eixmy is the only general word applicable to figures of animated 
beings of every kind. When Pausanias makes mention of de- 
tached and entire statues, he joins one of the four substantives 
above mentioned to the verbs larrifn, Keifiai : in speaking of 
works in relief (which he sometimes calls rinroi) he employs the 
verb irtpyaiofiai or circjcpya^o/icu. Paintings are always de- 
scribed by ypa^ and its derivatives ; ^ociS is applied to all the 
arts, to poetry, painting, and sculpture. Naoc was properly a 
closed building, or temple properly so called, and might thus be 
applied to a cella, exclusive of the exterior ; but iepov (a sanc- 
toary of any kind) is frequently used by Pausanias, in speaking 
of a building which we know to have been a vaoc, as of the tem- 
ples of Theseus and of Mars at Athens, and of Ceres at Pha- 
leram ; of the temple of Jupiter Panhellenius, in ^gina ; of the 
temple of Latona at Argos, &c. So that in Pausanias UpoVf 
without any other designation, may generaUy be taken in the 


Gap. 2. in Attic letters S that these statues are the works of 
Praxiteles. Not far from the temple' is a Neptune 
on horseback, hurling his trident ' at the giant P0I7- 
botes; but the inscription which is now upon the 
statue ascribes it to another, and not to Neptune. 
From the city gates to the Cerameious, extend 
porticoes*, before which are brazen images of illus- 
trious men and women. One of these porticoes 
contains certain temples of the gods, the gymna^ 
slum of Mercury, and the house of Polytion, 
wherein some noble Athenians are said to have 
imitated the Eleusinian ceremony^. The house is 
now sacred to Bacchus, who is sumamed Melpo- 
menus, for the same reason that Apollo is called 
Musagetes. Here are statues of Minerva Paeonia, of 
Jupiter, of Mnemosyne, of the Muses, and of Apollo, 
the works and dedications of Eubulides ^ Here also 

same sense as vaoci and the more so as he has the expressions, 
Upoy rifieyoCi and i f poc ^eplfidXoct to describe sanctuaries where 
there was no yaoQ, or where the vaoc is not particularly referred to. 
In like manner we find viifia, fivflfia, ra^g, applied to one and 
the same monument in the Achaica (25, 7. S). 

^ 'Arrucoic ypdfAfiatnv ; meaning the characters in use before 
the aichonship of Eucleides in b. c. 404 — S. See Pausan. EL 
post. 19| 8. Harpocrat., Ue^ch., Phavorin. in v. Lex. ap. 
Bekker. Aneod. Qt, I. p. 461. This was the more remarkable, 
as Praxiteles liYed after the archonship of Eucleides* 

' rov ycLov oh ic6ft^, ' i^piv, 

^ OTOaX hi eiifiy &iro rwy trvXAv cc roy Kcpa/icucdv. 

* Pausanias here alludes to Aldbiades, and his companions, 
who were accused of having privately represented in derision the 
Eleusinian mysteries. Thucyd. 6, 27. Plutarch. Alcib. 19. 
Andocid. de Myst. p. 7» 19, Reiske. 

' '£vrav6a icrriy 'AOfiydg &ya\fia IlaiiiiWac jcal Aioc koI 
MyrifAoavyric i^ac ^lovvAy, *Air6\K»y6c T£f ay6dfifia koI Ipyor 


is seen the face of Acratus, one of the companions Cap. 2. 
of Bacchus, projecting from the wall \ Next to the 
sanctuary of Bacchus' there is a building containing 
images of clay, which represent Amphictyon, king of 
the Athenians, entertaining Bacchus and other gods. 
Here also is Pegasus of Eleutherae, who introduced 
the worship of Bacchus among the Athenians. 

** The district^ named Cerameicus is so called c^p- 3. 
from the hero CSeramus \ who is said to have been 
the son of Bacchus and Ariadne. The first portico 
on the right is that named Basileius, where the 
Archon BacriXcuc holds his court ^. His office, called 
BacriXcf a, lasts for one year \ Upon the earthen roof 
of this Stoa' are statues of baked clay, representing 
Theseus throwing Scyron into the sea, and Aurora^ 

£v/3ovX/&v. This passage has generally been translated as 
meaning that the statue of Apollo only had been the work 
and gift of Enbulides. We have a similar expression in Attic* 
I9 3« rifc mvdc owtoBev lardvi Zevc Kal A^ftoct Aiuxikpovc 

* irY^oiofitifJiivoy rolxf. 

^ furd Tov ^iovvaov ri/uyoc* 

* X*H^oy. 

^ The Greeks were fond of tracing their names of places to 
heroes : but Herodotus (5» 88), in alluding to the Athenian pot- 
tery manufactured for exportation in very ancient times, suggests 
a more probable derivation of Cerameicus than that given by 

* In the Lexicon Rhet ap. Bekker. Anecd. 6r. I. p. 222, 
the name of this Stoa is derived not from the archon, but from 
Jupiter BairiX£vc. Before the Stoa Basileius was a brazen statue 
of Pindar, wrapt in a cloak, and seated in a chair, with an open 
book lying upon his knees, ^schin. in Epist. 4. 

• • 



Cap. 3. carrying away Cephalus. Near the same portico stand 
statues of Conon, of his son Timotheus, and of Eva- 
goraSy king of the Cyprii '. Here likewise are figures of 
Jupiter Eleutherius, and of the Emperor Hadrian. 
Behind (them) is a portico ^ which contains paintings 
of the gods, called the Twelve, and other paintings on 
the further walP of Theseus, Democracy, and the 
People, signifying that Theseus first established equal 
rights of citizenship among the Athenians. There 
is also a picture of the action of the Athenians near 

^ The statue of Conon was of brass (Demosth. c. Leptin. p. 
487, Reiske. Apsin. de Art. Rhet.), wad the others were probably 
of the same material. Those of Conon and his son are men- 
tioned by Com. Nepos(Timoth. 2). Evagoras was here honoured, 
says Pausanias, because, as deriving his genealogy from Salamia, 
he had been friendly to the Athenians, and had persuaded Arta- 
xerxes to place his Phoenician ships under the command of Conon. 

' trrod owifrBev fKo^ofinrai. This was the Stoa Eleutherias, 
as appears from the pictures which Pausanias describes in it, 
and which are referred to by other authors. See p. 113, n. 3. 
The statue of Jupiter Eleutherius therefore stood in front of 
the portico, which was named from him. Hypereides (ap. 
Harpocr. in 'EXevOepcoc Zcvc) described the Stoa as near the 
statue (jr\ri<Fiov alrov). For this celebrated portico see also 
Plato (Theag. in init.)* and Xenophon (CSconom. 7> 1). This 
Jupiter Eleutherius was sometimes called Jupiter Soter. Isocrat. 
Evagor. p. 200, Steph. Hesych. in 'EXevOcpioc* Menandrua 
ap. Harpocr. in *EX£vO. The statue was erected after the Persian 
war. Aristid. in Or. Panathen. p. 125, Jebb. The proximity of 
the Basileian and Eleutherian stose is confirmed by Harpocration 
and Hesychius (in Ba^/Xecoc 2roa), and Eustathius (in Od. A. 395), 
and that of the portico of Jupiter Eleutherius, and the Pom- 
peium, by Diogenes Laertins (6, 22). Shields of distinguished 
warriors were hung up in the portico of Jupiter Eleutherius. 
They were carried off by the soldiers of Sylla. Pausan. Attic. 
26, 2. Phocic. 21, 3. 

SECT, l] by pausanias. 113 

Mantineia, when they were sent to assist the Lace- Cap. 3. 
daemonians \ Xenophon and others have described 
the whole war. The picture represents a battle of 
horsemen, in which Gryllus, son of Xenophon, is the 
leading figore among the Athenians, and Epaminon- 
das of Thebes in the Boeotian cavalry. Euphranor 
painted these pictures' for the Athenians ' ; he also 
made (the image of) the god ^ in the neighbouring 
temple of Apollo Patrons \ Before the same temple^ 
are two (other) statues of Apollo ; one is by Leo- 
chares, the other by Calamis. The latter, surnamed 
Alexicacus, is said to have been so called because 
Apollo, by means of the oracle of Delphi, caused the 
plague to cease, which afflicted (the Athenians) at 
the time of the Peloponnesian war^ There is a 

* This painting is again mentioned by Pausanias in Arcad. 9, 4. 

* rac ypai^OQ €ypa\p€y, 

* These pictures of the Stoa Eleutherius were much cele- 
brated. Plutarch, de Glor. Athen. 2. Plin. H. N. 35, 11 (40), 
Valer. Max. 8, 12. Eustath. ad II. A. 529. 

* iwoltive TOY 'Airc^XXwya. Euphranor was not less illustrious as 
a statuary than as a painter. Plin. H. N. 34, 8 (19, ibid. § 16). 

* Apollo was entitled Patrons at Athens as a guardian deity, 
bat his more common epithet was Pythius* koi t6v 'AxoXXoi tqv 
IIvOioK, oc HarpSidt iart ry ir<SX£c. — Demosth. de Cor. p. 274, 
Reiske. (^ ir6\iQ) vpo&Xa^vea yap rov koivov r^y^EXkiiyatv 
iitiyiiri^Vf kavrjj Bi Uarpiioy Toy 'AiroXXoi roy Tivdioy, — Aristid. in 
Or. Panath. I. p. 112, Jebb. *Air6\Xuty Uarpwoc 6 IIvOcoc.— - 
Harpocr. in v. 

On the worship of Apollo Patrons at Athens, see Mueller's 
Dorians, p. 266, 270. 

The altar of Apollo Patrons was covered with gold by Neo- 
ptolemus, son of Nicocles, who received in consequence the 
honour of a statue in the Agora. Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. 

^ Thucyd. 2, 47, et seq. Diodor. 12, 58 ; and mentioned again 



Cap. 3. temple of the Mother of the Gods \ whose statue 
was wrought by Pheidias ; and near it* is the council- 
house' of those called the five hundred, who form the 
yearly council of the Athenians. In it stands a 
wooden image* of Jupiter BuI8eus^ an Apollo by 
Peisias, and a statue of the (Athenian) people by 
Lyson *. The Thesmothetse were painted by Pro- 
togenes of Caunus ; Callippus, who led the Athe- 

by Pausan. Arcad. 41, 5, who informs us that the Apollo of Phiga- 
leia received the epithet of Epicurius on the same occasion. 

' ^Kodofitirai ^c Kol Mijrpoc Bewv up6y. The Metroum served as 
a place of deposit for records, both public and private, ^schin. c. 
Ctesiph. p. 576, Reiske. Ly curg. c. Leocrat p. 1 84 . Athen .5,14 
(53). 9, 17 (72). Diogen. Laert 10, 16. Suidas in Miyrpayvpnic. 
Dinarch. ap. Harpocr. in Mijrpwov. It once contained a braxen 
statue of a young woman, three feet high, called the 'Y^po^opoc* 
because it had been dedicated by Themistocles when he held 
the office of viaraty imtrrarric. The statue was carried by 
Xerxes to Sardeis, where Themistocles afterwards saw it. 
Plutarch. Themist. 31. Near the Metroum was an altar of the 
Eudanemi. Arrian. de Exp. Alex. 3, 16. 

' irXi}<r/ov. ^schines also observes that the Metroum was 
near the council-house (cv rf Mi^rpw^ iropa rd fiovXtvrfiptoyf c. 
Ctesiph. 1. 1.). And, according to Arrian (de Exp. Alex. 3, 
16), it was over-against the statues of Harmodius and Aristo- 

* (iovXevriipioy, * ly ahrf iccTrat ^Aayoy* 

* In the council-house there was a sanctuary of Jupiter Bulseos 
and Minerva Bulsea, and an altar of Vesta Buleea. Suppliants 
placed themselves under the protection of these deities, and oaths 
were taken upon the altars. Xenoph. Hell. 2, 3, § 52. Andocid. 
de Myst.p.22, Reiske. DeRedlt. p. 82. Antiphon n-cpt x^P^vrov, 
p. 789. ^schin. de fals. leg. p. 227. Diodor. 14, 4. Vit. X. 
Rhet. in Isocrat. Dinarch. ap. Hesych. Harpocr. in BovXa/a. 
In like manner, at Sparta, there were altars of Jupiter, Minerva, 
and the Dioscuri, sumamed the Ambulii. Pausan. Lacon. 13, 4. 

* ^fjfioi epyoy Avautyoc* 


nians to Thermopylse to protect Greece against the Cap. 3. 
inyasion of the Grauls, bj Olbiades^ 

Near * the council-house of the five hundred is a Cap. 5. 
building called Tholus ^ where the Prytanes sacri- 
fice S and in which are some small silver images 
of the gods. Higher up are placed ^ statues of the 
heroes, from whom were derived the names of the 
Athenian tribes. These Eponymi, for so thej are 
called, are Hippothoon, son of Neptune, and of 
A lope, daughter of Cercyon ; Antiochus, son of Her- 
cules by Medeia, daughter of Phylas ; Ajax, son of 
Telamon, and the following Athenians : Leos, who is 
said to have devoted^ his daughters (to death) for 
the common safety, in obedience to the oracle; 
Erechtheus, who defeated the Eleusinii in battle and 

^ An artist not otherwise known. Callippns, son of Moerocles, 
is again noticed by Pausanias (Phocic. 20, 3) as commander of 
the Athenians on that occasion, which occurred b. c. 279. 

* This celebrated building (for which see Meursii Ceram. 
Grem. 7) was of a circular form (Timaei Lex. Platon., Hesych., 
Siiid., Phot. Lex. in OoXog). It resembled the Tholus of Epidauria, 
bufltby Polycleitus (Pausan. Corinth. 27» 3. 5), was ffrpoyyvXoy^ 
trapofiowv doXl^ (Ammonius ap. Harpocrat. in 6.) and was covered 
with a dome built of masonry {6p<Hltfiy cT^^e ircpi^cpQ, oiiro^o/iiTri^v, 
€^fXi (irX«vi}v, wc TO, aXXa oiKo^fiiifiaTa, Lex. ap. Bekker. 
Anecd. Gr. I. p. 264). The Tholus was also called Scias (Suid. 
in Sciac. Ammon. 1. 1.), probably because it resembled the 
Scias of Sparta, a very ancient building in which the iKtcXricrla 
assembled. Pausan. Lacon. 12, 8. 

^ The Prytanes, 1. e. the tribe or tenth of the council of five hun- 
dred in office, dined every day, as well as sacrificed, in the Tholus. 
J. Poll. 8, 15.5. Harpocrat., Suid., Timei Lex. Platon. in 
BoXof. Ammon. 1. 1. 

* *Arwrrpii» itrriiKatn. * Soifvai, 

I 2 


Cap. fi. slew their leader Immaradus, son of Eumolpus ; 
^geus ; (Eneus, bastard son of Pandion ; Acamas^ 
son of Theseus ; Cecrops, and Pandion *. To these 
ten ancient Eponymi Attains the Mjsian, and Ptole- 
mseus the Egyptian, have been added, and in mj 
time the Emperor Hadrian. 
Cap. 8. Next to the figures* of the Eponymi are those of 
Amphiaraus, and of Peace, bearing Plutus, as her 
son*; of Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, in brass; 
of Callias, who, as most of the Athenians say^ 
made peace with Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes; and 
of Demosthenes^. Near the last is the temple 
of Mars, in which are* two statues of Venus, a 
Mars by Alcamenes, a Minerva by Locrus of Pares, 
and a Bellona ^ by the sons of Praxiteles '• Around 
(or near) the temple ^ stand Hercules, Theseus, Apollo, 
having his head bound vnth a riband : Calades, who 
is said to have written laws for the Athenians, and 
Pindar, who, having praised the Athenians in a hymn» 

' Pausanias here expresses a doubt, whether it was the first or 
the second kings of the names of Cecrops and Pandion, who had 
the honour of being Eponymi. 

' Merd ^c rdg elKOvag. 

' These figures were the work of Cephisodotus of Athens. See 
Boeot. 16, 1, where Pausanias commends the wisdom of the artist 
in making wealth the child of peace. Cephisodotus was brother 
of the wife of Phocion (Plutarch. Phocion, 19). 

* According to the biographer of the ten orators this statue 
was the work of Polyeuctus» and stood near the altar of the twelYe 
gods (Vit. X. Rhet. in Demosth.). 

* evBa Keirau ' '£vvovc ayaXfia, 

^ According to Codinus (de Orig. Const, p. 26, Paris), here were 
also two figures of elephants (see above, p. 57, n. 3), which may 
have been dedications of one of the Asiatic kings. 

* ^ept Toy yaoy. 


received this and other rewards from them '. Not Cap. 8. 
far (from these) stand' Harmodius and Aristogeiton, 
who slew Hipparchus. The most ancient are the 
work of Antenor ; the others are by Critius. The 
former *, Xerxes, when he took Athens, and when the 
Athenians abandoned the city, carried away with him 
as spoils. They were afterwards sent back to the 
Athenians by Antiochus^. 

' See ^schines Epist. 4, from which it appears that the inost 
remarkable words in this hymn, which became a favourite song 
at Athens, were ac re Xiirapal koI &oiBifjioi 'EXXclBoq tpiiafia 'AOai^at. 
It was composed on the defeat of the Persians, and hence was the 
more hateful to the Thebans, who had medized. They therefore 
fined Pindar, and never honoured him with a statue. Athen. 
1, 16 (34). 

' Ov iro^ia lardtriv. 

' Tmv ^c aydpifivTiay ol fiey ilal Kpirlov Ti^vrif rovg ie apxaiovQ 
iwoiiifriy 'Ayri/^wp* Siplov .... airayofjiiyov rovrowc, &c. 

* Brazen statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton were first 
erected soon after the expulsion of the Peisistratidae in the year 
510 B. c. These were the works of Antenor, which Xerxes carried 
into Persia. In the year 477 (Marmor Par. lin. 70) their place was 
supplied by those of Critius, with whom Nesiotes (for a proof of whose 
celebrity see Plutarch Praecept. Polit. 5, Lucian Rhet. Praecept. 
9) was united in the work. Lucian Philopseud. 18. Alexander 
the Great, when at Babylon, gave an order, at the instance of the 
Athenian envoys, for the restoration of the statues which had 
been removed by Xerxes : this order was executed after his 
death by Seleucus, or, according to Pausanias, by Antiochus, t. e. 
Antiochus I. son of Seleucus. Arrian Exp. Al. 3, 16. 7, 19. 
Plin. H. N. 34, 8 (19, § 10). Valer. Max. 2, 10. Vit. X. 
Rhec in Antiphon. We learn from Arrian that, on the same 
occasion, a Diana Kcpicata was restored to Athens. Pliny, 
by a singular anachronism, represents Praxiteles, who nou- 
rished a century after the time of the later statues, to have been 
the maker of the more ancient : no other author alludes to any 
statues of the tyraimicides by that great master. 

Near the Harmodius and Aristogeiton were erected gilded 


Cap. 8. ** Before the entrance ^ of the theatre called Odeium ' 
are statues of the Ptolemsei kings of Egypt, namely, 
the son of Lagus, who received the samame of Soter 
from the Rhodii ; Philadelphus, whom I have already 
mentioned among the Eponymi ; his sister Arsinoe ; 

Cap. 9. and Philometor, the eighth in succession from the 
son of Lagus, together with his only legitimate 
daughter Berenice'. Next to the Egyptians are 
Philip ; Alexander, the son of Philip ; and Lysima- 
chus, who was also of Macedonian race, and the spear- 
bearer of Alexander*. 

Cap. 11. There is also at Athens a statue of Pyrrhus, son 
of iEacides '. 

statues of Antigonus and Demetrius in a chariot (Diodor. 
20, 46), and brazen images of Brutus and Cassius. Dion Cass. 
47, 20. The varying policy of the Athenians towards the family 
of Antigonus, and the speedy ascendancy of the enemies of Brutus 
and Cassius, are circumstances sufficient to account for the silence 
of Pausanias concerning these statues, which probably no longer 
existed in his time. 

' For the Odeium, see Xenophon Uellen. 2, 4, § 9. Strabo, 
p. 396. Plutarch de Exil. 14. Suid. in 'CUBtloy. Demosth. c. 
Neaer. p. 1362, Relske ; and some other authorities, for which 
see Section lY. or Meursii Ceram. Gem. 11. In some of these 
passages not this Odeium, but that of Pericles, seems to have been 

' These two statues were of bronze ; and the others probably 
were of the same material, though Pausanias does not say so. 

^ Pausanias adds (Attic 9, 4), that the Athenians erected sta- 
tues to the Ptolemies, from gratitude (jifj^ aXi/OcI icai evepyci-acc 
oZai) ; to Philip and Alexander, to please the multitude (kdXouci^ 
Tov irX^Oovc), and to Lysimachus, from temporary consideratioiis 
(cc TO. vapovra j^riinyLOv yofAl^oyTeQ), 

* ^Adtfyaioii Be ciirwv eoti kqI Uvfipov, This remark occurs ab- 
ruptly in the midst of the historical matter of chapters 9, 10, 11, 
12, 13. It is not certain, therefore, that the statue of Pyrrhus 
was at the entrance of the Odeium. 


In the entrance of the Odeium of Athens* there Op* u* 
is, among other things worthy of inspection, a (sta- 
tue of) Bacchus. Near (this place) is a fountain ^ 
called Enneacrunus (or of nine pipes), constructed 
in this manner by Peisistratus. For there are 
wells' in every part of Athens, but this is the 
only source \ Beyond the fountain^ are two tem- 
ples, one of which is dedicated to Ceres and Pro- 
serpine ; in the (other) is a statue of Triptolemus \ 
of whom I will relate what is reported. * * * While 
intending to proceed further in this matter, as well 
as in those things which relate to the Athenian 
temple called Eleusinium, I was deterred by a yision 
in my sleep. I will return, therefore, to that of which 
it is lawful for all men to write. In front of the tem- 
ple ^ in which is the statue of Triptolemus, are a 
brazen ox, prepared for sacrifice, and a sitting statue 
of Epimenides of Gnossus. Still farther on ^ (is) the 
temple of Eucleia^ a dedication from the spoils of 
the Medes *^ who occupied the district of Marathon. 

^ *£c TO *AOiiyriiny €lffe\Bovaiy fielov, 

' flXifffiOv iarl Kp^yri* ' ^pcara. 

* wtiyii* Paiisanias means the only fountain of sweet water ; 
for he afterwards mentions two other fountains, which were of 
water not potable. 

* vxcp ri)v Kp^ivriv, It was both a irijyi), or source, and a 
Kpirfif or constructed fountain. 

* iv ry (Iripfl) TpiwrdXi fiov K€i/xtv6y kariy &ya\^a, 

' npo Tcv voov. * "Ert dirciirepw. 

* The same deity probably who was worshipped at Thebes 
and Flataea, under the name of Artemis Eucleia (Pausan. Boeot. 
17, 1); but who, according to another my thus, was daughter of 
Hercules and Myrto. Plutarch. Aristid. 20. 

'* ayadfifta airo Mii^wy, 



G*p. 14. "Beyond the Cerameicus', and the Stoa called 
Basileius, is the temple of Vulcan. I was not sur- 
prised at seeing a statue of Minerva standing by that 
of the god *, knowing what is said concerning Erich- 
thonius *. Observing the blue * eyes of Minerva, I 
recognised the mythology of the Libyans, according 
to whom Minerva is the daughter of Neptune and of 
the lake Tritonis \ whence she has blue eyes like 
those of Neptune. Near ^ (the temple of Vulcan) is 
the temple of Venus Urania, (in which) there still 
remains a statue in Parian marble, the work of 
Pheidias \ 

Cap. 15. " In approaching the portico ^ which is called 

' "Yir£p rdv Kepafieucov. Pausanias evidently here employs the 
word vTcp in the sense of beyond^ which indeed may always be 
considered his meaning when this preposition governs the fourth 

' This was probably the celebrated Vulcan of Alcamenes 
Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1, 30. Valer. Max. 8, 11. The temple 
is called by Plato in the Critias (6) the temple of Vulcan and 
Minerva, *A6riydc 'H^/irrov rt up6v» 

' See Amelesagoras ap. Antigon. Caryst. 12. ApoUodorus, 
3, 14. Pausan. Att. 2, 5. Hygin. Poet. Astr. 13. Serv. in Virg. 
Geoxg. 1, 205. 3, 113. Lactant. Div. Inst. 1, 17- The sequel of 
this strange fable is, that Minerva took chaige of Erichthonius, 
and delivered him, during her absence from Athens, to the care of 
the daughters of Cecrops. The well-known event is stated by 
Pausanias in cap. 18. 

* yXavKovc * See Herodotus, 4, 180. 

• Ukfioloy, 

' Pausanias here remarks that .£geus first established at Athens 
the worship of Venus Urania, who was the Ashtaroth or Astarte 
of Syria, introduced by the Phcenicians into Greece (Herodot, 1, 
105, 131. Pausan. Lacon. 23, 1), and worshipped at first under 
the form of a pyramidal stone. See below, p. 133, n. 2. 
*lov9i irpoc Ttfy fTToay. 

• »¥_-, 


Poecile, from its pictures S there is a brazen Mercury, Cap. 15. 
sumamed Agorseus, and near it a gate ' upon which 
is a trophy of the Athenians, when victorious in an 
equestrian combat over Pleistarchus, who commanded 
the cavalry and foreign troops of his brother Cas- 
8ander^ The first picture in the Stoa represents 
the Athenians and Lacedemonians opposed to each 
other at CBnoe of the Argeia, not in the height of 
action, or as yet exhibiting any great actions of 
valour, but just entering into battle, and beginning 
to engage hand to hand. In the middle wall are 
Theseus and the Athenians fighting against the 
Amazones ; next to which are the Greeks who have 
taken Ilium, and their kings assembled to consult 

* Its more ancient name was 2roa UturuLyoKrioQ. Plutarch. 
Cimon, 4. Diogen. Laert. 7f 5. Suid. in ^roa. The followers 
of Zeno of Citium received the name of Stoics from the Pcecile. 
Locian Demon. 14. Diogen. Laert. 1. 1. Eratosthenes, ihid. 

' See Hesych., Phavor. in 'Epfiije ^Ayopaloc* This Hermes was 
one of the most noted statues in Athens (Aristoph. £q. 218. 
Demosth. c. Everg. et Mnes. p. 1 146, Reiske. Lucian. Jap. 
Trag. S3), partly perhaps from its position, hut also from the 
beauty of its muscular details. It was commonly called the 
Hermes at the gate, 'Ef)/x% irpoc r^ nvXHi or ^apa ror nvXHva, 
(Demosth. 1. L Harpocrat., Said., Phot. Lex., in 'Epfxfit irpoc 
rj wvXi^i — Tp6c T. IT. '£.) It was inscribed with an elegiac 
distich* preceding the names of the Archons who had been in 
office when the fortifications of Peiraeeus were commenced. Phi* 
lochoms sp. Harpocrat. in Dp^c r§ irvXlBi 'Epfiffc. The gate 
appears to have been named the Asticgate, 6 irvXufy 'A^rici^c : for 
so pnJbably Philochorus ought to be read, and not 'Ep^^v irapct 
roy wXmya rov *Arnicov, as we find it in Harpocration in 'O 
*Ep/ijfc irpoc rj irvXih. The proximity of the giUe and the Poecile 
is shown by Lucian (1. 1.), who describes the Hermes as 'Epfiifc 
o ayopalot 6 ircLph T^y UoiiclXriy, 

' For Pleistarchus, see Plutarch. Demetr. 31. Diodor. 19, 77. 


Cap. 16. about the violation of Cassandra by Ajax. Ajax 
appears in the picture, and Cassandra, together with 
other female captives. At one end of the pic* 
ture ^ are those who fought at Marathon ; the Bceo- 
tians of Platsea and all the Attic forces are fighting 
with the barbarians. Here the contest is equal; 
but in the distance ', the barbarians are flying, and 
driving one another into the marsh : at the extremity 
of the painting ' are the Phoenician ships, and the 
Greeks slaying the barbarians, who are throwing 
themselves on board. The hero Marathon, firom 
whom the plain was named, is represented, and 
Theseus as if rising out of the earth ; Minerva also, 
and Hercules, for the Marathonii say that they were 
the first to worship him as a god. Among the com- 
batants the most conspicuous are the polemarch Cal- 
limachus ; Miltiades, one of the commanders, and 
the hero Echetlus, of whom I shall make mention 
hereaft6r\ In the Pcecile are ' brazen shields, on 

* Micon painted the Athenians and Amazones. Aiistoph. Lysist. 
681. Arrian de Exp. Alex. 7, 13. It was probably in this picture 
that the head of Butes appeared from behind a rock, whence the pro- 
verb, BcLTToy 1/ Bovnyc* Hesych., Suid. in v. Zenob. Prov. 4, 28. 
Polygnotus painted the part relating to Ajax and Cassandra, and 
intioduced among the Trojan women a portrait of Elpinice, sister of 
Cimon, as Laodice, one of the daughters of Priam. Plutarch. Cim. 
4. The battle of Marathon was the joint production of Polygnotus, 
Micon, and Pantaenus, brother or nephew of Phidias. Plutarch, 
ibid. Diogen. Laert. 7, 5. Plin. H.N. 85, 8 (34). iElian. de Nat. 
Animal. 7, 38. Pausan. Eliac. pr. 11, 2. In this painting were 

* KCivrm* 


8ome of which are inscriptions, signifying that they Cap. i& 
were taken from the Scionsei and their allies ; others, 
which are covered with pitch, to preserve them from 
the injuries of time and from rust, are said to be the 
shields of the Lacedaemonians who were captured in 
the island of Sphacteria. 

In front of the portico^ is a brazen statue of c^i. la. 
Solon \ who wrote laws for the Athenians ; a little 
beyond which is another statue in brass of Seleucus '. 

^ In the Agora are some objects not understood Cap. 17. 
by all men^ and among them an altar of Pity *, to 

portraiU of Miltiades, leading the other commanders, and giving 
orders for engaging, of iGschylns, of Cynasgeims represented 
without hands, of Epizelus, of Callimachus, of Datis, of Aita- 
phemes (.^schin. c. Ctesiph. p. 576, Reiske. FHn. H. N. 35, 
8 (34). Com. Nep. in Miltiad. 6. Lucian. Jup. Trag. 32. 
Demon. 53), and of a dog, which was said to have accompanied 
one of the soldiers to Marathon. iGlian. 1. 1. There was 
no inscription naming Miltiades (^schin. 1. 1.) but the follow- 
ing distich : 

'EAX^Fiiry irpo/xa)((n;>Tcc 'AOi/vacoc MapaOciiK 
"Ejcrcivav M^^w ccKOiri ^vpid^ac- 

Suid. in noiJc/Xiy. 
There was also a painting by Pamphilus of Alcmena and the 
Heraclidas, imploring the assistance of the Athenians against 
Eniysthenes. Aristoph. Pint. 385, et Schol. 

* irpo life ffTOOc. 

' Probably the same statue alluded to by Demosthenes (c. 
Aiistog. p. 80, Reiske), and by ^lian (Var. Hist 8, 16), as being 
in the Agora. 

* Seleocns Nicator, who, among other actions better known, 
which Pausanias here relates of him, respected the temple of 
Belos at Babylon, and restored to the Milesii the brazen Apollo 
of Branchidae, which Xerxes had carried to Ecbatana. 

^ ohK €C fiirarrac iirlfnifAa, 

* *EXiov. This altar was renowned among the Greeks. Diodor. 


Cap. 17. whom the Athenians alone of all the Greeks give 
divine honours. They have likewise altars of Mo- 
desty, of Fame, and of Impetuosity ^ 

** In the Gymnasium, which is not far distant from 
the Agora, and which is called Ptolemaeum from 
him who built it \ are Herm« of stone worthy of in- 
spection ^ a brazen image of Ptolemseus, and statues 
of Juba the Libyan *, and of Chrysippus of Soli. 

13, 22. Apollod. 2, 8, § 1. 8, 7, § 1. Philost. Sophist. 2, 1, 
§ 5. 2, 12, § 2. Ep. 59, 70. Lucian. Timon 42. Demon. 57- 
Statii Theb. 12, 481. Claudian. de B. Gildon. 405. 

' At^ovc Kal ^fiMC '^ci^ 'Opfi^c* It is doubtful in what part of 
Athens these three altars stood. That of iEdo was in the Acro- 
polis, according to Phayorinus (in Ai^w). The altar of Fame is 
alluded to by ^schines {vfiwv tovq wpoyoyovQ ^TifxtiQ wc 0<ov 
fityioTfic (iwfjioy i^pv^cVovc, c. Timarch. p. 140, Reiske), and 
again de &lsa leg. p. 311. 

' Tov KaritrKtvaaiiivov. Although neither Pausanias, nor 
Cicero, who mentions the Gymnasium Ptolemaeum (deFin. 5, 1), 
nor any other author, distinctly indicates to which of the Ptole- 
mies the Athenians were indebted for this gymnasium, we cannot 
hesitate in believing that it was one of the benefactions in return 
for which the Athenians attached the name of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus to one of their ^vXa2 or tribes. 

' The Athenians were the first who gave the name of Hermae 
to square 9r//Xai, or columns, surmounted with the head of a deity, 
and often with a portrait. Pausan. Attic, c. 19, 2. 24, 3. 
Arcad. 32, 1. 39,4. Hipparchus erected many, inscribed with 
short moral precepts in verse. Plat. Hipparch. 4. Hesych. in 
*Iinrdpx^io£ '£p/i^c* Harpocrat. in '£p^i. Some Hermae, or 
their remains, are still to be seen at Athens, with the names of 
victors in gymnic contests upon them. 

^ Juba was descended from the Ptolemies, his &ther Ptolemaeus 
having been son of Cleopatra Selene, daughter of M. Antonius 
and Cleopatra. Juba, the father of Ptolemaeus, was son of the Juba 
who was opposed to Julius Caesar, and who, having been defeated, 
destroyed himself. Juba, his son, was restored to the kingdom 


" Near .the Gymnasiom ^ is the temple of Theseus'. Cap. 17. 
Here are pictures, one of which represents the battle 
of the Athenians with the Amazones. The same 
subject is wrought upon the shield of Minerva ^ and 
upon the base of the statue of Jupiter at Oljmpia \ 
There is a painting also in the temple of Theseus of 
the fight of the Centaurs and Lapithse, in which 
Theseus alone is represented as having slain a Cen- 
taur, the others being engaged in an equal combat. 
The picture of the third wall is not very clear to 
those who do not understand the subject, partly 
because it is injured by time, and partly because 
Micon has not expressed the whole affair. When 
Minos brought Theseus, and the other young men 
and women of Athens to Crete, he became ena* 
moured of Periboea, and being enraged with Theseus 
for opposing his wishes, among other indignities 
which he cast upon Theseus, denied that he was the 

of Libya by Octavianus Caesar. Strabo, p. 828. Dion Cass. 
51, 15. The Juba, whose statue was in the Gymnasium Ptole- 
mAum at Athens, had a son named Ptolemaeus, who was also 
honoured by the Athenians, as appears from an inscription pub- 
lished by Stuart (III. p. 1). He was the same person favoured 
by Tiberius, and afterwards put to death by his own kinsman 
Caligula. Tacit. Annal. 4, 24. 26. Dion Cass. 59, 25. Sueton. 
Calig. 26. 35. Seneca de tranq. anim. 11. See the remarks 
of Boeckh on the inscription above mentioned, C. Ins. Gr. 
Ko. 360. 

' IIp^C T^ yvfivaalf, 

' The vicinity of these two buildings is noticed also by Plu- 
tarch in the life of Theseus, 36. Gij^cvc . . . • Ktlreu tv iiitni r^ 
voXcc Tapii TO vvv yvfivaaiov* 

' In the Parthenon. Ph*n. H. N. 36, 5 (4, § 4). Pausan, 
Pbocic 34, 4. 

* See Pausanias, Eliac. pr. 11, 2. 


Cap. 17. son of Neptune, or that he could recover a seal-ring, 
which Minos, happening to have on his finger, threw 
into the sea. It is said that Theseus not only brought 
up the seal, but also a golden crown, which had been 
presented to him by Amphitrite ^ The Athenianfi 
established the temple ' of Theseus, after the Modes 
had been at Marathon, when Cimon, son of Miltiades, 
having expelled the people of Scyrus, punished them 
for the death of Theseus, and brought back his bones 
to Athens. 

Cap. 18. **The temple of the Dioscuri is ancient^. Here 
are (statues of) the Dioscuri on foot, and of their sons ^ 
on horseback : here also is a painting by Polygnotus, of 
the wedding of the two former with the daughters of 
Leucippus ', and another painting by Micon, of those 
who sailed with Jason to the Colchi, in which the 

^ Polygnotus was probably the coUeagae of Mloon in the paint- 
ing of this temple, as well as of the Pcecile and of the Anaceium 
(Pausan. Attic. 18, 1) ; for Harpocration, on the authority of 
Artemon and Juba, states (in^ UoXvyrwroc, repeated by Soidas) 
that Polygnotus, who was of Thasus, was made an Athenian citi- 
zen for having painted rac iv QtitravpiS ical rdQ iv *KvaK€if ypa« 
^ac : where Qjiaavpf is probably an error for Qtiael^ 

^ Their names were Anaxis and Mnasinous. Pausan. Corinth. 
22, 6. The temple was often named Anaceium, because Castor 
and Pollux (the Dioscuri) were commonly called oi "Ayaxect or 
*AyaKo2, by the Athenians. Plutarch. Thes. 33. i&lian. Var. 
Hist. 4, 5. Suid., £tym. M. in *AviikoL Harpocrat. in 'Ayareiov, 

' Leucippus, son of Perieres, had two daughters, Hilaeira and 
Phcebe. The Dioscuri carried them off from Messene, and mar- 
ried them, Castor the former, and Pollux the latter. ApoUod. 
3, 11, § 2. Pausan. Attic. 18, 1. Corinth. 22,6. Lacon. 17, 
3. 18, 7. 

SBCrr. I.] BY PAU8ANIAS, 127 

artist has chiefly bestowed his care on the figures of Oap. is. 
Acastus and his horses. 

Beyond (the temple of) the Dioscuri is the sacred 
inclosure of Aglaums\ It is said that Minerva 
gave a chest' containing Erichthonius, to the care of 
Aglaurus, and of her sisters Herse and Pandrosus, 
with orders to them not to examine into the con- 
tents: that Pandrosus obeyed, but that the two 
other sisters, having opened it, were seized with 
madness upon seeing Erichthonius, and threw them* 
selves from the Acropolis where it was most pre- 
cipitous*. Here the Medes ascending, slew those 
Athenians, who, thinking that they understood the 
oracle better than Themistocles, fortified the Acro- 
polis with wooden works and palisades *. Near* (this 
place) is the Prytaneium, in which the laws of Solon 
are preserved in writing ^ Here are images of the 

* Trcp Twy Aio^icovpMv to Upoy 'AyXaopov rifityoQ Itrrty, 
This metathesis in the name Agraulus had probahly been 
introdnoed in late times, as we find it only in Oyid. Herodotus, 
Euripides, the authors of the Atthides, and the grammarians, all 
properly write it Agraulus. 

' iySafy ftaXwra iiir6TOfioy. See Herodotus 8, 58. Antigonus 
Carystius (12) names Pandrosus and Agraulus as the disobe- 
dient sisters ; but this is contrary to the tenor of the whole 
mythus, and is more probably an error of Antigonus or his tran- 
•cribers, than of the Athenian antiquary Amelesagoras, whom 
he followed. 

^ {vXoic JPcU ffravpocfi. 

' The ancient laws, written chiefly in fiovorpo^tiioyf were 
registered in the Acropolis on pillars of stone or on brazen 


Cap. Iff. goddesses Peace and Vesta ', and, among other images 
of men', that of Autolycus the pancratiast^ The 
names on the statues of Miltiades and Themistocles 
have been changed into those of a Thracian and a 

** In going from thence to the lower parts of the city 
occurs the temple of Sarapis, whom the Athenians 
received as a god through Ptolemseus *. Not far from 

tablets (^eXroi x°^o.l\ or on instrameiits of wood called &kav€Sf 
KvpPet^. Id the middle of the fourth century b. c. they were 
remoyed to the Buleuterium, Stoa Basileius, and Prytaneium, 
which last, from the time of Solon, had been the ordinary 
place of record. The KvpfietQ were triangular pyramids : the d^veg 
were quadrangular, and revolved vertically on irepdvac, fixed at 
either end in the roof and floor. Plutarch. Solon. 25. Polemon. 
ap. Harpocrat. in "AioreQ, J. Poll. 8, 128. Lex. ap. Bekker. 
Anecd. Gr. I. p. 413. Harpocrat., Phot. Lex., Suid., Etym. 
M. in Kvp/Jcic. Schol. Aristoph., Nub. 447, Av. 1354. Schol. 
ApoUon. Rh. 4, 280. Zenob. Prov. 4, 77. Harpocr. in 

^ EipijvriQ Kul *£9r/ac« The statue of Vesta was near the en- 
trance of the Prytaneium. Vit. X. Rhet. in Demosth. A lamp, 
never extinguished, burnt before it. Theocrit. Idyl. 21, v. 36. 
J. Poll. 1, 7* To the right of the statue of Vesta in entering, 
was the statue of Demochares, son of the sister of Demosthenes, 
clothed, and girded with a sword. Vit. X. Rhet. in Demosth. 
There was also a statue of Good Fortune (^AyaBfiQ Tvxnc) in the 
Prytaneium. ^lian. Var. Hist. 9, 39. 

' It seems from Pausanias (Attic. 26, 3) that one of the statues 
of men was that of Olympiodorus, who commanded the Athe- 
nians against Demetrius Poliorcetes and Cassander. 

' Xenoph. Sympos. 1. The statue of Autolycus was by Leo- 
chares. Plin. H. N. 34, 8 (19, § 17). 

* ^RvTivBey iovinv tQ rd Korta r$c irdXei^c JtapairiS6c iariy lepov 
By *AOfivaloi vapd UroXefialov Oeoy kvtiydyoyro. 


the temple of Sarapis is the place ' where Theseus Cap. is. 
and Peirithous are said to have entered into an agree- 
ment to proceed to Sparta, and afterwards to Thes- 
protia*; and near (it)' is the temple of Lucina^ 
Among the Athenians alone the wooden images ' of 
this goddess are clothed to the extremity of the feet. 
The women report that two such statues (in this 
temple) are from Crete, and were dedicated by 
Phsedra, and that the third and most ancient was 
brought from Dolus by Erysichthon *. 

Before the temple of Jupiter Olympius are images 
of Hadrian ; two of Thasian, and two of Egyptian 
stone. This emperor of the Romans dedicated both 
the temple and the statue ^ which is remarkable, not 
so much for its magnitude (for there are other statues 
equal to it in size, and the Colossi of Rome and of 
Rhodes are much greater), as from its being made of 
ivory and gold, and with great skill, considering its 
magnitude*. Before the columns stand brazen statues 

' rov 3e upov Se Xapairi^OQ oh ir($^f$M \b»piov imiy, 

' For the purpose of carrying off Helena, daughter of 
TyndaniSy king of Sparta, and Persephone, wife of Aidoneus, 
king of the Molossi. Plutarch. Thes. 31. Pausan. Attic. 17, 4. 
Sophocles seems to place the meeting near the Colonus Hippius. 
(Edip. Col. 1664. 

' wXiiviov. ^ vadc EiXciOviac. ' ra £($ava. 

' Erysichthon was said to have heen son of the first Cecrops, 
and brother of Pandrosus, Herse, and Agraulus. He died in the 
lifetime of Cecrops on his return to the port of Prasise, in Attica, 
from Delus, where he had been sacrificing. His tomb was seen at 
Prasise by Pausanias. ApoUod. 3, 14. Phanodemus ap. Athen. 
9, 11 (47). Pausan. Attic. 2, 5. 18, 5. 31,2. 

' See DionCassius (69, 16), Spartian (Hadrian, 13), Phi!o« 
stratus (Sophist. 1, 23). Spartian adds, dedicayit aram sibi. 

* Pausanias informs us (Corinth. 27, 2) that the Epidaurian 



Cap. 18. (of Hadrian, presented by those) cities which the 
Athenians call colonial*. The whole exterior inclo- 
sure ' is about four stades in circuit, and is full of 
statues of Hadrian, each of the cities of Greece haying 
placed one'; but the Athenians have greatly surpassed 
them all by the colossus, worthy of examination, which 
they have erected behind the temple. The peribolus 
contains the following antiquities^ — a Jupiter in brass, 
a temple of Cronus and Rhea,' and a sacred por« 

^sculapius, another chryselephantine statae, was less than half as 
large as the Japiter Olympius at Athens. 

' As this passage cannot be clearly rendered into English in 
the exact order of the text of Pausanias, I subjoin the Greek, 
adopting Mr. Boeckh's emendation (C. Ins. Gr. No. 331), namely, 
the insertion of o3 after *OXv/xir/ov. Uply ^e eg ro iepiv livai 
Tov AiO£ Tov 'OXv/i7r/oV| (oS) *ABpiay6c 6 'Pbffialiar /SavcXcvc T6y re 
yaoy kvlQifiKt Koi t6 oyaX/ia, diag ^cov, oh /leycOci fccv, (in fii^ 
'Pa»/ia/oic icaX *Po£/oic cio'lv ol KoXoatroij tcl Xoira dyoXfiara dfwimc 
inro^eiKyvrai), ircfroti/rai Be. tK re iXi^ayroQ Koi j^pvaov koI tj(€i 
Ti\yric €v vpOQ to fiiyeOos opSuny' kyravQa ilK6yt^ *AZpiayov^ Zvo 
fuy eltri Qaviov Xidov, Svo Be AlyvwrioV p^oXicat Be earafft irpo rHv 
Kidvwy (&c aveStaay) &£ *A6fiya'ioi KoXovaiy iiiroiKOvt iriiXecc. 6 fuy 
Bil irdc 9rep/)3oXoc» &c. As the text of Pausanias abounds with 
errors of omission, caused by the consecutive recurrence of one 
or more syllables, it becomes so much the more probable that the 
two words, &c iLyeSeaayf resembling ^c 'A0i|vaZoc, have been 
omitted in this passage. 

* 6 frdc 7rept(io\oc. 

' For the inscriptions upon the pedestals of some of these 
statues, see Boeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 321 et seq. 

^ iLpxaia. 

' yaoQ Kpoyov xal 'Pcac* In the Lex. Rhetor. (Bekker, Anecd. 
Gr. I. p. 273) there is a reference to this temple (Kp6yioy rifievoQi 
ro frapa to yvy 'OXv/ifrtov). Between these words and those 
which immediately follow (j^xpi ^'^^ Mrp-pwiv tov iy kyopq) there 
seems to have been something lost. 


tion called that of Olympiad where is a chasm in Cap. is. 
the earth one cubit in width, through which the 
waters of the deluge of Deucalion are said to have 
descended. Into this chasm they throw every year 
wheaten flour, mixed with honey ^ There is a sta- 
tue of Isocrates upon a column \ and a represen- 
tation in Phrygian marble, of Persians supporting 
a brazen tripod : both the statues and the tripod are 
worthy of observation. Deucalion is said to have 
erected the most ancient temple of Jupiter Olym- 
pius ; and his tomb, which is not &r distant from 
the present temple, is shovm as a proof that he dwelt 
at Athens. Hadrian constructed other buildings 
for the Athenians, namely, a temple of Juno and 
Jupiter Panhellenius, and a sanctuary common to all 
the gods. The most conspicuous things (are) a hun- 
dred and twenty columns of Phrygian stone. The 
walls of the porticos are made of the same material, 
and in the same place are apartments adorned with 
gilded roofs and alabaster stone, and with statues 
and paintings: books are deposited in this sanc- 
tuary (or in these apartments). There is likewise 
a Gymnasium, called the Gymnasium of Hadrian, 

' rifurot n^y IviKXriffiy *0\vfiirlag* This seems to be the 
same as the r3 r^c T^c r^c 'OXv/iir/ac Upov mentioned by Plutarch 
(Thes. 27), and the same also as the temple of the Earth (t6 
rnc r9c)f which Thucydides (2, 15) names among the ancient 
establishroents of this quarter. Pausanias therefore probably 
wrote rifurog r^c P^C eWcXi^ffiv 'OXv/iir/ac, ** the temenus of 
TeOos Olympia." 

* Tliis ceremony took place at the new moon of Anthesterion. 
Plutarch. Syll. 14. 

' Dedicated and inscribed with a distich by his son Aphareus. 
Vit, X. Rhet. in Isocrat. 



Cap. 18. where are a hundred columns from the quarries of 
Libya *. 

Cap. 19. Near the temple of Jupiter Olympius occurs a 
statue of Apollo Pythius, and there is another sanc- 
tuary of Apollo, surnamed Delphinius '. 

^ Different interpretations have been made of this passage, and 
different conclusions as to the buildings of Hadrian have been 
drawn from it. The words are these : 'A^pmvoc ^e KaretrKtvAtmro 
fiey Kal dXXa *A0i}va/oic» vaoy "HfMic ical Aioc IlaycXXi^Wov, ral 
Geoic rdiQ iraaty Upov Koiydy' ra 2e hrt^yiirrara eKaroy cico^t 
KioyiQ ^pvyiov \idoV TriToitiyrai ii xal rdiQ oroaiQ Kara ra avra 
oi Tol)(pit Kal oir^/iara iyravdd earty op6^ rt iirtj^va^ icat aXa/3do'- 
Tpf Xt0^, irpoc ^c AyaXfiaai Kticov^tiixiva kqH ypa^aiq' KaraKtirai 
It £c ciirro (al. oi^ra) )3i/3X/a* icai yvfiy6.ai6y iariy lir^vvfwy 'A8p«a- 
vov' KioyeQ ie cat eyravda kxaroy XxOoro/Jilac rfiQ Ai/3vwv. Pausa- 
nias, in another place (Attic. 5, 5), informs us that in the Pantheon 
of Athens there was a catalogue of all the temples which Hadrian 
had built from the foundations, or had adorned with dedications 
or constructions, and of all his gifts to the cities, both Grreek 
and Barbarian. The library is noticed by Hieronymus (Euseb. 
Chron. 01. 227), Cassiodorus (Chron. in Hadrian.), and Syncellns 
(Chron. p. 349, Paris). 

' Mcra Be roy yaoy tov Ai^ tov 'OXv/xir/ov wXriaioy ayaX/id 
itrrty *Av6K\(ayoQ JIvOlov lari Be icai dXKo Itpdy *Air6XKiayoc cir/- 
KXrjaiy AeX^cvcov. In the Pythium the Thargelia were celebrated, 
and tripods were dedicated by those who were victorious in the* 
cyclic dance. Suid. in UvOioy. Suidas adds, Upoy vird Ilcio'ta- 
Tp&Tov yeyopoit confounding the establishment by the archon 
Peisistratus of the altar on which was the distich, 

Mvijf/ia ToB 17c &px4c TleuritrrpaTot 'Ixx/ov vloc 

Qflicey 'AiroXXfiivoc Uvdiov ky Tt^vut 
with that of the Pythium itself, which was one of the most 
ancient temples in this part of the city. Compare Thucyd. 
2, 15. 6, 54. For the importance of the Delphinium see 
Plutarch (Thes. 12. 18). It was sacred to Apollo Delphinius 
and Diana Delphinia (J. Poll. 8, 119). Apollo was so named 
ore Toy ky Hvd&vt BtXifiya Bpdxoyra roUvtrac iLyeXXe (Heliodorus 
ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. 208). This temple was said to have been 


*' Of the district ' called Ktivoi (the Gardens) aiid Cftp- 19. 
of the temple of Venus nothing remarkable is related ; 
nor of the Venus which stands near the temple. This 
statue is of a square form like the Herms, and the 
inscription upon it signifies that it is Venus Urania, 
the eldest of the Fates*. The statue of Venus in 
the Gardens is the work of Alcamenes, and is among 
the things (most) worthy of notice at Athens '. 

'' There is a place sacred to Hercules called Cynos- 
arges *. The story of the white bitch (from which 

foanded by .£geu8, whose dwelling was near it : hence a Hermes 
on the eastern side of the temple was sumamed cr' Aiyewc irvXatc. 
Pausanias here relates, that while the structure was in progress, 
Theseus having entered the city in a long vestment (x<Va»r iro^^piyc), 
and with platted hair, was mistaken for a woman by the workmen 
who were then engaged in placing the roof, and who reproached him 
as such for walking about alone ; when, without making any reply, 
he unyoked the oxen from a waggon, and raised it above the roof 
of the temple. On the correction of the text of this passage of 
Pausanias, see Siebelis in Pausan. Attic. Annot. p. 62. 

' ^wpiov. 

' Motf>My. According to Epimenides (in fragm. ap. Schol. Ly- 
cophr. 406}« Venus and the Fates were, as well as the Furies, 
children of Cronus. The square form of the statue seems 
to have been derived from the square pillar or pyramidal stone, 
the original representative of the Venus Urania or Syrian 
Venus, as described by Maximus Tyrius (8, 8), and as seen 
on the coins of Tyre, Sidon, and Paphus. In one of the temples 
of Venus, more probably that of the Agora, was a picture of Love 
crowned with roses (Aristoph. Acham. 991), a subject again 
painted by Zeuxis. Schol. in Aristoph. ibid. Suid. in *Avdifiwv. 

' rj ('A^podirp) iy KptS^ cat t^ iv R^iroic Sfioia, Lucian. pro 
Imag. 8. Pliny says (36, 54, § 3), that Phidias was thought to 
have put the finishing hand to this celebrated work of his scholar 

* See Herodotus, 5, 63. 6, 116. Athen. 6, 6 (26). Liv. 31, 
24. Plutarch, Thcraist. 1. Harpocr. in *IIpaicXcca. 



Cap. 19. the name is derived) is known to those who are 
acquainted with the oracle \ Here are altars of 
Hercules and of Hebe, daughter of Jupiter^ whom 
they consider to be the consort of Hercules : here 
are also altars of Alcmeneand of lolaus, who was the 
companion of Hercules in most of his labours. 

'' The Ljceium takes its name from Ljcus, son 
of Pandion. From the beginning it has been held 
sacred to Apollo, and it continues to be so '. Behind 
the Lyceium is the monument of Nisus, who, having 
been slain by Minos, king of Megara^ was brought 
hither and buried here by the Athenians. 

'' The rivers of Athens are the Eilissus ^ and a river 

' The dog carried away part of a victim, when sacrifices were 
here first offered to Hercules. Hesych., Suid., Steph. Byz., in 
Kvy6vapy€c, Eustath. in II. B. 1 1 . Cynosarges was a gymnasium 
as well as a Heracleium (Liv., Plutarch, 1. L), and became the 
school of the followers of Antisthenes, called Cynics. Diog. 
Laert. 6, 1 3. 

* c^opx^c ^c €vOvQ ATQi Koff fifiaQ, The statuc of the god 
represented him as in repose, leaning against a column with a 
bow in the left hand, the right resting upon his head. Ludan, 
Gymnas. 7. The Lyceium was a common place of assembly for 
military exercises, and the greatest of the Athenian gymnasia for 
the corporeal education of the Athenians. Peisistratus, Pericles, 
and Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, all contributed to its embellish- 
ment and completion. Before the palaestra, built by Lycuigus, 
was a column recording his actions. Hesych., Harpocrat., Snld., 
in AvKttoy, Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 277. Aristoph. Pa. 353, 
et Schol. Xenoph. Hipparch. 3, 6. Yit. X. Rhet. in Lycuig. 
Pausan. Attic. 29, 16. The Peripatetic philosophers, or follow- 
ers of Aristotle, received that name from their custom of walking 
in the Lyceium. Diog. Laert. 5, 2. Cicero, Acad. Qu. 1, 4 (17). 

' The description by Statins of the Elissus of Sicyonia will 
equally apply to the Athenian river : *' anfractu riparum incurvus 
Elissos." Theb. 4, 52. 


of the same name as the Celtic Eridanus, which ^p-i9- 
descends into the Eilissus. It is said that Oreithyia 
was playing near the Eilissus, when she was carried 
off by the wind Boreas ; that Oreithyia is the consort 
of Boreas ^ , and that, on account of this aflSnity, he 
assisted the Athenians by destroying many of the 
barbaric triremes ^ The Athenians consider the 
Eilissus sacred also to other deities. There is an 
altar on its bank to the Musse Eilissiades '. They 
likewise show the place where Codrus, son of Melau- 
thus, king of the Athenians, was slain by the Pelo- 
ponnesians. Beyond the river is the district called 
Agrae, and the temple of Diana Agrotera. Here 
Diana is said to have first hunted when she came 
from Dolus, whence her statue has a bow (in the 

* Oreithyia was the daughter of king Erechtheus the Second, 
and aiater of Procris, Creusa, and Chthonia. Apollod. 8» 15, § 2. 
Boreas was a Thracian prince, son of Astraeus (Hesiod, Theog. 
578), or of Strymon (Hesagoras ap. Schol. Apol. Rhod. 1, 211) : 
according to the former authority, his mother «?as Aurora (Hfn), 
Herodotos (7» 189) shows that there was a sanctuary of Boreas 
near the Ilissus {ipoy BopcM ?rapa irorafidy ^IXiaaoy l^pvaavro). 
Socrates, in the Phaedrus (7)» supposes the fact as to Oreithyia to 
hare been, that as she was playing with her sister Pharmaceia 
on the banks of the Ilissus, she was thrown from the rocks by 
the force of the north wind, and killed by the fall. 

* In another place (Arcad. 24, 9), Pausanias, mentioning the 
assistance given by Boreas to the people of Megalopolis, when 
besieged by Agis, whose machinery was destroyed by the wind, 
mnarks that his favour on the former occasion was bestowed 
npon all the Greeks. 

' The other deities were the Nymphs, Achelous, Pan, and the 
X6orcoi Btoi. See Plato (Phaedr. 9, 29, 91, 103, 147) and 
Appendix YI. 


Cap. 19. "The stadium of white marble is wonderful to 
behold ; its magnitude is not very easily credited by 
those who only hear of it \ but may be imagined from 
this : it is a hill rising from the fiilissus, of a semi- 
circular form in the upper part, and extending from 
thence in a double right line to the bank of the 
river'. It was built by the Athenian Herodes, who 
used a great quantity of marble from the quarries of 
Pentele in its construction. 

Cap. 20. «« There is a street leading from the Prytaneium, 
called Tripodes : the place is so named because 
there are certain temples of the gods, upon ^hich 
stand great tripods of brass, which, for the most part, 
encircle works worthy of mention ' ; for here is the 
Satyr of which the maker Praxiteles is said to have 
had a high opinion *. In the adjacent temple a young 

* iLKOVffatn oir^ ofiolutQ ivaytayov. 

' &viiiBty opoQ hirtp roy lE,iXia(r6v iipxofieyoy Ik firivotiiovc JcaOi^rei 
rov TTorafiov xpoc n)v o\dfjy, cirOv re i:ai BiirXovy, 

' The following are the words of Pausanias : "Eot-c dc 
o^oc airo Tov Upwaytlov KaXovfiiyti Tplirohtc' &^* oi 3e KoXovn 
TO \wploy yaoi Oeiiy cc rovro, fieyaXoi xai afuny e^cffr^icaai 
rpiiro^eQt \aXKol fity, fiyiifjiriQ ii d^ta fidXitrra iripiij(pyT€£ lipyaa^ 
fiiya. It has been supposed that in this passage there is an 
omission of oh before fuyaXoi ; so that, instead of *' temples 
having large tripods on them," we should read ** small temples, 
having tripods on them," such a description exactly suiting the 
Choragic monument, vulgarly called the lantern of Demo- 
sthenes (to ^avapi TOV ^rifiotrOiyovt), On the other hand, fuydKot 
is well adapted to describe the tripods, which were far beyond 
the ordinary dimension of tripods, and so large as to have con- 
tained statues standing within them. 

* tltpoyfjaat ^ya. It was commonly called 6 irepi/3oi|roc« Plin. 
N. II. 34, 8 (19, § 10). Pausanias here relates the celebrated 
stratagem of Phryne, who had received permission from her lover 


Satyr extends a cup to Bacchus, which latter figure,as Cap. 20; 
well as aCupid standing by it Js the work of Thymilus ^ 
But the most ancient sanctuary of Bacchus ' is adja- 
cent to the Theatre '. Within the inclosure * are two 
temples and two statues of Bacchus ; one sumamed 
Eleuthereus * ; the other, made of ivory and gold, is 
the work of Alcamenes. Here also are pictures 

Praxiteles to make choice of one of bis works, and who wished to 
discoTer to which of them he himself gave the preference. She 
raised a false alarm of his laboratory being on fire ; upon which 
he ordered that, above all, his Cupid and his Satyr should be 
saved. Of these two Phryne very naturally made choice of the 
Capid, which she presented to the temple of Love in her native 
city Thespise. Athenseus, in relating the same story, describes 
the Satyr as ror Iwl Tpiir6Bbfy varvpov^ the Satyr of the Tripods. 
Pausan. Boeot. 27, 13. Athen. 13, 18. 

' AiOKV^y ly rf vaf t^ rXfitrioVf 2drvpoc icrrt wait Kal ^l^watv 
crrw/ia' "Epwra 2* iortiKSra Ofiov xai Atoyvtrov Gv/itXoc kiroirfffe, 

' At this temple the ancient festival of the great Dionysia 
was celebrated. The sacred inclosure, described as a ficyac frep/- 
/3oXoc> was known by the name of Lenseum, and the quarter in 
which it stood by the name of Limnae. Hesych. in 'Etc Aiyvai^, 
Aifivayevic Phot. Lex. in Ai^valov. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. L 
p. 278. Thucyd. 2, 15. Athen. 11, 3. Harpocr. in 'Ei' XlfiyaiQ 
AiorvtfOK. Aristoph. Ran. 218. Callimach. ap. Schol. ibid. 
Steph. Byzant. in Al^yai, 

* ^poc rf BeaTpf. The Theatre was sacred to Bacchus, and 
included in the sanctuary ; hence it was called (to distinguish it 
from the other Theatres of Athens) the Dionysiac Theatre, to 
diarpoy ro Aiow^iaicov (Psephisma ap. Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. 
J. Poll. 8, 133), and sometimes ro ArivaiKoy (J. Poll. 4, 121), 
or ro cv Aiokv^ov Oiarpoy. Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. Hesych., 
Phot. Lex., in'^Irpia. 

* iyroc rov wepifioXov, 

* It was made of wood, and received its epithet from its having 

been brought from Eleuthera. Pausan. Attic. 88, 8. This was 

the more ancient Bacchus. The temple of Bacchus Eleuthereus 

was burnt — pcrhap safter the time of Pausanias. Clem. Alexand. 
in Protrept. p. 16, Sylb. 


Cap. 20. (representing) Bacchus conducting to heaven Vulcan, 
whom he had intoxicated ' ; Pentheus and Lycuigus 
punished for their injuries to Bacchus ; and Ariadne 
sleeping, while Theseus is seen retiring, and Bacchus 
approaching. Near ^ the temple of Bacchus and the 
Theatre is a building said to have been made in imi- 
tation of the tent of Xerxes ^ The ancient edifice 
having been burnt by Sylla, commander of the 
Romans, when he took Athens \ was afterwards built 
a second time '. 

* Pausanias here informs us that Vulcan, in order to be re- 
venged of Juno for turning him out of heaven, made her a present 
of a golden throne with hidden springs, which prevented her, 
after being seated upon it, from rising up again. Bacchus alone 
of all the gods could succeed in persuading Vulcan to liberate the 
queen of heaven. 

' The Odeium of Pericles. Its form is described by Plutarch, 
and alluded to by the comic poet, whom he cites : 

TO Si ^diiiloy rj fiiy Ivtoq hiaOiati iroXvtdpov icalnoKvarvXoVf rj 
^ epi}j/€i ircpurXc vcc cat Kitravrtc ex fjudc icopv^^c irexoirifiiyoy, eixova 
Xiyovvt ysyioBai Kol filfxttfjui r^t fiaviXibfc <TKiivfiCj iiritrraTovyTot 
xal TovTf IlcpucXfovc. Aio xal naXiy Kparivoc iv Op^rraiQ wmiei 
vpoc ahroy, 

'O o^cvoice^aXoc Zcvc oSt irpoerepx^rai 

HepiKXif^g TfBtloy iirl tov Kpayiov 

"Extay^ c?rci^i) rovtrrpaicoy wapoi'xeTau Plutarch, Pericl. 13. 

The well-known deformity in the cranium of Pericles, which 
the poet compares to the tent-shaped Odeium, induced artists to 
cover his head with a helmet, as we find him represented in a bust 
at the British Museum. 

« According to Appian (B. Mithr. 38) it was destroyed by 
Aristion in defending Athens against Sylla, that the besiegers 
might not make use of the timber in assaulting the Acropolis, into 
which Aristion had retired : and this is the more probable ac- 
count ; for Sylla entered by the wall of the Cerameicus, and though 
he slaughtered the citizens, gave orders for the buildings to be 
spared, and did not besiege the Acropolis, but reduced Aristion 

. I.] BY PAUfiANUB. 139 

The Theatre contains many statues of tragic and cap. si. 
comic poets, who, for the most part, are of obscure 
reputation ; for, among them, Menander is the only 
one who attained to glory as a writer of comedy ^. 
Here are images of the illustrious tragedians, Euri- 
pides and Sophocles ' : the statue of iEscbylus ap- 
pears to have been made long after his death, and 
long after the picture wherein the battle of Marathon 
is described ^ 

by £iinine (Platarch, SyU. 14. Appian, 1. !.)• On the contrary, 
the adventurer Aristion, who began by being an itinerant sophist, 
and ended by obtaining supreme power, and by exposing the 
Athenians as allies of Mithradates to the vengeance of the 
Romans ; who, by his tyrannical conduct, had reduced the Athe- 
nians to extreme misery, and had shocked their religious feelings 
by causing the extinction of the perpetual fire of Minerva Poliss, 
may easily be supposed to have adopted any measure to save the 
Aeropolis, when upon the defence of it depended the only chance 
of saving his own life. See Posidonius ap. A then. 5, 13 (49), 
who calls him Athenion. Dion Cass. frag. 124. Plutarch. 
Num. 9. Lucull. 19. 

* By Aiiobarzanes, king of Cappadocia. Vitruv. 5, 9. An 
inscription, of which a copy taken by the Consul of France in 
17439 was sent to Paris, shows that the king who repaired the 
Odeium was Ariobarzanes Philopator, who succeeded to the 
throne b. c. 65. Boeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 357. Hence he ap- 
pears to have been the son of the prince with whom Cicero 
describes his interview in Cappadocia. Cicer. £p. ad Fam. 15, 
ep. 2. 

* Dion Chrysostom (Orat. Rhod. p. 355, ed. Morell) re- 
proaches the Athenians with having placed the statue of an 
obsciue poet near that of Menander. 

' V. PhUin. ap. Harpocr. in OempiKa, 

* That of the Poedle, in which the portrait of ^schylus was 
introduced. V. sup. p. 122, n. 4. The statues of the three tragic 
dramatists in the Theatre, noticed by Pausanias, are probably the 
same which Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, caused to be erected to 



Cap. 21. «In the wall of the Acropolis, which is towards 
the theatre \ and is called Notium (the southern), there 
is a gilded head of Medusa the Gorgon, and around it 
an segis '. On the summit of the theatre is a cayem 
in the rocks under the Acropolis. Upon this cavern 
stands a tripod, and within the cavern are (images 
of) Apollo and Diana, destroying the children of 
Niobe'. In proceeding from the theatre to the 
Acropolis occurs the tomb of Calos*. He was a 
pupil of Dsedalus, and son of his sister, and was 
slain by Daedalus, who, in consequence of the mur- 
der, fled to Crete *. The temple of iELsculapius is 

them in bronze ; at the same time that it was enacted that their 
tragedies should be written out and kept in the archives of the 
state, and should not be communicated to the players but through 
the ypafifxartvc rife v6\ewc. Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. 

' £C TO Biarpoy rerpdfjLfjLiyoy. 

' It was dedicated by Antiochus . . . 'AyrioxoCt oi ^ roc 
irirep tov Bs&rpov tov *Adfiy^tn ^/ acyic 4 XP^^ "^^^ ^^* <*^^C h 
Topyw, Pausan. Eliac. pr. 12, 2. 

' 'El' ^e rpf Kopw^^ tov Btarpov crir^Xacc^v koTiv iv raic ircrpacc 
tiiro n)v *Arp<$iroXiy* TpiTOvc ^c tTcttm koI tovt^' ^AwoXXwy St 
ky avTf Kol "AprcfiiQ tovq irac^dc eiaiy ayaipovyng rovg Nu)^i|c- 

* 'IdfTCtfv dc *ABrivri(ny cc r^y *AKp6iro\iy diro rov Ocarpov rcOanrcu 
KaXciiC* Or Talos, TaXaov, by e vcoc, ^ca tov K, KdXaoy iFpocayoptv^ 
ovaiy, Schol. (Edip. Col. 1385. But Talos was more commonly 
employed. See Diodorus (4, 76), Lucian (Piscator, 42), Apol- 
lodorus (3, 15, § 9), Clemens (Protrept. p. 14, Sylb.), Suidas in 
Ilcp^ijcoc up6y, 

* Daedalus was said to have envied his nephew for his discovery 
of the saw and compasses, and to have treacherously thrown him 
down from the Acropolis ; upon which his mother Perdix de- 
stroyed herself, and was honoured with a sanctuary by the 
Athenians. Some authors have given the name of Perdix 
to the nephew. See on this Attic tale, besides other autho* 
rities in the preceding note, Sophocles Comic, ap. Suid. in 


worthy of inspection for the statues of Bacchus cap. 21. 
and his children, and for the pictures^ which it 
contains. In the same temple is a fountain, at 
which Halirrhothius, son of Neptune, is reported to 
have been slain by Mars, for having disgraced his 
daughter Alcippe ; and this murder is said to have 
been the first upon which judgment was pronounced'. 
In the same temple, among other things, is a Sarma- 
tian breast-plate, which shows that the barbarians 
are not less skilful in the arts than the Greeks '. 

" Next to the temple of iEsculapius, proceeding Cap. 22. 
by the same road to the Acropolis, is the temple of 
Themis, and before it is the monument of Hippo- 
lytus *. The worship of Venus Pandemus and Peitho 
was established by Theseus, when he collected the 
Athenians from the villages into one city'. The 

Ui^uciK tepoy. Ovid, Metam. 8, 8. Hygin. fab. 39, 244, 274. 
Serv. ad Virgfl. Geoig. 1, 143. 

' cat rHy irailvv koX eq rac ypafaQ, The MS. Vindob. has 
wai^y €C» ** the pictures of his children." 

' See Demosth. c. Aristocr. p. 641, Reiske. 

' Pansanias describes it as made of the hoofs of horses, wrought 
and joined together, so as to resemble the skin of a serpent, and 
adds that the Sarroatians were ignorant of the use of iron. The 
best representation of the armour is on the Trajan column at 
Rome. Both horse and man were closely enveloped in it. 

* Mcra Bi to upoy rov *AaK\fivtov ravrri wpog r^y *AKp6iro\iy lovtriy 
Oc/ic&C vo6c ifTTiv* Ki^iinrrai Be irpo ahrov fjLyrjfia *linro\vr^' rov 
Bi oc fiiov rifv rtXevrily evfififjyai Xiyovtriv £k KorapQyf i. e. the 
cartes of his fstther Theseus. See Euripides Hippo! . 44, 891. 

* ec ft/av fiyayey iiiro T&y Biifnay w6\iy. Hence the epithet 
wayBiffiog (Thucyd. 2, 15. Plutarch, Thes. 24), and not for 
the reason given by Apollodorus (ap. Harpocr.) and by Suidas, 
PbotinSy and Phavorinus, in TLayBrifioc *A<ppoBlTri — irayra rdy 
Biiftoy mfvdytffBai to iraXaioy ky raic eKJcXi/criacc, hq tKoXovy 
&ycrpac. For the well-known union of Venus and Peitho, see 


Cftp. 22. ancient statues no longer remain, but those which 
now exist are not by the most obscure artists ^ 
There is also a temple of Tellus Curotrophus and 
Ceres Chloe, concerning whose epithets information 
may be obtained from the priests K 

** There is but one entrance to the Acropolis, which 
on every other side is precipitous, and surrounded 

Ibycus ap. Athen. 13,2 (17). Pausan. £1. pr. 11,3. Winckelmann 
Mon. Ined. No. 115. Horat. £p. 1, 6. v. 38. Pauaanias differs 
from Euripides as to Phasdra and Hippolytus, having followed 
the Trcezenian mythus, according to which Hippolytus dwelt 
at Troezen, and was not seen by Phaedra until Theseus retired 
thither with his wife, after having slain the Pallantidae. Pausa- 
nias describes the stadium at Troezen, in which Hippolytus exer- 
cised, and the temple of Venus Catascopia, from whence Phaedra 
was said to have beheld him. Corinth. S2, 3. The Athenian 
fable furnishes the argument of the tragedy, in which the poet 
represents Phaedra to have seen Hippolytus at Athens, and on 
his departure for Trcezen to have founded a temple of Venus. 
This also is the version of Diodorus (4, 62), and hence the Athe- 
nians sometimes called this temple the Hippolyteium (Schol. 
Horn. Od. A. 321), and the deity 'A^po^c/m if* 'LvwoXvrf as 
well as Bav^rifiOQ. Eurip. Hippol. 29, et Schol. in v. 25 et seq. 
Tzetz. in Lycophr. 1329. 

' The ancient statues dedicated by Theseus were of Aphrodite, 
Eros, and Hermes, which had the epithet Psithyristes, from the 
calumny of Phaedra against Hippolytus, or because it was a 
custom for persons to whisper to one another their wishes before 
these statues. Lex. ap. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 317. Demo- 
sthenes alludes to a Hermes Psithyristes in a different part of 
Athens, c. Neaer. p. 1358, Reiske. Harpocr. Suid. in ^iOvp/onfc 
'EpftfiQ. Eustath. in Od.Y. 18. 

' Erechtheus was said to have established this worship in 
gratitude to the gods for the fruits of the Earth, to whom it 
was therefore ordered that a sacrifice should be made prior to 
those of the other deities. Sch. Aristoph. Thesm. 307. Suid. 
in KovporptH^, For Demeter Chloe, see Aristophanes (Lysist. 
835), Eupolis (ap. Sch. Soph. CEd. Col. 1600), and Semus of De- 

. J 


with a strong wall. The roof of the Propylaea is of Cap. 22. 
white marble, and excels all other works in orna- 
ment and in the magnitude of the stones. As to the 
equestrian statues, I cannot positively say whether 
they represent the sons of Xenophon, or whether 
they were made only for decoration. On the right 
hand of the Propylsea, is the temple of Victory 
without wings '. From thence' there is a prospect 
of the sea ; and there ' iBgeus, it is said, threw him* 
self down, and perished \ His monument exists 
aoiong the Athenians, and is called the heroum of 
.£geus^. On the left of the Propylsea is a building 
containing pictures ^. Those which are not oblite* 
rated by time represent Diomedes, bringing from 
Liemnus the bow of Philoctetes ; and Ulysses carry- 
ing off the (statue of) Minerva from Troy : there 
also are pictures of Orestes slaying ^gisthus, while 
Pylades kills the sons of Nauplius, who come to the 

Ins (ap. Athen. 14, 3 (10). The reference of Pausanias to the 
priests is a part of his silence on all matters relating to the mys- 
teries of Ceres. 

* rac /<€v ovv ilK6va£ rCtv imritity ovk ex^ vw^q direiv, eire ol 
wai^Q ilffir oi Styoi^vroQ tire &Wwq cc thirpiviiay irevoiiffiiyaC 
rHy Ci npOTvXaiitty ky 2e{i^ Nijci|c kariy airripov va($c> 

Near the Temple of Victory stood a triple statue of He« 
cate, by Alcamenes. It was called Epipyigidia (Pausan. 
Corinth. 30, 2). 

* lyTtvdiy. * ravrjy. 

* Pansanias adds that Theseus, in leaving Athens for Crete, 
agreed with his father, that if he slew the Minotaur, he was to 
return with white sails (instead of the black with which he de- 
parted on his hazardous and sorrowful mission) : but that in con- 
sequence of his affair with Ariadne he had forgot his promise. 

* Atyci#c ^pAoy iv 'AOr/racc* Suid. in Acycibv. There was 
also an oracle of ^geus. Dinarch. ibid. 

* ioTilt iy dpcffTCf)^ rwv ITpoirvXaiiay oiKJifia ^\ov ypa^c* 


Cap. 22. assistance of iEgisthus ; Polyxena about to be sacri- 
ficed at the tomb of Achilles : Achilles disguised 
among the virgins of Scyrus ; Ulysses encountering 
Nausicaa, and her attendants, washing clothes at the 
river, as described by Homer — the two latter by 
Polygnotus; and among others a picture of Alci- 
biades, signifying that he was victorious in a horse- 
race at Nemea ^ : here also is Perseus bringing the 
head of Medusa to Polydectes at Seriphus ; a boy 
carrying balloting-vases ; a wrestler, by Timsenetus ; 
and Musseus, who is said to have received the gift of 
flying from Boreas '. 

" Immediately in the entrance of the Acropolis, a 
Mercury Propylseus, and the Graces, are said to have 
been made by Socrates, son of Sophroniscus \ whom 
the Pythian priestess declared to be the wisest of 

Cap. 23. men. There is a brazen Lioness^ ; and beside 

' In this picture, which was by Aglaophon, Nemea was per- 
sonified, bearing Alcibiades upon her knees. This insolent 
person dedicated, at the same time, a picture, by the same 
master, in honour of his victories at Delphi, and at Olympia, in 
which Pythias and Olympias were personified as crowning him 
(Athen. 12. 9 (47) ). The latter picture seems to have been among 
those obliterated by time. 

' Pausanias was of opinion, that certain verses in which this 
was asserted were written by Onomacritus ; and that of Musaeus 
himself nothing was extant, but a hymn to Ceres which he made 
for the Athenian ycvoc the Lycomidae, 

' In the Bceotics (85, 2) Pausanias says that the three 
Graces by Socrates were before the entrance into the Acropolis 
(irpo Tfjc €c rilv dirpoiroXiv ttrdBov). Here his words are rara rily 
taoioy avrrfv ^Bti t^v Iq iLKponoXiy, The Graces of Socrates were 
draped, (Pausan. Boeot. 1. 1. Diogen. Laert. 2, 19,) like all the 
more ancient Graces. In later times the Graces were repre- 
sented naked. Pausan. Boeot. 1. 1. 

* Concerning this statue Pliny, though not difierjpg from 
Pausanias, is more particular. Iphicratis Lesena laudatur. 


it ' a Venas, which is said to be the work of Gala- Cap. 23. 
mis, and to have been dedicated by Callias K Near 
it' is a brazen statue of Diitrephes, pierced with 
arrows ^ ; and near the latter ^ (for I do not wish to 
speak of the portrait-statues of persons of little 
note) are a Hygieia, called the daughter of iELscu- 
lapius, and a Minerva, sumamed Hygieia^. Here 

Scortum hsec lyrse cantu famiUare Harmodio et Aristogitoni, 
consilia eonim de tyrannicidio usque ad mortem cruciata a 
tyxanDis non prodidit. Qaamobrem Athenienses et honorem 
habere ei volentes nee tamen scortum celebrasse, animal nominis 
ejus fecere, atque ut intelligeretur causa honoris in opere linguam 
addi ab artifice vetuerunt. H. N. 34, 8 (19, § 12). Plu- 
tarch (de Garrul. 8), who states that the figure stood cv xvXacc 

rifc 'ArpcnroXfwc* 

' irapa 3c airriiv, 

' The Venus, and Lioness, probably stood in the same sanc- 
tuary ; for it appears from Demochares (ap. Athen. 6, 13, (62) 
that there was a sanctuary at Athens, called to upoy rfj^ Aea/riyc 
*A^p<i3/r]fc» ' UXfiaiov* 

^ For the exploits of Diitrephes, see Pausanias in this place, 
and Thucydides (7, 27. 29). 

The basis of the statue of Diitrephes, a square mass of white 
marble, has lately been discovered with the following inscrip- 
tion on it, in characters of the fifth century b. c. Hcp/i<$Xvroc 
Autrpi^ iiirap\ev. Hence it appears that the statue of Dieitre- 
phes was dedicated by his son. — Note of 1839. 

* wXfivlov, 

* The union of Minerva and Hygieia occurred also in the tem- 
pie of Amphiaraus in the Oropia (Paus. Att. 34, 2) and at 
Tegea (Arcad. 47, 1). The Minerva Hygieia of the Propylasa 
was of bronze, and dedicated by Pericles. A favourite work- 
man of Mnesicles, the architect of the Propylaea (Plutarch. 
Pericl. 13), or a favourite slave of Pericles (Plin. H. N. 22, 
1 7 (20), was so much hurt by a fall from the roof of the temple, 
as to be despaired of by the physicians, when Minerva appeared 
to Pericles, in a dream, and recommended a remedy, which 



Cap. 23. likewise is a small stone, upon - which Seilenus is 
said to have reposed, when Bacchus visited the earth. 
" In the Acropolis of Athens I also beheld the 
brazen image of a bov, bearing a vessel for lustral 
aspersions, by Lycius, son of Myron, and Perseus 
slaying Medusa, by Myron himself ^ There is like- 
wise a sanctuary of Diana Brauronia ^ with a statue 
by Praxiteles; and a figure in brass of the horse 
Durius, from which Menestheus, Teucer, and the 
sons of Theseus, are looking out '. Of the statues 
which stand next to the horse, that of Epichari- 
nus prepared to run a race in armour, was made by 
Critius*; then occurs (Enobius, who obtained a 

effected a speedy cure. Pericles in consequence raised a statue 
of Minerva, in the character of Health, near an altar of Hygieia, 
in the Acropolis. The remedy was said to have been a plant, 
which grew on the walls of the Acropolis, and which was thence^ 
forth called Parthenium. 

* The Perseus of Myron is noticed by Pliny (34, 8 (19, § 3). 

' So called from the town Brauron, where, adds Pausanias, 
** still remains the ancient £,6avoy called "AprefAi^ h Tavpuc^." 
This is repeated in 33, 1. For the festival ra B^vpwyia, see 
Meursius. (Grsec. feriat. in v.) 

' lirepKwrTOvtn. Spears also projected from this statue of the 
Trojan horse (hrepKvm-ovffty e£ ahrov hdpara, Hesych. in Aovfuoc 
iviroc). AovpiiOQ tiriroc, icpvirrov afjLiria\kty ^opv, Eurip. Troad. 
13. Pausanias does not allude to the magnitude of the figure, 
but Ariatophanes leaves no doubt that it was colossal: iwwuv 
ifwoyrtay fuytdoQ oaov 6 Aovpioc, Av. 1128. 

* *Ayipiamay ^£ otroi /xtra roy imroy etrriiKaeny, *lEtJn\apiyQv 
fity onXiTohpoyitiy iLtriditrayroi, ri^v eixdya Inoififfs KpiriaQ (1. Kpi- 
rtoc)* This passage has lately been illustrated by the discovery of 
the basis of the statue thus inscribed in old Attic characters : 

£irc . aplyo • y 

Kpirtoc Kcu N£9i6rcc eiro(ecff)drev. 
The deficient letters of the first line contained probably the 


decree for the recall, from exile, of Thucydides, son cap. 33. 
of Olorus, who, having been treacherously slain, is 
buried not hi from^ the gates Melitides'; then 
Hermolycus the pancratiast ' ; and Phormio, son of 
Asopichus\ There also is Minerva punishing the Cap* 24. 
Seilenus Marsyas for taking up the flutes which she 
had wished to throw away\ Over against these ^ is 
Theseus contending with the Minotaur; Phrizus 
sacrificing the ram which had carried him to the 
Chold, and looking at its thighs burning upon the 
altar. Among other statues, are Hercules strangling 
the serpents ; Minerva rising from the head of 
Jupiter; and a Bull, dedicated by the council of 
Areiopagus. There is also a temple containing the 
deity venerated by industrious men^ To him who 
prefers works made with skill, to such as are 

nunes of the father and of the demus of Epicharintis. Nesiotes 
and Critiiis (not Critias, as hitherto given in the text of Pausa- 
nias) were joint sculptors of the statues of Harmodios and Aris- 
togeiton. Lndan Philopsend. 18. — ^Note of 1889. 

* oh voyS^. ' See Marcellinus in vita Thucyd. 
' Son of Enthynns : for his actions see Herodotus 9, 104. 

* See Thucydides 1, 64. Diodor. 12, 87. 47. Pausan. Pho- 
ck. 11, 5. 

* For this fable see Apollodorus, 1. 4. § 2. Hygin. 165, and 
in Stuart (Andq. of Athens, II. p. 27) a marble, found at Athens, 
wfalcfa represents Minerva throwing away the flutes, and Marsyas 
about to take them up. * rovrtty iripav, 

' Aikecrai H fUH Kcd irp6Tepoyf utg *AOriyaloig 7r€pi(rff6rep6y ri ri 
rocc ^lAXocc ec to. Btid iari ffirov^fjc' wpSnroi fuy yap *AOriydy 
iwmy^fioaay 'Epyavi^v, irp^roy V (dyiOeeray) dx^Kovc '£p/idc* 
ifaov Zi 9^my kv r^ yaf Sirov^a/oiv ZaifjMy kfrriy. Minerva, as 
inTentress and protectress of arts and industry, was worshipped in 
nuuiy parts of Greece with the epithet Ergane. Pausan. Lacon. 
17, 4. El. pr. 14,5. EI. post. 26, 2. Arcad. 32,8. Boeot. 26, 5. 
Diodor. 5, 73. Phot. Etym. M. in "Epyaviy. But 'Epydyn, 

l2 -h- 


Cap. 24. remarkable for antiquity alone, the (two) following 
are worthy of observation, (namely,) a Man, having 
a helmet on his head, and finger-nails of silver, by 
Clecetas ; and Earth imploring showers from Jupiter. 
There also stands' Timotheus, son of Conon, and 
Con on himself; Procne and Itys, dedicated by Alca- 
menes; Minerva causing the olive to sprout, while 
Neptune raises the waves ; a Jupiter, by Leochares ; 
and another Jupiter sumamed Polieus^. 

^'In entering the temple called Parthenon ^ all 
the works in the pediment relate to the birth 

like Niici;, was sometimes a separate^a//<«i»K, as well as an identity 
of Minerva. (Plutarch, de Fortuni, 4. 'Epyaviic Balfioroc ^lian. 
Var. Hist. 1, 2.) It seems, therefore, that the " daemon of indus* 
trious men " was a statue in a temple of Ergane, or Minerva 
Ei^ane, which stood between the sanctuary of Diana Brauronia 
and the Parthenon. 

Three dedications to this deity have recently been found in the 
Acropolis ; two in which she is entitled Minerva Ergane : in the 
third, Ergane only. — ^Note of 1840. ^ Keirat, 

' Pausanias here, and again in 28, 11, informs us, that, at the 
festival of Jupiter Polieus, called Diipolia, an ox was sacrificed ; 
that the Buphonus having slain the ox, ran away, leaving the 
axe with which he had killed the animal to be tried for the 
injury. The custom was as old as the reign of Erechtheu8» 
before whose time there was a law against slaying oxen (Varro 
de Re Rust. 2, 5). For the Diipolia, or Buphonia, see Schol. 
Aristoph. Nub. 980. Pa. 419. JElian. Var. Hist. 5, 14. 8, 3. 
Lex. Rhet. ap. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 238. Meurs. Grsec* 
feriat. in vv. 

' The common appellation of the celebrated statue by Phidias, 
in the great temple of Minerva, was ii UapdiyoQ, " the virgin," 
(Pausan. Eliac. pr. 11, 5. Phoc. 84, 4.) whence the temple was 
called 6 UafSevity, or the virgin's habitation. Uapdeyifr wioc 
iy rj *Aicpoir<$Xei, irepiixuy rd dyaXfia rijc 6eov, Smp hrolfifftp 6 
ifeiiiag b dyipiayrowXdartic €k j(pv(rov ical cXi^avroc* SchoL in 
Demosth. c, Androt. p. 597, Reiske. 


of Minerva ; those behind represent the contest of Cap. 21. 
Neptune with Minerva for the (Attic) land \ The 
statue itself is made of ivory and gold. The figure 
of a sphinx is on the summit of the helmet, and on 
either side of it are griffins ^. The statue of Mi* 
nerva is erect, with a robe reaching to the feet. 
On the breast is a head of Medusa made of ivory ; 
in one hand a Victory, about four cubits high, and 
in the other a spear ; at the feet a shield, and near the 
spear a serpent, which may represent Erichthonius ' ; 

hv6va kv role caXov/icVoic AcroTc «*ro«, vaiTa cc riiv 'AOiyvac 
c^ck yiytaiv' ra. Zt OKioOey fi HoaetCwyoQ irpoc 'A0i|vdv iemy epcc 

* ypvrec. The words eir/mrai and iiritpyafrfiiyoi, which, in 
this passage, are applied, the former to the sphinx, and the latter 
to the griffins, confirm the remarks upon those words in page 109, 
n. 1 ; for we know from existing monuments, that the sphinx was 
an entire figure, and that the griffins were in relief. " Aristeas of 
Proconnesus (adds Pausanias in this place) describes these ani- 
mals as having the body of a lion, and the wings and beak of 
an eagle.'* Such is precisely their form on the ancient heads of 

' T3 it iyaXfia r^c *A0i}vac opBoy itniy ky \iTiiyi iroi^pci, icac 
01 Kara ro aripyoy ri icc^aX^ Me^ovoijc iXAt^yro^ itniy c/iirc70fi|- 
liivT/l^ «a« N/ici| Tt oaov ritraaputy iriyx«>'' ty ik rj xelpi Zdpv c^ci, 
Kai oi irpoc toIq iroaiy acriric tb Ktirai ical irXfitrioy rov doparoc 
ZpaKtty karly' till ^ av *£pi)^0ovioc oSroc o ZpaKtay. There can 
be little doubt that this text is defective. It is evident from 
monnments of Minerva in the character represented by this 
statue, that the Victory stood upon her hand, as described by 
Hesiod, who (Theogon. 384) makes Victory her daughter. 
(N/jri|K adaydrtiQ xip^ly Ixovva^ Scut. Here. 339.) Epictetus 
thus describes this particular statue, 4 'AOiym h ^eiIiov icrtivatra 
ri^r Xelpa xai rt^y Nijci^k ct* airr^c Ztiiafiiyfi* Arrian. in Epict. 


Cap. 24. on the basis of the statue the birth of Pan- 
dora is figured in relief ^ The only statue 
which I observed in the temple, was that 
of the emperor Hadrian \ and towards the en- 
Dissert. 2, 8. In Pausaniasy therefore, after Tifx^r, we should 
read perhaps fiky evr^ ^iHi^ ev ^e rp tripijf. xilpi' 

Maximus Tyrius (14, 6) thus describes the statue: 'AOiyvav 
oiay ^eiBlaQ eBrifHOvpyritrey^ oviiy tUv 'O/i^pov kwv ^vXoripar, 
TapOiyor koX^v, yXavritfTcv, viJ/iiX^f, aiyi^a kviCtaoiuviiVt cdpvv 
^ipQvaav^ Zopv i\ovaay^ aawi^a i\ovaay. Diss. 14. From Pliny 
H. N. 36, 5, (4, § 4,) we learn that it was about forty-seven 
English feet in height (cubitorum viginti sex). He then pro- 
ceeds to say, ebore haec et auro constat : sed scuto ejus, in quo 
Amazonum prttlium cselavit (Phidias), intumescente ambitti 
parmse, ejusdem concava parte Deorum et gigantum dimica- 
tionem : in soleis vero Lapitharum et Centaurorum : adeo mo- 
menta omnia capacia artis illi fuere. In base autem quod cselatum 
est Pandoras genesin appellant. Ibi Dii sunt xx. numero nascentes : 
Victoria prsedpue mirabili. Periti mirantur et serpentem ac sub 
ipsa cuspide asream sphingem. For the mythus of Erichtho- 
nius see the authors cited in note 3, page 120. Hyginus says 
that the serpent produced from the earth, took refuge behind the 
shield of Minerva, and was educated by her. Poet. Astr. 13. 
The gold of the statue (avriifc r^c deov xpvtriot) weighed forty 
talents, and being all removable (irepimpiroy away) was consi- 
dered by Pericles a part of the disposable resources of Athens, 
Thucyd. 2, 1 3. The eyes were of ivory, except the pupils, which 
were of stone. Plato Hipp. Maj. 23. 

* cffri Bi Tf (kiSpf Tov ayoA/iaroc tirtipyaofiiyri Hay^mpac 
yivtoi^, Pausanias refers to Hesiod for this fable, which is found 
in Op. 60. Theogon. 570. 

' kyravQa tiKoya l^Say oihi 'A^piayov fiaaiXita^ fi6yoVf Kal Karit 
Ttiy eitrodoy 'I^ffcparov^. The Hadrian was not an lUify yponnf^ 
or picture ; for Pausanias mentions elsewhere, that there was a 
ypa^i) or painted portrait in the Parthenon of Themistocles, 
dedicated by his sons, and another of Heliodorus. Att. 1, 2. 
37, 1. 11 

Sect, i.] by paubanias. 151 

trance ' that of Ipbicrates, the author of many cap. 24. 
admirable works ^ Over-against ' the temple, is a 
brazen Apollo, said to have been made by Phi- 
dias, and sumamed Pamopius (the expeller of 

" In the Acropolis of the Athenians are statues Cap. 26. 
of Pericles son of Xanthippus, and of Xanthippus 
himself, who fought at sea against the Medes, but 
that of Pericles is not in the same situation as the 
latter *. Near the Xanthippus stands Anacreon of 
Teos, represented as a man singing when intoxi- 
cated« Near it * are images, by Deinomenes, of lo, 
daughter of Inachus, and of Callisto, daughter of 
Lycaon; the former of whom was changed into a 
cow, and the latter into a bear, and both from the 
same cause, namely, the love of Jupiter, and the 
anger of Juno. 

** At the southern wall are represented the war 
of the giants, who once inhabited Thrace and the 
peninsula of Pallene, the battle of the Athenians 
with the Amazones, the exploit at Marathon against 
the Medes, and the destruction of the Gauls in 

' Kara ri^y tiao^v. 

* Pliny (35, 18 (36, § 20) says that in the Propylaeum of 
this temple, or that part which is usually called the Pronaos, 
Pxotogenes, a celebrated painter of ships, had represented the 
triremes Paralus and H ammonias, together with several other 
Teasels on a smaller, scale. The painting of the Paralus is 
praised by Cicero (Verrin. 4, 60). 

* irepay. 

* iriptidi dyaKitrai. Namely, near the brazen tethrippus. 
See below in Paus. cap. 2S. 

* wXtfffioy, 


Cap. 25. Mysia. Each of these are three feet (in height) : they 
were dedicated by Attalus ^ Here likewise stands 

Cap. 26. an image of Olyinpiodorus ^ and near it a brazen 
statue of Diana, surnamed Leucophryne, dedicated 
by the sons of Themistocles ; for Diana Leucophryne 
is worshipped by the Magnetos, the govemment of 
whose city Themistocles received from the king (of 
Persia). There is also an ancient sitting statue of 
Minerva, with an epigram upon it, signifying that it 
was the offering of Callias, and the work of Endoeus, 
an Athenian, a disciple of Dsedalus, who followed 
him to Crete, when he fled in consequence of the 
death of Calos. 

^* There is likewise a building' called Erech- 
theium, before the entrance (of which) * is an altar 
of Jupiter Hypatus ; in the entrance ' is an altar of 
Neptune (whereon sacrifices are also made by com- 
mand of the oracle to Erechtheus) ; another altar of 

* IIpoc ^« rf ''"'X** ^V ^orlf, T ly ayrtav w6\efioy 

aviOriKey "ArraXoc, 6troy re. hvo iri/^J)v iKaarov, 

* The principal events of the time of Olympiodorus occupy 
the remainder of this and a part of the following chapter. He 
was the more illustrious, says Pausanias, firom having distin- 
guished himself at a time when Athens was aflSicted with mis- 
fortunes. He took an active and often a successful part against 
Cassander, when Demetrius had delivered the Athenians from the 
Macedonian garrison in Munychia ; and invited by the £la- 
tenses of Phocis, he saved their city from being taken by Cas- 
Sander. Phoc. 18,6. 34, 2. But the most renowned of his 
exploits was, the capture of the Museium, which Demetrius had 
formed into a separate fortress, and had garrisoned with Mace- 
donians. For this he was honoured by the Athenians with 
statues in the Acropolis and Prytaneium, and with a painting at 
Eleusis. The Elatenses set up his image at Delphi. 

' oiKrifia, * irpo riJQ IffoSvv. * iinXBovai. 


Butes ^ ; and a third of Vulcan : on the walls are Cap. 26. 
pictures of the Butadse *. The building is two-fold ; 
in the inner part is a well of salt water \ which is 
remarkable for sending forth a sound like that of 
leaves when the wind is from the south. There is 
also the figure of a trident upon the rock^: these 
are said to be evidences of the contention of Nep- 
tune (with Minerva) for Attica*. Every part of 
the city is sacred to Minerva as well as the whole 
land : whatever other deities may be worshipped in 
the demi, she is no less honoured by them ; but her 
most sacred statue is that which was a common offer- 
ing of the demi, many years before they were united 
in the city, and which is now in the Acropolis, 

* Butes, according to Hesiod, as cited by Eustathius (in Horn. 
II. A. V. I ), was a son of Neptune, but, according to the common 
Athenian legend, son of Pandion, or twin brother of Erechtheus 
the second, and priest of Neptune. His descendants became 
hereditary priests of Minerva Polias, and Neptune Erechtheus. 
Apollod. 3, 1 4, § 8. 3, 15, § 1 . Hesy ch., Harpoc. in *£reoj3ovra^a<. 

' yirovc titrl tQv Bovrd^wv. The gens caUed themselves 
'Erco/lovrd^ac, as a distinction from the rest of the demus Butadae. 
Among the portraits were those of the orator Lycurgus, son of 
Lycophron, and of his family, by Ismenias of Chalcis. There 
stood also in the portico wooden statues of Lycurgus and of 
his three sons, made by the two sons of Praxiteles (Vit. X. 
Rhet. in Lycui^.)* 

* Kol ( jcxXovK yap itrri ro o%Kfi^a) v^tap eirrir ty^ov BaXafftrioy 
ir fpiari* This was the BaXaenra ^Ept^drfi^f fabled to have been 
produced by a blow of Neptune's trident. Herodot. 8, 55. 
Apollod. 3, 14, § 1. Pausan. Arcad. 10, 3. 

* 'OpA r^K iu:p6'jro\iy koI ro irepl rfjt rpiatViic e^ei r* erifuioy, 
Hegesias ap. Strabon. p. 396. 

* ^^c x^pf^C* In memory of the amicable termination of this 
contest, tliere was an altar of Oblivion in the temple of Polias. 
(Plutarch. Sympos. 9. qu. 6.) 


Cap. 26. then called Polls. It is reported to have fallen from 
heaven. Callimacbus made a golden lamp for the 
goddess, \rhich, being filled with oil, bums night and 
day during an entire year, having a wick of Carpa- 
sian flax, the only kind of flax which is not con- 
sumed by fire K A brazen palm-tree rising above 

Cap. 27. the lamp to the roof, carries off the smoke. In the 
temple of Polias is a wooden Hermes S said to have 
been presented by Cecrops, and now almost hidden 
by branches of myrtle. Of the ancient offerings 
those most worthy of mention are a folding chair, 
made by Dsedalus ; and some spoils of the Medes \ 
namely, the breast-plate of Masistius, who com- 
manded the cavalry at Platoese, and a scimitar, said 
to be that of Mardoniu8\ Concerning the olive- 


' 6 iip\a'ioi KecJc o rijc IloXca^oci iv if o &<ffieffrog Xv)^voc. 
Strabo, p. 396. Carpasian flax was the mineral called Asbestus 
or Amiantus, and received its name from Carpasus, a town of 
Cyprus. Aristion, when besieged in Athens by Sylla, allowed 
the flame of the lamp to expire. See above, p. 138, n. 4. 

' Kcirac ^e Iv ri^ vaf rffc HoXidSot '^fifjc ^vXov, 

' Demosthenes mentions among these spoils the ^i^poQ 
apyvpovov^, or silver-footed chair, upon which Xerxes sat to 
view the battle of Salamis. (Demosth. in Timocrat. p. 741, 
Reiske. Sch. in 01 y nth. 3, p. 35.) Harpocration and Suidas (in 
apyvpoirovc) state the chair to have been in the Parthenon ; but, 
as Demosthenes names it, in conjunction with the scimitar of 
Mardonius, which we find to have been, as late as the time of 
Pausanias, in the temple of Minerva Polias, the grammarians 
appear to have confounded the Parthenon with the temple of 
Polias. In like manner Clemens (in Protrept. p. 13, Sylb.) 
describes the chryselephantine Minerva of Phidias in the Parthe- 
non as r^v ^Adrivriai IloXia^a. 

^ This Pausanias doubts, beciiuse Mardonius was opposed to 
the Lacedaemonians, and was slain by a Spartan soldier. 


tree, nothing is related, except that it is an evidence cap. 27. 
of the contest (of Neptune and Minerva) for the 
country ' ; and that when the Medes set fire to 
the city of the Athenians, the olive was burnt, but 
sprouted the same day to the length of two cubits '. 
Contiguous to the temple of Minerva is that of 
Paodrosus ', who alone of the sisters remained faith- 
Ail to her trust \ Near the temple of Polias dwell 
two virgins, called Arrhephori, who after having 
resided a certain time with the goddess ^ receive 

^ From this stock, the gift of Minerva, the Athenians sup- 
posed one of the most important productions of their soil to have 
been derived. It was called ^ iLvrfj IXaca, and irdyicw^c from 
its low and crooked form. Hesych. in dor^ and ^dyrv^c- 
Eustath. in Od. A. 3. The Pancyphus is represented on a coin 
of Athens published by Stuart, II. 2, and seems to have been 
the usual accompaniment of Minerva in her contest with Nep- 
tane. Its more immediate descendants were the morise or sacred 
oliTes of the academy. Aristoph. Nub. 1001. Pausan. Attic. 
30, 2. Istrus ap. Schol. Sophocl. (£d. Col. 730. Suid. in Uopiai. 

' According to Herodotus (8, 55), it had sprouted only one 
cubit on the second day. Time had improved the marvellous 

Pausanias omits to notice the ourovpoc w^c or Erechthonian 
serpent, whose habitation in the Erechtheium was named 
3pacavXoc, (Aristoph. Lysist. 760. Plutarch. ThemisL 10. De- 
moftth. 26. Hesych. in Olxovpov. Sophocl. ap. Etymol. Mag. 
in AfMxcavXoc>) although Philostratus (in Icon. 2, 17)* a con- 
temporary of Pausanias, seems to have considered the serpent as 
being still there. Herodotus however (8, 41) says only, that 
honey-cakes were presented in the temple every month, a$ if the 
serpent were present {wq iovn), 

* Thallo received divine honours in this temple, together with 
Paudrosus (Pausan. Boeot. 35, 1). Thallo and Carpo were the 
two Horae. 

' vopOcVoi €VQ rou laov riii; IlvXid^oc oUovffiy ov irofiptj, KnXovfft 


Cap. 27. in the night, on the approach of the festival, from the 
priestess of Minerva a burden, the contents of which 
are unknown to themselves as well as to the priestess. 
This they carry upon their heads to an enclosure in 
the city, not &r from (the temple of) Venus in the 
gardens, where, having descended into a subterra- 
neous natural cavern \ they leave below that which 
they bear, and carry away another covered burden. 
The two virgins are then dismissed, and two others 
are conducted to the Acropolis in their place. 

" At the temple of Minerva (Polias) is a well- 
wrought statue of an old woman, about one cubit 
in height, said to be the priestess Lysimacha': 

a *Adfiydtoi ff^c iififivf^6povc' alrat \p6yov ^iv riya ^latray 

The Arrhephoii, Errhephori, or Ersephori, were four girls 
of old Attic families, not younger than seven years, nor older 
than eleven, who were chosen as servants of Minerva. Two 
were employed in assisting the ipyarlyait who embroidered the 
peplus renewed every fifth year at the greater Panathenaea : the 
other two dwelt in the place mentioned by Pausanias, and were 
there instructed in their duties, during the year preceding each 
annual festival of the Panathenssa, on which occasion they wore 
a dress of white adorned with gold. Their provisions were 
conveyed to them by their parents, and were of a prescribed 
kind. Adjoining to their dwelling was a sphaerestra, or place 
for playing at ball. Aristoph. Lysist. 642. Athen. 3, -28 (80). 
Vit. X. Rhet. in Isocrat. Harpoc, Hesych., Suid., Etym. 
M« in 'A/S^i}^p(a, 'AfJ^iy^opoi, 'A^^iy^pccF. Lex. ap. Bekker. 
I. p. 446. Suid., Etym. M. in XaXiceia. Hesych. in *Epya- 
arivai* Harpoc, Suid., in Atiwyo^poi, Suid. in *Aya(n'aroi. 

' "Eot'i ^€ ^cpi/3oXoc iy T^ irokti rijc KaXovfiiviiQ ky K^irocc 
'A^po^/nyc ov xo^f^of, ra2 It avrov icddo^OQ wr6yaioc ahrofidrri' 
ravrp Karlaaiy al irapdeyoi. 

' Upoc ^c rf yaf rfJQ 'AOi|vdc iart fiky ihilpiQ xpeff/^vrtCi &roy 
re 3r^)^coc fiaXurra, (paiiiyti Staicoyoc eJyai Avtrifidxi* Lysimacha 
is mentioned by Plutarch (irepc ^uffWTrtac, 14). She was famous 


here also are great brazen images of two men» ready Cap. 27. 
to engage in fight; one is called Erechtheus, the 
other Eumolpns^: npon the base is the figure of 
.... who was the soothsayer of Tolmides, and 
another of Tolmides himself ^ Here are some an- 
<nent statues of Minerva, no part of which is con- 
sumed, though they could not bear a blow, and are 
still black with the fire which burnt them when the 
Athenians retired to their ships and Xerxes took 
the defenceless city^ Here also are the hunting 
of a wild boar; Cycnus fighting with Hercules; 
Theseus finding the slippers and sword of .^Bgeus 
under the rock, every part of which is of bronze, 
except the rock; and Theseus leading the Cretan 
ball from Marathon to be sacrificed to Minerva in 
the Acropolis^; a dedication of the Marathonii. 

^ For what reason Cylon, who attempted to obtain Cap. 28. 

Ibr the long duration of her priesthood (annis Ixiv.) al. xliv. 
Plan. H. N. 34, 8 (19, § 15), and for her statue by Demetrius, 
(Plin. ibid.) who, according to Quintilian (12, 10, § 9), tanquam 
nimius in veritate ezprimend& reprehenditur, et fuit similitudinis 
qaam pulchritudinis amantior. 

' '* Those Athenians (adds Pausanias) who are knowing in* 
aatiqiiityy are not ignorant that this is Immaradus, son of Eumol- 
pos ; he haying been the person who was slain by Eiechtheus, 
and not Enmolpus himself." ApoUodorus, on the contrary, (3, 
15, { 4.) says it was Eumolpus. 

' 'Exl ii TCv ^dpov Kol dy^ptayre^ eiaty cicroc, oq ifiayrtvero 
ToX/Aiip Koi ahroc ToXfiliric, where the corruption cicroc stands in 
the place of the name of the augur. UoXvevKros ? 

' ipvifioy rtiy ly ^Xcjccg. 

* Pausanias followed the legend, according to which the bull, 
after having been brought to Eurystheus by Hercules from Crete, 
liad wandered from Mycense to Marathon. ApoUod. 2, 5, § 7. 
Aooording to Plutarch, the bull was sacrificed to Apollo Del- 
Tbes. 14. 


Cap. 28. the tyranny of Athens ^ was thought worthy of a 
brazen statue, I cannot say ; I suppose it was for his 
beauty, and because he became illustrious by a vic- 
tory in the Diaulus at Olympia, and married the 
daughter of Theagenes, tyrant of Megara. Besides 
all the other things which I have described, there are 
two dedications from the tenth of military spoils. 
One of these is a brazen image of Minerva^ made by 
Pheidias, from (the spoils of) the Modes who landed 
at Marathon ; on the shield of which are sculptures 
of Lapithse fighting with Centaurs. They say that 
these, and all the other figures in relief upon the 
shield, were wrought by Mys, but that Parrhasius, son 
of £venor, designed boUi these and the other works 
of Mys'. Of this statue the crest of the helmet and 
the point of the spear may be seen eyen by those 
who are sailing onwards from Sunium*. The other 

^ rvpavvlia o/m»c /iovXguaayra. See Herodotna (5, 71) and 
Thucydides (1, 126). 

' Xiyovtri Topewrak Mvf, Tf Si Mvc ravrd re nd ra Xotira nSv 
ipyvy Uafi^trwv Komypd^fKU rov Blri^ropoc* 

' ravTTiS riJQ 'Adrivdc 4 rod Sdparot <^Xf ^ '^ ^ Xi$0oc rw icpdvovt 
wfh '2ovviov wpomrKifJVirlv lariy Ijiri avvofrra* This &ct leaves 
no doubt thAt the statoe was colossal, which is confirmed by 
Demosthenes ; a pillar recording the in&my of Arthmius of Zelia 
^apa ri^y xaXKffy r^y fuydKtiy 'AOifvav iy df(/g cflrn|Kcy* i)r 
dpitrreloy if irdXcc tov irpos rove fiapjidpov^ woXifiov^ Myr^Bv rtiy 
'£XX^Fwy ra xPVf^'^ro, ravra, dy^v^Ks. De falsA 1^. p. 42S, Reiske. 
This image of Minerva was snznamed Promachus. The Scholiast 
of Demosthenes (c. Androt. p. 597) observes that there were three 
statues of Minerva in the Acropolis : the ancient one of Minerva 
Polias made of wood, that of bronze (xaXxod fUyov) erected after 
the victory of Marathon (e«nX<tro ii rovro Upofidxov 'ABfiyat)9 
and the UapBiyoc 'Adtiyd^ which was made of ivory and gold, 
when the Athenians had become richer after the battle of Salanus. 
See also Sch. in Demosth. Olynth. S| p. S5. 


offering from the tenth of military spoils, is a brazen Cap. 28. 
chariot, dedicated after the victory of the Athenians 
over the Boeotians and Chalcidenses of Euboea^ 
There is likewise a statue of Pericles, son of Xan- 
thippus ^ and another brazen Minerva, which is the 
finest Vthe works of Phidias, and is sumamed Lemnia, 
as having been dedicated by the people of Lemnus '. 

** The enclosure of the Acropolis, with the excep- 
tion of that part of it which was built by Cimon, 
son of Miltiades, is said to have been constructed by 
the Pelasg], who dwelt formerly below the Acropolis*. 

" In descending towards the lower city there is a 
fountain a little below the Propylaea*, near which is 
a sanctuary of Apollo and Pan in a cave, where 
Apollo is said to have had connexion with Creusa, 
daughter of Erechtheus*. Not far distant is the 

Kai dpfia Kiirai ^aXicovy a'lr^ Bocci^cDi' ^cirariy Kai XaXKi^itay 

Herodotus, who has descrihed the battle with the Boeotians 
(^i 79), remarks that the brazen chariot, dedicated from the 
spoils, had four horses, and that it stood on the left hand on 
entering the Acropolis, through the Propylsea, riBpiiriroy xaXKeov^ 
TO ci iiptirrrp^c X'P^^ conyicf vpdTOv iaiovTk cc rd TLpotrvKaia rd kv 
r^ *AjrpoiroXfi. ' See above, p. 151. 

* rStv ipytav rov ^tiiiov Oiag fidXiara d^ioy, 'Adiyvdc ayaX/ia, 
iivo Twv dyaBiyrwy KoXovfiiyriQ Arifiyiac* This was probably the 
Phidiac Minerva, which Pliny describes (34, 8, (19) as tarn exiroiae 
pnlchritudinis, ut formse nomen acceperit ; in Greek KaWlfAopiftoQ. 

* trtpifiaXily to Xocirov Xtycrat rov tbIxovq HtXatryov^ oiKTivayrdc 
vort viro njv *AKp6iroXiy, The remainder of this passage is 
defective, but seems to indicate that the chiefs of the Pelasgi 
were named Agrolas and Hyperbius. Pausanias then adds, that 
all he could learn of the Pelasgi was, that they were Siculi who 
had migrated to Acamania. 

* Karafidoi ovk ig rijy rdrai irAcv, aXXa otroy vtto tq IlpoirvXaia, 
Tj|y4 Ti v^ar^c ktrri, 

* i. f. of Erechtheus the second, according to the genealogy of 


Cap. 28. Areiopagus \ so called because Mars ' was the first 
person here tried for the murder of Halirrhothius *. 
Here is an altar of Minerva Areia» xledicated by 
Orestes, on escaping punishment for the murder of 
his mother. Here also are two rude stones, upon 
one of which the accuser stands, and upon the* other 
the defendant \ Near' (this place) is the sanctuary 
of the goddesses called Semnse, but whom Hesiod in 
the Theogonia names Erinnyes ^ J^hjlus was the 

Apollodonis. Euripides (loiii 11) says $o</3oc cCev^ev yafUHQ — 
6/^ Kpeovffavy thus endeavouring to save the credit of the future 
wife of Xuthus. The worship of Apollo in this cavern dated 
from early time. That of Pan, as appears from Pausanias in this 
place, from Herodotus (6, 105), and from Lucian (bis accus. 9), 
was not introduced until after the battle of Marathon, when Phi- 
dippides the messenger sent for aid to Sparta, pretended to have 
met Pan in crossing Mount Parthenium in the Argolis, and to 
have received from him a promise of assistance in the battle. 

^ KaO* 8 Kal 6 "Apeioc xayoc. Some words are probably want- 
ing. Opposite to, or over-against» seems the most natural descrip- 
tion of the position of the Areiopagus, with reference to the grotto. 
This relative position may be inferred from Lucian, Bis Accus. 9. 
See below, Sect. II. For the various authorities on the Areiopagua 
see Meursii Areopagus. ' "Apiyc* 

' See above, p. 141, and Demosth. c. Aristocr. p. 641, Reiske. 

* TOVf ic 6,pyov£ X<6ovc, c^* (Iv etrraaiVf otroi 2/rac tnrc^^ovo'i Kal 

The Athenians were said to have erected a temple or altar to 
Contumelia and Impudentia, after the murder of Cylon, by the 
advice of Epimenides of Crete (Cicero de Leg. 2, 11. Clem. 
Alezand. Protrept. 16). Istrus ap. Phot. Lex. in Gcoc i 

* UXritrlov. 

' To fifi Xiytiv ivtr^fifia Tdffi roic iraXauiic /lev ^povrlQ ^Vf 
fiaXiffra ie rocc 'ABtivcUoit' ^io 2^ rd Setrfiuriipioy oiKfifia tKaXoyyt 
Kal roy Ziiynoy K0iv6y' rac it *£pivyvac, 'Evfieviiac ?) 2e/xvac Gcdc- 
— Helladius ap. Phot. Bibl. p. 1593. 

See Euripides Orest. 403. Iphig. in Taur. 045, where Orestes 


first to represent them with snakes in their hair ; but Gap. 38. 
here their statues have nothing ferocious in their 
aspect \ nor have those of the other subterranean 
deities here represented, namely, Pluto, Hermes, and 
the Earth *. Here persons acquitted in the court 
of Areiopagus sacrifice, as well as others, both 
strangers and citizens of Athens. Within the same 
inclosure is a monument of (Edipus '." 

Pausanias then proceeds to notice the other Scicaa- 
T^pco, or courtsr of justice at Athens. He mentions 
the Parabystum, Trigonum, Batrachius, and Phoe- 
nicius : the first situated in an obscure part of the 
city ; the second, so called from its form ; the two 
last, from their colours. The greatest, and that in 
which the assemblies were most numerous, was the 
Helisea. Those which took cognizance of homicide, 
besides the Areiopagus, were the Palladium \ where 
Demophon, king of Athens, was tried on his return 
from the Trojan war for an accidental manslaughter : 
tiie Delphinium ^ in which those were brought to trial 
who Justified a homicide, as Theseus, for killing Pallas 

allades to them as al iLv&yvfiai QtaL In tlie CEdipus Coloneus 
(t. 107) the chorus addresses them, 

"Ir* J yXvrcTac vaiitQ iLp\aiov 2rorov. 
Schol. thfifitifc iyo. /117 inxpal airrf yiyt^vrau 

The temple is said to have been foanded by Epimenides 
(Lobon Argins ap. Diogen. Laert. 1, 112), but it appears from 
other authorities to have been more ancient. Thucyd. 1, 126. 
Plutarch. Solon, 12. 

' Two of them were works of Seopas : the third was by Calos. 
Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 13, Sylb. 

' The Enmenides were supposed to be daughters of the Earth. 
Hesiod. Theogon. 185. Istrus ap. Sch. Sophoc. (Ed. Col. 42« 

* '£0x1 a Kai ciToc Tov vtpifidXov fAvfj^a Oi^iirolo^. 

^ TO M UaXKallf. ' to im ^tXftvtf, 



and his sons : the Prjtaneium \ where mstraments 
which had heen the cause of death, either bj acci- 
dent or in the hands of unknown murderers, were 
judged and condemned to be ejected from Attica ' : 
the Phreattys in the Peirseeus, where those guilty 
of involuntary murders, and for which they had fled 
from Attica, pleaded their cause from a ship before 
judges on the adjacent shore '. 

Pausanias closes his description of the city by 
stating that near the Areiopagus a ship was exhi- 
bited, which had been made for the use of the 
Panathenaic procession \ 

Besides the objects which Pausanias has described 
or named, there are some others, the &me or im- 
portance of which were such, that we are surprised 
to find that he has omitted all notice of them* For 
example, in the midst of the Cerameicus was the 
Leocorium, or monument of the daughters of Leos, 
one of the most revered among the ancient monu- 
ments of Athens '. The altar of the twelve gods in 
the Agora was not less celebrated '. 

' TO kv npi/raFc/y. 

' Demost. c. Aristocr. p. 645, Reiske. ^schin. c. Ctesxph. 
p. 636. Pausan. Eliac. post. 11,2. Compare above, p. 148, 
n. 2. 

' For the Courts of Justice at Athens, see Julius Pollux 8, 120, 
and Meursius in Areopag. 11. 

* Tov Ik *Apc/ov fcdyov irXrioioVf StlKyvrai yavg ToiriOeiffu Iq ri^r 
Twy Hayadriyalioy irofiwiiy. 

• Thucyd. 1, 20. 6, 57. Schol. in 1, 20. Cicero de Nat. Deor. 
3, 19. MlisLii Var. Hist. 12, 28. Strabo, p. 396. Hegesias, 
ibid. Demosth. c. Conon. p. 1258, Reiske. Phanodemus ap. 
Harpocrat. in Aea^Kopeioy, Meurs. Ceram. Gem. 17* The altar 
was first erected by Peisistratus, son of Hippias, and grandson of 
the great Peisistratus, when Archon, and who placed on it an 


The quarter of Melite was noted for a temple of 
Hercules Alexicacus, containing a statue by Ageladas, 
the master of Phidias ^ and for a temple of Diana 
Aristobula, built by Themistocles, in which the statue 
still remained, as it is mentioned by Plutarch, the con- 
temporary of Pausanias, — as well as for other build- 
ings. Among the Athenian edifices of later date, 
may be mentioned the Agrippeium, or theatre of 
Agrippa in the Inner Cerameicus '. In addition to 
these, Athens still retains evidence, in some of its 
ruins, of the incompleteness of the description of 
PauaaDias ; for escample, in the Pnyx and the Horo- 
logium of Andronicus Cyrrhested. As to the gate of 
Hadriaoopolis, it was probably not erected until after 
Paosanias, who makes no allusion to the city of 
Hadrian, had written his Attica, and perhap? not 
until tibie reign of Antoninus Pius, who completed 
the aqueduct of Hadrianopolis ^. 

intcriptioD, which the People obliterated when they enlarged the 
altar. A distich, inscribed on another altar, erected by him in 
the Pythium, remained in the time of Thucydides. See above, 
p. 1S2, n. 2. 

* Herod. 6, lOS. Thucyd. 6, 54. Xenopb. Hipparch. 3. 
Lyenrg. c. Leocrat. p. 198, Reiske. Plutarch. Nic. 13. Vit. X. 
Rhet. in Demosth. Adjacent to the altar of the Twelve Gods 
was an indosore called the irepurxoiyiirfia. Here votes of ex- 
ostracism were taken, and 6000 ovrpaxa were required to con- 
demn a citizen to exile. Plutarch. Aristid. 7. J. Poll. 8, 20. 
Btyrn. H. in e^orrpooritf/K^c* Sch. Aristoph. £q. 

' Hesych. in *Ejc/icX/ri}c. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 504. Tzetz. 
Chil. 8, 192. 

* Philost. Sophist. 2, 5, § 3. 2, 8, § 2. 
' Spon, Voyage, &c. II. p. 99. 

For a summary of the less noted buildings, monuments, and 
places, with the authorities referring to them, see Appendix VII. ' 



Of ike Positions and existing Monuments of Ancient 
Athens^ as to the identity of which there can be 
little or no doubt. 

The features of Athenian topography, "which ancient 
history and local evidence concur in determining with 
the greatest certainty, are its rivers, the Ilissus and 
Cephissus; the Acropolis, with its three principal 
buildings, namely, the Propylsaa, Parthenon, and 
Erechtheium ; the hills, Areiopagus and Museium ; 
the temples of Theseus and of Jupiter Olympius ; 
the fountains Clepsydra and Enneacrunus ; the three 
places of public assembly, called the Pnyx, the 
Dionysiac Theatre, and the Odeium of Regilla; the 
Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes ; the Stadium ; 
the Academy; and two of the works of Hadrian, 
namely, the gate leading into the quarter around the 
Olympieium, which assumed the name of Hadriano- 
polls, and the aqueduct, which the emperor com- 
menced, but left to his successor to complete. 

It cannot be necessary to offer any proofs of iden- 
tity as to the two rivers, or as to the Acropolis and 
its three buildings, in the present state of our know- 
ledge of the topography of Athens. Several of the 
other mX)numents or natural objects having, at no 
distant period of time, been mistaken by travellers 


who have visited or described Athens, it may be right 
to offer a few remarks upon them» as they involve 
considerations which may fsMsilitate a determination 
of some more disputable localities, without which 
it is impossible to trace the description of Pausanias 
amidst the existing ruins of Athens. 

The identity of the Areiopagus with that rocky Areio- 
height which is separated only from the western end ^**^ 
of the Acropolis by a hollow; forming a commu- 
nication between the northern and southern divi- 
sions of the ancient site, is found in the words of 
Pausanias, indicating that proximity ' ; in the remark 
of Herodotus, that it was a height over-against the 
Acropolis, from whence the Persians assailed the 
western end of the Acropolis ' ; and in the lines of 
.£schylus, who refers to it in similar terms as the 
position of the camp of the Amazones, when they 
attacked the fortress of Theseus ^ Nor ought we to 
neglect the strong traditional evidence afforded by 
the church of Dionysius the Areopagite, of which the 
ruins were seen by Wheler and Spon at the foot of 
the height on the north-eastern side ^ 

' Atdc. 28, 4. See above, p. 159, n. 5. 

* Oi ii Tlipaai l(6fi€yoi iwl rot* Korayriov rfj^ dicpoiroXu)c o\doy, 
Tov 'AOi|yaToi KoXiovffi 'Apifiov w&yov^ iiroXidpKeoy rpawoy roUyie. 
Hexodot. 8, 52. 

' Uayoy ^"ApeiOK, toy 2* 'A/ia^i^Kwi^ tSpay^ 

2ffi|Kd£ 6* Sr* fKBoy Oriaitifg icara ^Boyoy 
HrpanyXorovaac' ral irdXiy yi&WTokiy 
Tj|f ^ v^lflmfpyoy kyrtirvpyiavay t6tV 
"Apec 2* iBvoy^ tyQty tar exii»w/ioc 
IIcVfMi, xayoc r' "Apecoc — fschyl. Eumenid. 689. 

* Compare Wheler's Travels, p. 384 ; Spon, Voyage, &c*II. 
p. 116; Stuart, Ant. of Ath. II. p. vi. 


MuMium. j^Q Museium is described by Pausanias as a hill 
opposite to the Acropolis, and included within the 
ancient circuit of the city-wall, where the poet Musseos 
had been buried \ and where, in latter times, a mona- 
ment had been erected to a certain Syrian^ whose 
name Pausanias has not stated \ By the first part 
of this description, we are at once directed to that 
height, which, separated by a valley from the 
south-western side of the Acropolis, almost equals 
it in altitude : and where we not only find foun- 
dations of the city-walls crossing the summit of that 
hill, but just within the walls an ancient structure ; 
some inscriptions upon which prove it to have been 
the monument of Philopappus, a grandson of An- 
tiochus, the fourth and last king of Commagene, 
who, having been deposed by Vespasian, went to 
Rome with his two sons, Epiphanes and Callinicus '• 
Epiphanes, it appears, was fiither of the Philopappus 
to whom this monument was erected, and who had 
become an Attic citizen of the demus Besa \ This, 
it is evident, is the Syrian to whom Pausanias alluded. 

Thewiimu The identity of the temple of Theseus may be 
presumed, from the magnitude of the existing 
building, and from its situation ; the former being in 
accordance with ancient testimony, as to the respect 

' Diogenes Laertius says (1,3) that Musseus died at Phale- 
rum, and has preserved his epitaph. 

* "EffTi 3c cKToc Tov ir€piP6\ov iLp\aiov to MovaeloF, Air' A»Tu:pv 
Ttic aKpow6\ni^c Xd^Ci evBa Mov^alov ^Siir Kai iLwodayorra y^pac 
ra^^vac Xiyoviriy' vffrepoy ie fivrffia avrddi dv^pc ^KoiofiriOfi Svpy. 
Pausan. Attic. 25, 6. 

' A. D. 72. Sueton. in Vespas. 8. Joseph, de Bell. Jud. 7, 7. 

* For some further remarks on the monument of Philopappus, 
see Appendix VIII. 


paid by the Athenians to the memory of Theseus, 
and the importance of his temple ^ ; the latter 
agreeing with that which may be understood from a 
general consideration of the narrative of Pausanias 
as to the situation of the Theseium. But the best 
proof is to be found in some of the remaining sculp- 
tures of the building itself. The ten metopes of the 
eastern front, together with the four adjoining me- 
topes of either flank, are adorned with figures in 
high relief, which represent the labours of Hercules 
and Theseus ; the union of whose worship at Athens, 
in consequence of the gratitude of Theseus towards 
Hercules, is well known'* 

We are equally well assured that the cluster of oiympi- 
lofty columns of Pentelic marble at the south-eastern n^^no- 
end of the ancient site near the Ilissus, are the re- ^^^' 
mains of the temple of Jupiter Olympius. Their vast 
proportions, exceeding those of any other building at 
Athens, would alone have been a presumption, almost 
amounting to a proof, that they belonged to that 
temple, which was the greatest ever undertaken in 
honour of the supreme deity of the Greeks ', and one 
of the four most renowned examples of architecture 
in marble *, even if Thucydides had not pointed to 
this side of the city as the position of the Olym- 

' H^iedas ap. Strab. p. 396, and Strabo himself ia the same 
place. Platarch. de exil. 17. Meurs. Athen. Attic. 1, 6. 

* Euripid. Here. fur. 618, 1 145, &c. Philochorus ap. Plutarch. 
The8.S5. For further remarks on the Theseium, see Appendix 

* JoTis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris inchoatum 
pro magnitudine dei. Li v. 41, 20. 

* The three others were the temples of Ephesus, Branchidae, 
and Eleusis. Vitruv. 7. in pra&f. 



pieium \ or if Vitravius had not described it as a 
dipteron of the Corinthian order * ; of which there 
\¥as no other example at Athens, and which perfectly 
agrees with the plan derivable from the existing 
ruins. Nor is further confirmation wanting. £nough 
remains of the artificial platform on which the temple 
stood, to show that the sum of its four sides was 
about 2300 feet, a circuit nearly coinciding with the 
four stades which Pausanias attributes to the peri- 
bolus or inclosure of the temple. Again, the same 
author states that the peribolus was full of statues, 
raised by a great number of cities or individuals in 
honour of Hadrian', and of these many of the in* 
scribed bases have been found upon the spot\ 
Lastly, two inscriptions on an ancient arch or gate, 
which adjoined the north-western angle of the peri- 
bolus, demonstrate that this was the quarter of 
Athens which received the name of Hadrianopolis S 
chiefly because it contained the temple of Jupiter 
Olympius, for the completion of which by Hadrian, 
after a succession of efforts by Athenians and foreign 
princes during 650 years, that emperor was com- 
plimented with the title of Olympius '. 

' Thucyd. 2, 15. See below, p. 173. n. 1. 

' Vitruv. 1. 1. 

' Pausan. Attic. IS, 6. See above, p. ISO. 

* Published by Spon, Wheler, Pococke, Staart, and Chandler. 
See Boeckh, C. Ins. Or. from No. 321 to No. 346 incl. 

' See below, near the end of this Section. 

* The Athenians of Delus (ol *AOf|vafoc ol tv A^Xy, Boeckh. 
C. Ins. Or. No. 2270) bailt an Olympieium in that island, and 
their town assumed the name of at Ncac *KB^vai *ABpiayain 
Phlegon. Trail, ap. Stephan. in *OXv/iirie(ov. Remains of the 
town and of the temple still exist. For some further remarks on 
the Olympieium, see Appendix X. 


The cayem sacred to Apollo and Pan is described ^^« of 

PftD And 

bj Herodotus as haying been below the Acropolis ', aepsydn. 
and by Paosanias as a little below the Propylsea, near 
a spring of water '. We find, accordingly, the cavern, 
and adjacent to it the source, which in modem times 
has supplied an artificial fountain a little lower down 
the hill, from whence it was conveyed by an aque- 
duct to a mosque in the baz&r. The spring was 
named Clepsydra, and more anciently Empedo, the 
former name having been derived from a supposed 
subterraneous conmiunication with Phalemm*. It 
is described as having been in the Acropolis. This 
is explained by a flight of steps cut in the rock, which 
formed a communication to the foimtain from the 
platform of the Acropolis, at the northern end of the 
Propy l»a \ 

^ *Adiiyaioi .... lipvffayro tnro t§ *AKpOK6\t Hayoc up6y. 
Herod. 6, 105. 
' See above, p. 159, n. 5. 

* KI. S^ov TO rw Uayoc KoXoy, 

MY. cat irfic «0* Ay>^ SjIt ay eXdoifA ig ir6\iy ; 
KI. KaWuna iiprov Xoveafuyri rp^ Kktypvip^. 

Aristoph. Lynstrat. v. 910. 

wXiimoy rov Uayilov fi KXeyfntSpa. Schol. ibid. 

•Ek ij 'A«poir(SXcc iy Kpiiyii t) KXe^v^pa, irp6repoy *£/i^e2w Xcyo- 
/unf* exec Si roc pwuc tnro yffK, ^ipovtra eif roy ^akupiiay \ifuya. 
Schol. Aritt. Lysist. 912. Y. et Schol. Arist. Vesp. S53. 
Av. 1694. Hesych. in KXei/o^pa, KXetf/i/$^vrov, UiSw. The 
same fpring had the reputation of swelling, like the Nile, at the 
bq;inmDg of the Etesian wmds, and of &lling at their termina* 
tkm (Istrus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Af. 1694) ; a peculiarity easily 
credible, at the cessation of the wind occurs at the end of August, 
tlie dryest season of the year. 

* It now appears (1837) that the fountain, which was imme- 


In further conformity ^ith ancient evidence, we 
may remark, that in the cavern are two excavated 
ledges, on which we may suppose statues of the two 
deities to have stood, and that its sides are pierced 
with numerous niches and holes, for the reception 
and suspension of votive offerings ; some of the nails 
which filled the holes have even been found in the 
cave. A statue of Pan, which is now in the public 
library at Cambridge, was discovered in a garden at 
no great distance below the cavern ; possibly the iden- 
tical figure, dedicated by Miltiades, when Pan was 
first associated in this cavern with Apollo for the ser- 
vices attributed to him at Marathon, and for which 
dedication Simonides wrote an epigram ^ We find 
the position of the cave of Pan exactly represented 
on a coin of the British Museum*. 
Enneacru- Judging Only from Pausanias, we might suppose 
that Enneacrunus was not far from the western 

diately below the cave of Pan in 1S07» was not the real and 
ancient issue of the Clepsydra. Its present state is thus described 
by Mr. Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, p. 82: — ^"The only 
access to this fountain is from the enclosed platform of the Acro- 
polis above it. The approach to it is at the north of the northern 
wing of the Propylaea. Here we begin to descend a flight of 
forty-seven steps, cut in the rock, but partially cased with slabs 
of marble. The descent is arched over with brick, and opens 
out into a small subterraneous chapel, with niches cut in its sides. 
In the chapel is a well, surmounted with a peristomium of marble, 
below which is the water, now at the distance of about thirty 

* Toy rpayoKovy tfik Hava roy 'Apica^a, rby Kara Mfidtay 

Toy fi€r 'ABtiyaiufy trnitraTO McXrca^ijc. 

Anthol. I. p. 131, Brunck. 

• See Plate I. fig. 1. 



extremity of the Acropolis : for he mentions this 
fountain soon after having described the Stoa Basi- 
Idus, which wm in the inn^ CerameicaSy and reverts 
to the same stoa after having treated of the foun- 
tain together with some buildings near it. It might 
be naturally inferred, therefore, that Enneacrunus 
was in the inner Cerameicus, to the westward 
of the Acropolis, and not far from the Areiopagus. 
Wheler acoordiAgly identified it with a fountain, 
which in his time issued from a structure of the 
usual Turkish form on the ridge which connects 
the Acropolis with the Areiopagus, and which may 
also be described as a hollow separating them. 
Stuart traced this spring to the foot of the lower 
battery in front of the Propylaea, from whence, 
when not diverted, it naturally flows to join the 
rivulet originating in the source near the grotto of 

The consequence of this position of Enneacrunus 
would be, that the most ancient Odeium, as well as 
the temples of Ceres and Proserpine, of Triptolemus 
and of Eudeia, all which Pausanias places near 
£nDeacrunus,are to be looked for towards the western 
end of the Acropolis ; and the supposition has this 
great convenience, that the description of Pausanias 
then becomes locally continuous : instead of which, 
if Enneacrunus be placed at the south-eastern 
extremity of Athens, we are under the neces- 

' Whder, p. 383. Stuart, II. p. v. In the time of Stuart, the 
Tuikish fountain no longer flowed, and the water was conveyed 
by pipes to a mosque in the bazar. 


sity of admitting that the writer leaps over half 
the diameter of the city without notice, and with- 
out mention of any intermediate object. There 
cannot, however, be any reasonable doubt, that 
Enneacrunus was really at the south-eastern extre- 
mity of the city. 

Herodotus relates, on the authority of Athenian 
traditions, that the Pelasgi, to whom lands had been 
assigned at the foot of Hymettus, as a reward for 
having fortified the Acropolis, were afterwards ex- 
pelled from thence, because, among other offences, 
they ill-treated the sons and daughters of the Athe- 
nians when the latter were sent (there being at that 
time no servants in Greece) to draw water from 
Enneacrunus \ The fountaih, therefore, was on the 
side of Athens towards Hymettus, a position con- 
firmed by Thucydides, who thus describes Athens as 
it existed before the time of Theseus, and when it 
was only one of twelve townships into which Attica 
was then divided. 

^ The city (says the historian) then consisted of 
that which is now the citadel, together with that 
portion of the present city which lies below it 
towards the south. A proof of this fact is afforded 
by the temples of the gods ; for some of these are in 

* *Qc 2c airol *A0i|Fa7oc Xeyovo'i, 2ica/wc iitK&4nn' rarouni/Ac- 
yovQ yap roi^ TLtXairyovQ vxo rf 'Xfiriirirff irOtwrty op^wfuyov^^ 
itZiKguy rail* ^irfy yap alel rac o^eripa^ dvyaripac re xal rov^ 
irai^ac eir* vSiitp twl ri^y ''Eyyeaxpovyoy' ov yap cTvoa rovroy rov 
ypoyoy iF^iai rw ohZk rdiiri AXXotiri "EXXifffc ohira^' oku^ dc 
iXOouy avrat, tovq IIeXa<ryovc viro vfiptot re icat oXiyi^iilc (iiaoBai 
ff^eac, Herodot. 6, 137. 


the citadel, and in the other situation are those 
of Jupiter Olympius, of Apollo Pythius, of the 
Earth, and that of Bacchus in the marshes, at which 
the more ancient Dionysiac festival is celebrated on 
the twelfth of the month Anthesterion ; a custom 
still observed by the lonians, who are descended 
from the Athenians. There are other ancient sanc- 
tuaries in the same quarter, as well as the fountain, 
which, from having been fitted with nine pipes by 
the tyrants [the Peisistratidse], is called Enneacru- 
nus, but which, when the natural sources were open 
to view, was named Callirrhoe : this spring, being 
near the sanctuaries, was resorted to for all the most 
important offices of religion, and still continues to be 
employed by women prior to their nuptials, as well 
as for other sacred purposes in the temples. It is in 
memory of this ancient condition of the city, that 
the Acropolis is even to this day called Polls by the 
Athenians ^^ 

* 4 orp^iroXcc 4 ^^^ o6tra ir6\ic ^k, koI ro tnr* o^v irpoc 

yifroy fiaXurra TirpafAfUyoy riKfiiipuiv li* ra yap Upa ir avrfj rj 

acpoari^i koX uXXmv Ocmv c^rc, koX ra t^i^ irpoc rovro ro fUpo^ rfjc 

v^cMc ftaXXov iipvraif t6 r€ rov Atoc rov *OXvf»riov, icac to 

IlvOcoy, Kol ro r^c T^C* ^ai to Lv AifJLvatc Atovv<rov, f tu iLpxat^- 

rtpa Atoyvaia rj Jw^ejcarji irouirac ev fiiivl ' AyOttrrepturif iStnrep 

ml oi Slw* *Adtirai^y "Iwcc crc xal vvv rofiiZovaiym iBpvTOi Se teal 

&XXa Upa iipxaia ravry, rac rj Kpfivy ry vvv fiiv^ twv rvpavviav 

ovTM mcivaoavTiav^ *^vvtaKpovvf KciKovfiivii, to ii iraXac ^vipHv 

rHv wfiyQv ohir&v, KaXkijiporji ^vofiairfiivyf Uelvy re iyyvc ovo^, 

ra wXtiarov &{fa i')(fiiivro. icat vvv in &iro rov iipxaiov wpo re 

yofwcAv Kol €c &XXa rHv upHv vopulitrai rf H^ti 'XpfjoOai' 

raXeiroc Bi ^la ri^v waKaiav ravrjf KaToUtinv Kal fi dKp6irv\tQ 

l^i%pi rovSt crc vir* ^AOiivaiwv H6\ic» Thucyd. 2, 15. 


To the concurring testimonj of the two great his* 
torians may be added that of some other writers, 
who, though less direct in their testimony, or of a 
later date and inferior authority, fiumidL a strong 
corroboration of the fact in question. Tarantinus is 
cited by Hierocles in the Pre&ce to his Hippiatrics, 
as asserting, that when the Athenians were building 
the temple of Jupiter near Enneacrunus, they 
ordered all the beasts of burden in Attica to be 
brought to the city ^ There was no temple of Jupiter 
at Athens of any celebrity, except that of Jupiter 
Olympius, and its remains are found, near the 
source of water at the south-eastern extremity of 
the site of Athens. 

In an ancient lexicon we find Enneacrunus or 
Odlirrhoe described as near the Ilissus ' : which fiEu^t 
Cratinus seems also to have had in view, when, ridi- 
culing some contemporary, the comic poet exclaims, 
*^ O king Apollo, how the sources and torrents of 
his words resound ! his mouth is a fountain of twelve 
pipes; his throat an Ilissus: unless some one will 
close his mouth, he will deluge every thing with 
his poems *.'* 

^ TapavTivoe SI Itrroptii rov rov Aioc vi|^y KaraaKtva^orrac 
^Adfivalovc 'Evvecucpovvov irXriirloy eio'cXad^vai TJ/ri^ffatrdat to. it 
TfiQ ^ArriKijc «c ro &<rrv fcwyiy diravTa, 

* *EvyedicpovyoQf Kpiiyrj 'A^vpo-c iropa rdv ^IXttrtrdv, if Tportpor 
KaXKififiifl €ffK€v, Etym. Mag. in *Evvedjcpovvoc* 

S " 

Avai^ "AiroXXoi', rtSv kirwv t&p fievfidriay 
Kayax'^if*^ iniyal BmBtKaKpovyoy ardfia, 
'IXi0'0'^ ey fapiryyi' T/ &v etirotfit iroi ; 

SECT, il] enneacrunus. 175 

If not in precise, at least in sufficient, conformity 
i?ith these testimonies, ^e find, not feat below the 
south-eastern angle of the peribolns of the temple of 
Jupiter Olympiusy a small stream of water issuing 
firom the foot of a ridge of rock, which here crosses 
the bed of the Ilissus ; so that, in times of rain, the 
spring is enveloped in a small cascade of the riyer 
£BLlliiig over the rock ; but which, when the bed is in its 
ordinary state, that is to say, dry, or nearly so, forms 
a pool, which is permanent in the midst of summer, 
and is resorted to by the inhabitants of the adjacent 
part of Athens, as the only place furnishing potable 
water ^ The spring is still called, as well as 

E2 /ii) yap kiafivtrti t\q alrrov to or($^a, 
"Ajcavra ravra KaraKKuaii voiiifiairiy, 

Cratin. in Uvriyiif ap. SchoL Aristoph. £q. 523 ; ap. Suid. in 
*A^€X£ca, Abk^txaKpovyov trrofia; ap. Tzet. Ch. 8, 184. 

On the strength of this passage Suidas seems to have sup- 
posed that Enneacrunus was sometimes called Dodecacrunns : it 
is more probable, however, that the poet amplified for the sake 
of comic effect, and because fountains of twelve pipes were not 
uaeommon among the Greeks, as the word indicates* 

* This pool, which seems to be supplied from subterraneous 
▼eins on both sides of the torrent-bed, would be more copious, 
but for a canal which commences near it, and is carried below 
the bed of the lUssus to Vuno, a small village a mile from 
the city on the road to Peirseeus ; where the water is received 
mto a cistern, supplies a fountain on the high road, and waters 
gardens. The canal exactly resembles those which were in use 
among the (jreeks before the introduction of Roman aqueducts ; 
being a channel about three feet square, cut in the solid rock. It 
is probably, therefore, an ancient work. A fountain or two on the 
road from the Peirseeus to Athens was an object of the first neces- 
sity. One of these seems to be particularly alluded to by Marinus, 


the river itself, Kallirrhoi [KoXXippoii]. There 
cannot, therefore, be anj question of the identity, 
although both fountain and river seem aneientlj to 
have been better supplied with water than they are 
now ; a change, which has occurred in other parts of 
Greece besides Attica, in consequence perhaps of a 
diminished vegetation on the mountains* 

In the year 1676, when Spon and Wheler visited 
Athens, the name Kallirrhoi was applied to a few 
houses, which had disappeared seventy-five yea^ 
afterwards, when Stuart arrived at Athens. In the 
time of Wheler there were two Turkish fountaitis ; 
from one of which the water of CaUirrhoe still 
issued, while the other was dry. This latter cir- 
cumstance shows that a change was taking place in 
the course and discharge of this vein of water ; and 
may account for the fact, that the source, which in 
early times may have been above the right bank of 
the Ilissus, immediately on the outside of the walls, 
as Herodotus seems to indicate, (possibly near one of 
the gates, such having been a common situation for 
a fountain, as many existing ruins in Greece demon- 
strate,) has at length removed its issue into the bed 
of the Ilissus itself. And such a change is the more 
conceivable, as the Ilissus being a torrent^ which 
occasionally, though rarely, brings down a great body 
of water, cannot but operate frequent changes in the 
sur&ce of the soil on its banks. Or, even without 
adverting to the effects of the torrent, it is obvious 
that the elevation of soil which occurs in all cities, 

a writer of the fifth century of our era, as the site of the inonu* 
ment of Socrates, (Marin. Vit. Procli, 10.) 


paiticalarly in their lower grounds, and which has 
certainly taken place in a remarkable degree at 
Athens, may very possibly have caused an alteration 
in the course and issues of the fountain Callirrhoe. 

That EnneacrunuSy or the ancient Callirrhoe, was 
a separate vein of water, and not an artificial deriva- 
tion from the Ilissus, was proved by an excavation 
which the primates of Athens made about the year 
1804» at the pool above mentioned, when a brisk 
stream of water made its appearance, evidently dis- 
tinct from the Ilissus, and having a course from the 
northward into the above-mentioned pool of water. 
In fact^ the Ilissus receives several subterraneous 
veins of water from Hymettus and Anchesmus: 
these form pools in the dry bed of the torrent, whicli 
aie resorted to by the Athenian women for the wash- 
ing of linen. 

When Pausanias said of Enneacrunus, that al- 
though " there were wells in every part of Athens, 
this was the only source of water \" he manifestly 
alluded to the kind of water most esteemed for 
drinking, and which, in all parts of the city distant 
from Enneacrunus, the Athenians derived from wells, 
in which respect they are in the same state in the pre- 
sent day, as they were in the time of Vitruvius * ; 

* See above, p. 119, n. 8. 

* Aquae enim species est, quae cum habeat non satis perlucidas 
▼enas, spuma uti flos natat in summo, colore siroilis vitri pur- 
puei. Hsec maxime consideratur Athenis : ibi enim ex hujus- 
modi lods et fontibus et in Asty et ad portum Peiraeeum, ducti 
toot salientes, e quibus bibit nemo propter earn causam, sed 
IsTationibus et aliis rebus utuntur ; bibunt autem ex puteis, et 
ita vitant eorum vitia. Vitruv. 8, 3. 

178 PNYX. [sect. 11. 

Pausanias himself describes two other soarees, one 
at the cavern which was sacred to Apollo and Pan, 
another in the temple of iEsculapius : the former of 
these still exists near the cayem of Apollo and Pan ; 
the latter, which was commonly known to the 
ancients as the fountain of .^Ssculapius \ is evidently 
the same noticed by Wheler, and which, when left 
to nature, has a northerly course, as Stuart has 
marked it in his plan, in which direction it joins the 
stream from the grotto of Pan* But the water of 
these sources is not esteemed for drinking. Issuing 
from the hill of the Acropolis, they partake appa* 
rently of the same impregnation which gave saltness 
to the well formerly existing in the Erechtheinm, and 
they were both probably among those saline sources 
which Vitruvius describes as having existed at Athens 
and Peirseeus, and as having been used for washing 
and other domestic purposes. It is remarkable that 
Wheler describes the water of the Turkish fountain, 
which existed in his time near the western extre- 
mity of tlie Acropolis, as having been employed 
for similar purposes by the Turks of the citadel, 
" because it was not fit for drinking * f a feet, 
which might have suggested to him that it could 
not have been the ancient Enneacrunus, as he 
Pnyx. This earliest place of assembly of the People of 

Athens in its legislative character, and which con- 
tinued to serve the same purpose in the time of 

^ Pausan. Attic, 21, 7. 
' Wheler's Travels, p. 383. 

sBcr. u.] PNYx. 179 

Demosthenes \ is indicated by the description of it 
which may be gathered from ancient writers. It 
was in a rocky situation' over-against the Areio- 
p&gas ', in view of the Propylsea *, and at no great 

■ AriBtoph. Acharn. 20rVe8p. 31. Eq. 165. 746. 748. 1106. 
1134. Pa. 679. Condon. 243. 281. 283. 384. Thesm. 665. 
iar Si^ ^ rdXtc (orc^aroi), gy TLyvKl iv ij iKxhiai^, Pseph. ap. De- 
mosth. de Cor. p. 244, Reiske. Eum locum, ubi Demosthenes et 
^scbines inter se decertare soliti sunt. Cic. de Fin. 5, 2. The 
importance of the Pnyx is well shown by Aristophanes in 
' The Knights,' where Demosthenes promises the sausage-seller 
that he shall be master of every thing at Athens, kqI lijc &yopac> 
roc r»y Xifuv^Vf Kal rile Ilvvicdc* Eq* 165. 

' icairo tUv ireTpwv dvtaBiv rove ^6pove QvvyottKov&y. 

Aristoph. Eq. 313. 
iwl TOiin trerpdic ov ^povri^cc tricXfiputg <rt Kadijfiwoy oUtuq 
(A^|iov sc.) Ibid. 780. 

* Mercury says to Justice in the bis accusatus of Lucian, (9) 
avr^ irravda vov iwl rod irdyov (^Aptiov) KaOtivOf Tt^y HyvKa 

* UpairvXcua ravra* ArifwaBiyfic ty ^frcXifrircicoic' hvyaTCLi fiey 
^cirrtrJc KiytirBai, <?re optayiiyiay ruiy QpoTrvXaibty &,7r6 TfJQ 
Ilrvic6c» Harpocr. in v. The words IIpoTrvXaia ravra are not 
foand in any of the Philippics, but they appear to have been 
often used by Demosthenes. In the speech against Androtion, 
DporvXaca ravra^ 6 HapOty^y, trroalf vttatroUoi occurs twice 
(p. 597* 617), and again in that icipX avyrd^eioc, which, though it 
may not be genuine, equally proves that this was a favourite 
appeal of the orator. Aristides the Sophist refers to them (Art. 
Oiat. 1. II. p. 452, Jebb), but the most remarkable allusion to 
this practice of Demosthenes is by his rival ^schines : *Ayt(rrd' 
fuvoi 01 fi^ropee iLwo^Kivuy etc ra XlpoirvXaia rrJQ ^AxpoirdXiUQ 
vcikivov iifidc i^ac riJQ ty 2aXa/i/vi vpoQ rdy Tliptnriy Fav/xa^^iac 
fUfiyiiaBat (de f«Jeg* p. 253, Reiske). From these words we 
may infer that the scene of the battle of Salamis was not visible 
from the place of assembly. 


J 80 PNYX. [sect. II. 

distance from the Museium^ It was constructed 
not with the elaborate commodionsness of a theatre, 
but with the simplicity of ancient times \ and it had 
a (irifia or pulpit of stone* turned from the sea 
towards the interior country *. 

All these data accord so exactly with the remains 
of a singular and apparently very ancient construc- 
tion ' still existing on the height to the north of 
the Museium, and to the west of the Areiopagus, 
that we are surprised there should ever have been a 
difference of opinion as to those remains^. Yet Spon 

* Ov yap av kv Aarti KwrctrrpoiriievtraVf ohii rijv y^xyiy 
avvii^ifay iy xp^ irepi Hlv Ilvvca kcu to Movo'ccok. Plutarch. 
Thes. 27. 

' Hvv^ a ^y "^tapioy wpoc ri)v iLKpowoXiy KartvKevairftiyor 
Kara ri)v iraXaiay &ir\4$ri|ra, ovk tie Oidrpov iroXvirpayfioevyiiy' 
av0i( ii ra fuv dWa ky rf AwyvarnKf Oedrpf^ fidya^ Bi 
roc iipxaipttriaQ ky ry TlyvKl, J. Poll. S, 132. irpoQ r^y 
iiicpoTroXiy is obviously an inaccuracy. In later times the 
only election in the Pnyx was that of the Strategus. Hesych. 
in Uyvl. 

' "Ooric Kparti yvy rov \iOov rov ky Hyvici^ Aristoph. Pa* 
67^* . • . • \iB^ it Tf (Hffiari Tf ky rj TLyvKl, Schol. ibid. 
It is often alluded to by the poet as 6 X/Ooc, fi rrirpa, Acharn* 
683. Eq. 751. Pa. 679. Eccl. 87. 

* Plutarch. Themist. 19. See p. 182, n. 1. 

* J. Pollux designates the Pnyx as a x^pioii a Scholiast 
(Aristoph. £q. 746) as the rtnroQ ky f rd iroXaioK kKKKritrial^oy^ 
and Cicero as a /ociu, all showing the want of a specific term for 
such a construction. 

' We may remark in confirmation of the identity of the Pnyx» 
that on a part of the rock of the adjacent height to the north- 
ward, are inscribed the words lipoy VvfxfaiQ AfffWiriatQ^ the 
epithet showing the vicinity of the place of meeting of the A^ytioc* 
—Note of 1 837. 

SISCT. II.] PNYX. 1 8 1 

took them for the Areiopagus \ Wheler was in doubt 
whether they belonged to the Areiopagus or Odeium ^y 
and Stuart has given a plan and section of them as of 
the theatre of Regilla'; thus mistaking the most 
ancient of the Athenian constructions for one of 
the most modem. 

Stuart opposes to the opinion of Chandler, who 
first demonstrated the identity of this monument, 
now generally acknowledged to be the Pnyx, that 
Lacian, in his bis accusalusj places Justice on the 
Areiopagus, looking westward towards Pnyx, at the 
same time that she beholds Pan approaching, whose 
abode was in the grotto under the Acropolis, exactly 
in the opposite direction ; and that Plutarch states 
the bema to have been turned so as to look 
towards the sea, which is the reverse of what we 
now find it to be. To the first of these objections 
we may reply, that Pan is supposed to be very near 
to Justice when he is perceived by her ; for he 
immediately begins conversing with her. He per- 
ceived her from his grotto in the rocks below the 
Propylaea, as she was sitting upon the Areiopagus, 
advanced to meet her, and arrived just as Mercury 
was setting off to the Acropolis \ As to the other 

' Spon, Voyage, &c. II. p. 116. 
» Wheler's Travels, p. 882. 
' Stuart's Ant. of Ath. III. p. 51. 

* AIRH. Mi xporcpoj/ dnikOfic, ii '£pf(^9 flrpiy dniiy otrrtQ 
ovrac o irpoaiitv ioriv^ o Ktpaa^opoSf 6 rriy irvpiyya, 6 XdiriOQ Ik 

'EPMHS. Ti ^V> dyvouQ toy Ildva, rdv ^tovvtrov Bepanovriay 
Tor fl€Ucj(tKtin'aroy; ohroQ fKtt fuy to irpoaBiy dya to llapBirioy' 
vro ^€ Toy Aariioc iirinXovy Kol r^F Mapadwyah TiHy flapfidpdfy 

182 PNYX. [sect. II. 

objection, Plutarch states indeed, that the bema of 
the Pnyx had been so placed as to command a view 
of the sea, but he adds, that its direction had been 
roTersed by the Thirty Tyrants, because nautical 
affairs supported democracy, and agriculture wbb 
favourable to the oligarchy ^ With reference there- 
fore to the identity of the Pnyx, we may be satisfied 
with finding the bema formed as the last recorded 
change had left it, and still more with finding that 
it commands a view of the Propylsea, as when De- 
mosthenes, in uttering the words UpovvXaia rovra, 
pointed to that building. In fact> there is a 
great difficulty in understanding how the bema, 
supposing the Pnyx to have always occupied the 
present position, could ever have commanded a 
view of the sea ; for the rocks behind the bema are 
higher than any part of the Pnyx, and immediately 
behind them were the walls of the Asty, excluding 
the sight of the sea from every part of the height 
within them. Or supposing the words of Plutarch to 
imply, not that the facing of the bema towards the 

dvofiatny {cev AcXi|roc toIq *A0i}vacoic avfifiaxoc koI rd dw 
tKtlvov, n)y wiro r^ oVpoTroXci mr^Xvyyo raimiv airoXo/Sd/icyoc, 
olicii fiiKpoy hiro tov UtXaayucoVf ££ ro fieroiKiKov avvrtXHv kcu 
vvVf (t>c TO iIkoq, iBd^y Ik yeiroFoiv irpdirtiai Be^tiairofuyoi:. 

DAN. Xaipert £ '^pfirj kqI A/ici;. 

Lucian. bis accus. 9. 

^ OifiiaTokXris o irai tov Bfjfiov i}v(i|0'c Kara rHv 

aploTMy, Koi QpdeovQ lyiirXriirtyf iIq vavrac Koi iceXcvffrdc, koI 
KvPepyiiTac rrJQ ^vydfieutg &^ticofAiyijQ, Aid koI to (ififia rd iv 
liyviclf ireiroififiiyoy iSar airofiKiirny vpog n^y Ba\atr<rayf vartpov 
oi TpiaKoyra npdQ r^v x^9^^ i^Tpitrrpiyl/ayj ol6fu.yot r^K fiiv Kara 
OdXaTTay dpx^^i yiytaiy clvat drifiOKpariaQf oXiyapxf^ S" iJttok 
^vtrxj^paiyity rovg yfupyovyrag, Plutarch. Themist. 19. 



sea had been an innoyation of ThemiBtocles, which 
the Thirty reversed, but that it was the original 
mode of construction unaltered until the time of the 
Thirty, there would be. this strong objection to the 
supposition, namely, that the bema was in that case 
turned away from the Agora, and its other build- 
ings ; and that the transient authority of an unpo- 
pular usurpation had effected an important and 
permanent change on one of the most ancient of 
the public constructions. Upon the whole, there- 
fore, there is some reason to believe that Plutarch in 
this instance, as in some others, has been tempted to 
repeat a story, which, although current at Athens, 
had no foundation in truth \ 

The Dionysiac theatre, or theatre of Bacchus, is Dionymac 

. Theatre. 

another point of Athenian topography upon which 
there can be no doubt, and its position is of such 
consequence, that a mistake in regard to it led Stuart 
to several erroneous conclusions on the topography of 
the city. He supposed that the theatre, the ruins of 
which are seen under the south-western corner of the 
Acropolis, was the Dionysiac theatre, and that the 
building, of which the form only, together with some 
vestiges of one of the wings, are traced near the 
south-eastern angle, was the Odeium of Pericles ; in 
which opinion, one is surprised he should have 
imagined that a building, so entirely of the con- 
struction of Roman times as the former, could have 
been the theatre where the works of .^chylus and 
his followers in the drama were first represented, 
and equally so that he should have conceived that 

' For some further remarks on the Pnyx, see Appendix XI. 


80 large an edifice as the latter could ever have been 
covered by a pointed wooden roof, such as that of the 
tent-shaped building of Pericles \ 

We might indeed apply the situation of the Dio- 
nysiac theatre, as described by two writers of the 
first and second centuries of our sera, to either of 
those ruins ^ but there is other eiddence which it 
would be impossible to reconcile with the theatre at 
the south-western angle of the Acropolis : and accord- 
ingly that theatre is now generally admitted to have 
been neither the Dionysiac theatre nor the Odeium 
of Pericles, but the Odeium of Herodes, the Diony- 
siac theatre having been that of which vestiges are 
seen near the south-eastern angle'. Like many 

' See Pausan. Attic. 20, 3, and page 138, note 3. 

' 'AOifvaiot ^c iy rf dtarpf Oewvrai ri|v KaXi)v ravrtiv Oiay 
vw ahrfiv rrfy dcpoiroXiK, oi tov Aioruaoy iiri ri^y ogr^arpay 
Staridiatny. Dion. Chrysostom. Or. Rhod. p. 347, Morell. 
The Oca, to which the orator alludes, are the exhibitions of 
the theatre. He then contrasts its situation with that of a 
Corinthian place of spectacle, '* inconveniently placed in the 
bed of a torrent on the outside of the city, in a place unfit 
even for the sepulture of freemen." A small amphitheatre still 
exists at Corinth, on the outside of the ancient walls (a positiou 
usually occupied by sepulchres), and near the left bank of the 
torrent which separates the Acrocorinthus from the heights to the 
eastward. Philostratus (de v. Apollon. Tyan. 4, 22) seems to 
mark the vicinity of the Dionysiac theatre at Athens to the Aero*- 
polls still more strongly by the words ewl rj axpowSXEi : in fact, 
as the middle of it has been excavated out of the rock, it may 
be called a part of the Acropolis. 

' Chandler was the first who gave his opinion that these re- 
mains belonged to the theatre of Bacchus. Barth^lemy followed 
him in the Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis, where, speaking of the 
choragic monuments found in the vicinity of this theatre, he justly 
remarks, *' II convenait que les trophees fussent ^lev^es auprds 
du champ de bataille." Jeune Anach. II. 12. But some later 


other theatres in Greece, the middle of it was exca- 
vated on the side of the hill, and its extremities were 
supported by solid piers of masonry. 

The strongest proof that these remains belong to 
the theatre of Bacchus is to be found in the choragic 
monuments still existing in that part of the site of 
Athens. Upon some of these are seen vestiges of 
the tripods well known to have been the usual prizes 
of the leaders of the victorious chori \ in the contests 
of music and poetry decided in the Dionysiac theatre', 
and to have been often dedicated in the sacred inclo- 
sure of Bacchus', of which the theatre was a part. 

EDthon have still adhered to the opinion of Stuart. See Deux 
Memoires, par Visconti, London, Murray, 1816, p. 122, 127; 
Meodoirs on Turkey, edited by Walpole, p. 546. 

^ Plutarch. Arist. 1. Themist. 5. Nic. 3. Lys. defens. 
laigit. p. 698, Reiske. J. Poll. 3, 30. Athen. 2, 2 (6). Plutarch 
has preserved the inscriptions of the choragic dedications of Aris- 
teides and Themistocles, expressed exactly in the same form as 
many others which have been found at Athens. Boeckh, C. Ins. 
Gr. Nos. 211, 212, and from 215 to 227 incl. 

' TAy it dyMy«»y, oi fi€y yv/iyucoc, oiie raXov/iCKOc vKi^viroi, 
ovofiaoBiity ay AtorvirtaKoi re rac fWVfftKol, &c. Xiifpia ii r&y fxiy 
OToiwy, rHy it Oiarpovs J. Poll. 3, 30. 

• . • . • Wffi|c ayadtifiara ')(opiiyiKOVQ rpiwoSac iv Atoyvtrov 
corcXiircK. Plutarch. Arist. 1. 

• • • • 6 roic x^P^Y^*^^^^ Tpiwoaty vwoKilfuyoc iy Aioyvtrov 
yiuf <KU'i|ffe yap iroXXdicic x^P^V^'^c* Plutarch. Nic. 3. Whence 
it appears that Nicias built a temple to support his tripods. 

• . • . iccu TO yiKrpr^pwy iy ^toyvtrov rpiirovtf Athen. 2, 2 (6). 
iy Awyvaov seems to have been the common expression for 

m the sacred mclontre of Bacchus, Thus also Thucydides says, 
TO iy Ai/iya<c Aiovvtfov, and 4 iy Aaokv^dv cicrXi|ffca. The theatre 
in like manner was called to iy ^loyvoov Oiarpoy^ or the Diony- 
siac theatre. See above, p. 137ff n. 3. 

Andocides also, according to the biographer of the ten rheto- 
ricians, yiK^aac ayiOfiKt Tptwoia i^ v}lni\ov ityriKpVQ rov wti^piyov 


We not only find the cavern at the summit of the 
theatre in the rocks of the Acropolis, described by 
Pausanias ^ ; but we observe also its choragic inscrip- 
tion, and the embellishments of architecture, by 
which the cavern was converted by Thrasyllus, a vic- 
torious choregus, into a small temple, like those 
erected by Nicias and Lysicrates ^. The only point 
wherein the description of Pausanias appears deficient 
is, that it mentions a tripod above the cavern, without 
taking any notice of the statue of Bacchus, formerly 
seated upon the entablature of the small temple, and 
now in the British Museum. It is to be observed, 
however, that there are holes in the lap of that statue 
which indicate the position of a tripod, and that the 
custom of supporting tripods by statues was not un- 
common *• The statue was placed between two other 
choragic monuments, and just below two columns, 
formed with triangular capitals, for the support of 

At no great distance from the same spot, to the 

SeXcVov, where e^* v-^riXov seems to allude to the rocks above the 
theatre, where many vestiges of these monuments are seen. The 
irwptyoQ SeXcvoc may perhaps have been a irupiyoQ ^tprjy^ erected 
on the monument of a dramatic poet, possibly Sophocles himself, 
whose tomb was surmounted with a Siren. May not Pausanias 
(in Attic. 21, 1) have alluded to this monument of Sophocles, 
without naming it, in his story of the dream of Lysander, and his 
remarks on the Seiren as the symbol of a favourite of the Muses ? 
As connected with this question, see Vit. X. Rhet. in Isocrat. 
and the Greek life of Sophocles. 

' *£v 2c r^ icopv0^ Tov OeaTpov trwriXatdy corcv iy raig ircrpaic 
v3ro rilv &Kpo7ro\iy. Pausan. Attic. 21, 5. 

' For the monuments of Thrasyllus and Lysicrates, see Stuart's 
Antiq. of Athens, I. 4. 

^ Pausan. Attic. 18, 8. Lacon. 18, 5. Messen. 14, 2. 


eastward, is the beautifiil little temple built by Lysi-* 
erates, in honour of the victory of his chorus, with a 
roof, rising to a triangular apex, for the support of 
his priae tripod. It appears to have been one of those 
temples which are mentioned by Pausanias as stand- 
ing in the street or district called Tripodes, between 
the Prytaneium and the sacred inclosure of Bacchus. 
When the connexion, therefore, between the choragic 
monuments and the Dionysiac theatre are considered 
on the one hand, and on the other the extreme diffi- 
culty of supposing that the quarter in which stands 
the monument of Lysicrates could have had any 
connexion with the theatre at the south-western end 
of the Acropolis, it can hardly be maintained that the 
latter was the theatre of Bacchus, or any longer ques- 
tioned that the site of the Dionysiac theatre is indi- 
cated by the hollow, and a few other remains, which 
are observable at the south-eastern end of the Acro- 

We have a strong confirmation of the identity 
of these remains in an ancient coin of Athens ^ 
This curious medal represents the great Athenian 
theatre viewed from below. Its proscenium and 
cavea are distinctly seen : its gradation of seats, in- 
terrupted by one diazoma, or lateral corridor of com- 
munication; and even the cunei, or separations, 
formed by the radiating steps which led upwards 
from the orchestra. Above the theatre rises the 
wall of the Acropolis, anciently called Notium ; 
over the centre of which is seen the Parthenon, and 
to the left of it the Propylsea. The magnificent 

' Belonging to the Payne Knight collection in the British 
Museum. See Plate I, fig. 2. 


appearance of the PartheDon rising above the theatre, 
as represented on the coin, appears to have been 
celebrated among the ancients ; for we find it alluded 
to by an author who described Athens towards the 
end of the fourth century b.c.' In further proof of the 
identity of this theatre, the designer of the coin has 
even represented, at the foot of the wall above the 
centre of the theatre, the onriiXacov, or grotto mentioned 
by Pausanias, with a pilaster in the centre, exactly as 
we see it at the present day, or, still better, as shown 
by Stuart in its restored state \ cleared of the modem 
wall by which the aperture was closed, when the 
cave was formed into a small church, dedicated to 
n Tlavayia 2iri|Xcortor(ra, or OUT Lady of the Cavern. The 
artist seems even to have intended to describe other 
smaller excavations, of which traces still exist, in the 
same line with the great one, and which were probably 
also small hiera, formed for the reception of statues^ 

' DicsearcbuB remarks, that the streets of Athens were so 
uarrow, and the houses so small and inconvenient, that a stranger 
suddenly placed in the town would doubt that he was in the 
famous Athens, but would soon be convinced of it, when he 
saw the *' Odeium, the handsomest in the world ; the theatre 
magnificent, great, and wonderful ; the sumptuous, conspicuous, 
and admirable temple of Minerva, called the Parthenon, rising 
above the theatre, and striking the spectator with admiration." 
*€liSetoy ruty iy rf olKOVfiivt^ KoXSjunoy* Oiarpoy d&oXoyov, fUya 
icai Oav^atrrSy' *AOrfvd£ Upoy TroXvreXcc, dirotf^tov, &£(0V Oiac, (<ra2) 
o icaXov/iCFOc UapOtyityf (Sc) vireprei/ievoc rov OtcLrpovt fuyaXtiy 
KarcLTrXfi^y ?rocei role dtwpovmy. Vit. Grsec. p. 8. Dicaearchus 
seems to have alluded exactly to the scene commemorated by the 
designer of the coin, who lived probably about five centuries later. 

• Ant. of Ath. II. 4. pi. 8. 

' On a vase found at Aulis were represented the Theatre, the 
monument of Thrasyllus, the tripodial columns on the rocks, and 


Haying admitted that the remains at the south- Themtre of 
eastern end of the Acropolis are those of the Diony- odeium of 
siac theatre, we can as little doubt that the ruined ^^ 
theatre at the south-western end was the Odeium, 
built by Herodes, son of Atticus, and named by 
him, in hononr of his deceased wife, the Odeium 
of Regilla* Its architecture is precisely that of the 
age when Herodes lived ' ; and as to the silence of 
Pausanias concerning it, when describing the road 
which led from the Dionysiac theatre to the Pron 
pylsa, and which must have passed very near, if not 
over, a part of the ground where the Odeium stands, 
he himself explains it in his description of Patrae, by 
remarking that the Odeium of Herodes at Athens 
was not commenced at the time he wrote his Attica'. 
As the total diameter of this theatre within the walls 
was little more than 240 feet, it could not well have 
eontaiped more than 6000 spectators, a capacity quite 
incompatible with the multitudes sometimes assem- 
hled in the theatre of Bacchus', which Stuart supposed 

above them the polygonal walls of the Acropolis, crowned by the 
Parthenon. See Millin, Peintures de Vases Antiques, II, ; Dod- 
welFs Travels in Greece, I. p. 301. 

' Tiberias Claudius Atticus Herodes, bom at Marathon, inhe- 
rited great wealth from his father. He lived in the reigns of 
Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, and Aurelius, and was one 
of the greatest among the benefactors of Athens. 

' K€K6fffiJiTai ie Kol ec &X\a to ^Itiov (Patrense) ^{ioXoyMrara 
tAv tr "EXKifiri wX^v yi ^rj tov Wdiiyj/irt.* tovto yap /ieyc6c< rt Kal ec 
rnv voffoy vwipfipK€ raraffrev^v* ay^p^e *AOi|vacoc ivoinny' 'HpttBti^ 
fC fjivflfxiiy iLTodayowrric yvvaiKOQ' Ifioi ii ir rp *AtOIBi ffvyypai^^ 
TO €c rovro TaptlOff to t^itiovf Srt wpAripoy crt c£c/pyaor<$ fwi Ta ec 
*A0i|ra/ovc, q vwnpKTo 'Hp«»^i|c rov oiKo^firifiaTOQ, Pausan. Achaic. 

' See Appendix X IT. on the capacity of the Dionysiac Theatre. 



this building to have been : but sufficient, upon the 
supposition that it was the Odeium of Herodes to 
allow us to give credit to the assertion of Pausanias, 
that it excelled all the other odeia or music-theatres 
in Greece, as well in dimensions as in other respects* 
The roofing of so large a building required great 
architectural skill, and excited the greater admiration 
as having been constructed of cedar \ 
Horolo- Xn one of the most central positions, as well of 

gium of *" 

Androni- aucieut as of modem Athens, stands the octagonal 
tower, vulgarly called orrouc avlfiovc, or the temple or 
tower of the winds, from the figures and names of 
the winds to which the eight faces of the building 
are opposed. Varro affords evidence that this build- 
ing was erected by Andronicus Cyrrhestes, prior to 
the year 35 B. c. ' From Vitruvius we learn that the 
figure of a Triton on the summit, bearing a wand in 
his right hand, served for a weathercock \ An 

* *AvidriK€ 5c 'Hpb»5f|£ *A6i7 va/oi£ f«i to ifrl 'PcyiXXy OiarpoVf 
Kiipov (pyOilc roy opot^oy. Philostrat. Sophist. 2, 1, § 5. 

The roof seems to have been the chief distinction between an 
odeium and a theatre, the cavea of the theatre having scarcely ever 
been covered, unless with an awning. Pliny alludes (36, 24, 1) to 
a covered theatre at Ostia, of the time of Cicero, as an astonishing 
work. An epigram found at Patara testifies the distinction which 
a' citizen of Tmolus had acquired by rebuilding the roof of the 
Odeium (Beaufort's Caramania, p. 5). The roof of so large a 
building required the support of columns, and hence we find the 
Odeium of Pericles described by Plutarch as having many 
columns as well as seats (noXvedpoy koI xoXvffrvXoy), The 
numerous columns of the same building are alluded to by Theo- 
phrastus (Charact. 3), irocroi cTvc ic/ovcc tov *Cki^elov, 

' This follows fi^m the date of the work, de Re Rustica, in 
which Varro mentions the tower. See the Commentary on the 
life and writings of Varro, ap. Script, de R. R. !• part 2. p. 229. 

• Vitruv. 1, 6. 


accumulation of soil has deprived the building of 
several feet of its original height ; but Stuart, who 
excavated the interior until he arrived at the floor, 
has left no doubt that within there was a water- 
clock \ similar to the horologium described by Yi- 
tmvius, Pliny, and Lucian'; and that it was sup- 
plied with water from the stream which flows from 
the fountain Clepsydra ': in fact, a portion of the 
aqueduct existed not long since, and formed part of 
a modem conduit for the conveyance of water to a 
neighbouring mosque for the service of the Turks in 
their ablutions^ On each of the eight faces of the 
building is a sun-dial * : and thus it appears that the 

' Ant. of Ath. I. 8. 

» Vitruv. 9, 8 (9). Plin. H. N. 7, 60. Lucian. Hipp. 8. 

' It is to be observed, that there was nothing in common between 
the name of the fountain and that of the water-clocks called 
Clepejdrs^ which were very simple in their construction and much 
more ancient than the instrument of Andronicus. See Aristophanes, 
Vesp. 93, 853. One of their uses was to regulate the time of 
speaking of the public orators. Schol. ibid. Suid. in KXeyfnf^pa. 

^ Delambre supposed (Mag. Encjclopedique an. 1814 V, 
1815 I.) that the dials were posterior additions to the building, 
beeanse neither Vairo nor Vitruvius mention them ; and because 
Titruvins, in describing many other dials, makes no mention of 
those on the tower of Andronicus. But a dial was an essential 
part of such a building, and the Athenians had then possessed 
dials for four or five centuries ; a curious fact, we may observe, 
as showing the great antiquity of Greek civilization, compared 
with that of Rome: for we learn from Varro (ap. Plin. H. N. 
7, 60) that the first sun-dial erected at Rome was brought from 
Catana, in Sicily, by the consul M. Val. Messala, in the year 
a. c. 263 ; and, though made for a different latitude, served to 
r^^nlate the time at Rome for 99 years, when Q. Marcius Phih'pputf 
caused a more correct dial to be erected, to which Scipio Nasica 
added a water-clock in the year 1.59 b. c. 

192 STADIUM* [sect. H. 

entire structure served to indicate the half-quarter of 
the heavens from whence the wind blew, the hour of 
the day by the sun when it shone, and by water when 
the weather was cloudy, or during the night. 
Stadium. As the Stadium of Athens differed not in its 
general form from the other stadia of Greece, it is at 
once recognised by its existing remains, consisting 
of two parallel heights, partly natural^ and partly 
composed of large masses of rough substruction, 
which rise at a small distance from the left bank of 
the Ilissus, in a direction at right angles to the 
course of that stream, and which are connected at the 
further end by a third height, more indebted to art 
for its composition, and which formed the semi-circular 
extremity essential to a stadium. These particulars 
accord with, or at least explain, the words of Pausar- 
nias, relating to the position and appearance of the 
stadium of Athens ^ Although it is possible that 
this place may from early times have been the scene 
of the gymnic contests of the Panathenaic and 
other festivals, as its situation near the walls of 
the city and the natural formation of the ground 
concurred to recommend it for that purpose, we 
find no specific notice of a stadium in this place, or 
indeed of any Athenian stadium until about the year 
350 B. c. ^ when Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, levelled 
the bed of the torrent which flowed between the 
heights, and raised a Kptiwlg^ or low wall, around the 

* See above, p. 136. 

' We are informed by the biographer of the Ten Orators, that 
the ground was then the property of an individual, who gave it 
up to Lycurgus, with a view to assist iiis designs for the benefit 
of the city. 

SECT. 11.] STADIUM. 193 

level area, at the foot of the slopes \ It would seem, 
from the words of the biographer of Lycurgus, that 
no seats were constructed by him, and that it was 
not until five centuries later that the slopes were 
covered with seats of Pentelic marble by Herodes, 
son of Atticus ; an undertaking of such magnitude 
that nearly four years were required to complete it ". 
The only remains of this magnificent finishing are 
a few of the component blocks which are occasionally 
brought to light by the rain, or by those who still 
resort to the place in search of building materials. 
The terms of admiration in which the Panathenaic 
Stadium is spoken of by Pausanias and Philostratus, 
who saw it soon after it had been finished by Herodes, 
is in some measure justified by its present remains, 
imperfect as they are ; for in magnitude it appears to 
have exceeded all the stadia of Greece. The breadth 
of the level space, included between the two parallel 
heights, is about 130 feet, whereas fifty or sixty feet 
was the ordinary breadth of the Greek stadium : and 
although the length of the course, or distance between 
the aphesis and camptery was probably not more in 
this stadium than the usual stade of 600 Greek feet, 
equal to about 607 English, the part destined to the 
spectators, or length of the cavea at the lowest seat, 
was not less than 675 English feet. We can hardly 
suppose that the rows of seats extended to the sum- 
mits of the existing hills ; indeed, the lines of them, 
still traceable, seem to indicate that they reached to 

' KoX TY trraBi^ Tf HavaOriyaiK^ r^v nrpi^irc^a irepuOriKty, efepya- 
irafttvoc tovto rai rifv x^pa^pay ofiaXiiy woiiitraQ, Vit. X. Rhet. in 

• Philostrat. Sophist. 2, 1, § 5. 


194 STADIUM. [sect. 11. 

not more than half that height ; their number there- 
fore was probably between thirty and forty. Philo- 
stratus, who relates, as an extraordinaiy fact, that 
Herodes, having at one of the quadrennial Panathe- 
naic festivals promised to cover the Stadium with 
seats of Pentelic marble before the next meeting, was 
able to perform this great undertaking, and who adds 
that no theatre could then be compared with it, 
serves to corroborate the supposition that the rows 
were not fewer than the number just mentioned ; for 
some of the theatres of Greece had sixty rows of 
seats, with a diameter of four or five hundred feet to 
the exterior seat. As each longitudinal row, exclu- 
sive of the theatre-shaped end, would have been 
capable of containing four hundred persons, forty 
thousand might have been accommodated on the 
marble seats, and as many more on the slopes of the 
hills above them on extraordinary occasions ; such as 
that when Hadrian gratified the corrupted taste of 
the Athenians, and disgraced a Grecian stadium, by 
the Roman exhibition of the slaughter of a thousand 
vdld beasts \ 

' Athenis mille feraram venatlonem in Stadio exhibuit. Spar- 
tian. Hadrian. 19. If we may trust to Philostratus, or rather to 
Damis, the contemporary of Apollonius of Tyana, the Athenians, 
150 years before the time of Hadrian, had exhibited combats of 
criminals in the Dionysiac Theatre. Fhilost. in Vit. ApoUon. 
Tyan. 4, 22. 

A subterraneous opening, twelve feet wide and ten high, in 
that part of the Stadium where the semicircular extremity ter- 
minates on the eastern side, may have been formed expressly 
for Roman exhibitions ; for it was not on the side where an 
entrance would be most convenient to the citizens, nor are such 
openings found in Greek stadia, though essential to Roman 
places of spectacle. 


On one side of the Stadium, according to Philo- 
stratus, stood a temple of Fortune, containing an ivory 
statue of the goddess: it occupied probably the 
i^estem hill, on the summit of which are considerable 
remains of rough masonry. The sepulchre of Herodes 
himself, who was buried in some part of this the 
proudest monument of his munificence, stood per- 
haps on the summit of the opposite height. 

So noble an appendage to the Attic capital as the 
Panathenaic Stadium would not have been complete 
without a suitable approach. Of this approach, the 
only remains now extant are the foundations of a 
bridge crossing the Ilissus, and the remains of a cause- 
way which traversed the low ground lying between 
the river and a rising ground, which has a direction 
nearly parallel to the river, and marks probably 
the line of the eastern wall of the asty. We can 
hardly doubt that there was a gate in that wall in an 
exact line with the causeway, the bridge and the 
axis of the Stadium. 

The name of that most illustrious of the Athenian Academy. 
gymnasia, the Academy, has been preserved through 
the dark ages, and exactly in the situation indicated 
by ancient testimony. We are informed that the 
Academy was six or eight stades distant from a 
gate in the wall of the asty named Dipylum, and 
that the road from thence to the Academy led 
through that part of the outer Cerameicus, in which 
it was a custom to bury the Athenian citizens 
who had fiEdlen in battle on important occasions'. 

* Ab Dipylo accessit : porta ea velut in ore urbis posita, major 
aliqnanto palentiorque quam caeterse, est ; et intra earn extraque 


196 ACADEMY. [sect. II. 

Dipjlum was the gate from whence began the 
Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis * ; the exact 
direction of which latter cannot be doubted as 
the entrance of the pass of Mount Poecilum, now 

latas sunt vise, ut et oppidani dirigere aciem a foro ad portam poa- 
sent, et extra, limes mille ferme passas, in Academiae gyronasium 
ferens, pediti equitique hostiam liberum spatium prseberet. Liv. 
Hist. 31,24. 

.... EKTog Tti\ovQ Iv KepafiuK^, Plato, Parmen. 2. 

ndyra tov €vtoq tov AtTrvXov Kepa/icucdv. Plutarch. Syll. 14. 

'I^ririac fiev c£ii> Iv rf Kepa^uiKi^ raXov/icv^ fura twv Sopv^dpttr 
^uKOCfxtk <tf£ iKatna ixpiiv rfJQ irofAirijt TcpdiivaC 6 Se 'Ap/io3ioc cat 
6 'AptoToyccritfv .... Spfiiftray litrta t&v irvXwv koI irtpUTV^v rf 
'linrapxi^ irapa to Acwropiov KaXovfieyov, Thucyd. 6, 57* 

Constituimus inter nos, ut ambulationem postmeridianam con- 
ficeremns in Academia, maxime quod is locus ab omni turb& id 
temporis vacuus esset. Itaque ad tenipus ad Pisonem omnes. 
Inde vario sermone sex ilia a Dipylo stadia confecimus ; cum autem 
venissemus in Academis non sine causd nobilitata spatia, solitudo 
crat ea, quam volueranms. Cicero de Fin. 5, 1. 

Itrri ^c ov TToXv arro tov Aim/Xov cv aptarcp^ ccc ^AicaSrifiiav 
AmovTwy ov fxiya to \wixa Kal fi or^Xfi xafxai, Lucian. Scy th. 2. 

*AKaBrjfiia Xcycrac SI yvfiyaaioy *AOiivy<ny and *AKai(ifMov &ya- 
OiyTOQ Koi TOKOQ KoXeiTat oStoq 6 Kepafuucdt, Hesycb. in 'Anz- 

'A6i}va/occ Si. koI t^w roXcbic c^ role A^/ioi£ koi Kara rove oSoit 
dewy iffTiy Upd koI riputwy koi dySpwy ra0oc. 'Eyyvrarw Se 
'AicaSrifxlaf \iapioy irort dySpoQ ihwTOVf yvfAydtrioy Se iic Ifiov .... 
oi Se &\Xoi KaTCL Tr/y oSoy KtlvTai Ttfy cc *AKaBtifAiay Kol o^v 
ktrrdviy cirt role ra^otc ^r^Xat, to. oyofxara koX Toy Sijfioy kKoarov 
Xcyovotxc. Pausan. Attic. 29, 2. 4. 

'O K€pa/i£iicoc SiitTai yw, 

^f)fioaiijf. yap lya Tatpwfiey, Aristoph. Aves, 395. 

propter has amplitudines sepulchroruro, quas in Ceramico 
videmus, Cicer. de leg. 2, 26. 
* See below, p. 223. 


Dhafbi, through which it proceeded, is a point 
exactly defined, and vestiges of several of the monu- 
ments which bordered the Sacred road still remain 
It appears also that the Academy lay between the 
Sacred Way and the Colonus Hippius, a height near 
the Cephissus, sacred to Neptune, and the scene of 
the (Edipus Coloneus of Sophocles ' ; for the Academy 
was not far from Colonus, and the latter was ten 
stades distant from the city'. That part of the 
plain which is near the olive-groves, on the north- 
eastern side of Athens, and is now called Akadhimia 
('AicaSii/iia), is entirely in conformity with these 
data. It is on the lowest level, where some water- 
courses from the ridges of Lycabettus are con- 
sumed in gardens and olive-plantations. These were 
the waters which, while they nourished the shady 
groves of the Academy', and its plane trees 

^ Me ipsum hue modo venientem (sc. a Dipylo in Academiam), 
coDvertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, cujus incola Sophocles ob 
oculos versabatur. Cicero de Fin. 5, I. 

'RviTwoVf Uytf rac ^c x^^P^C 
"Ikov ra Kpariara yac e;ravXa 
Toy opy^ra KoXuyoy, 
"Ei^a Xiycca, &c. 

0^2* &v7ryoi 

Kpfjyai fAiyvdovat 
Kri^iaov vofiaBtQ peiOpwy. 

Sophocl. CEdip. Colon. 668. 

Kara tovto r^c X^P^C (sc. r^c 'Axa^fifiiat) ^eiVvvrac Be Kal 

X^^poc KoXovfuyOQ KoXwKOc 'Iinrcioc, tyda TfJQ 'Arric^c irpCtToy k\dtiy 
Xiyovety OiBi'roia, Pausan. Att. 30, 4. 

' KoAmvov* core ie lepoy TLofftiiijyoc e^ia riifc ^roXeoic, awi^oy 
trraiiovt fiaXuna iixa. Thucyd. 8, 67. 

* *AKaBflfjUay tKttpt dcv^po^opwrarf|v rwy wpoaardtay oZtray, 
Plutarch. Syll. 12. 

(IlXarwy) iiirpifiey ky *Ai:aSri^i^' to S^ cffrc yvfjiyaaioy wpodfrntoy 

198 ACADEMY. [sect. II. 

remarkable for their luxuriant growth S made the 
air unhealthy ^ They still cause the spot to be one 
of the most advantageous situations near Athens for 
the growth of fruit and pot-herbs, and maintain a 
certain degree of verdure when all the surrounding 
plain is parched with the heat of summer. Half a 
mile to the northward of this position are two small 
heights, the nearer and larger of which corresponds 
exactly with Colonus. 

On the side of the road leading to the Academy 
from the centre of Athens, are seen several rude 
masses of masonry, the remains probably of some of 
the numerous sepulchral monuments which once 
embellished this most beautiful ' of the suburbs 
of Athens. From a part of the ground, called 
Akadhimia, was removed about the year 1802, a 
marble (now in the British Museum) which bears 
part of one of the epitaphs placed in this quarter to 

dXffitf^cCf d'K6 rivoc ^pwoc oyofiaerdty '£jcadij/iov, KaBa icac EvtoXic 
ey 'Aorparcvrioic ^i^ff/v. 

'El' ihffKloic Sp6/jL0i<ny 'Exahiifjtov Oeov, 

aXXa Kal o TlfAuy etc roy UXdrwya \iywy t^ritri. 

T&y wavnay S* ^ytiro frXaTvaraTog^ ciXX dyop^nic 
'H^veir^C, rirri^iy laoypdfoQ^ oi 0* '£cad4fu>v 
Aiy^pev i<li€l^6fA€yoi ora \npi6efraay UXeri, 
irporcpov yap 3cd rov c '£i:adi|/i/a craXciro. Diogen. Laert. 8, 7. 
V. et Suid. in 'Ai:a2i}/ica. 
» Plin. H. N. 12, 1 (5). 

' ^lian. Var. Hist. 9, 10. 

Porphyr. de Abst. ab esu animal. 1, 36. 

^neas Grazasus de Animal. Immort. p. 20, Yen. 1513. 

St. Basil, de leg. libris Gent. 11. p. 182, fol. Paris, 1722. 

Serm. 19, III. p. 572. 

' TO BrifiOfftoy ff^/ict, o corcv Im rov icaXXcarov wpoatrriiov 

r^'iroXtwc. Thucyd. 2, 34. 


record the names of the Athenians who had been 
slain in battle. It was the sepulchral monument of 
the men who fell at Potidssa, in the year preceding 
the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, or 
432 B.C. ^ Thus from the situation where this stone 
was found, it is no less useful in the illustration of 
topography, than important as a historical and 
paJseographical document. 

The arch of Hadrian, now deprived of the elegant Arch of 
Corinthian columns which adorned it, and covered or gate o'f 
at the base with three feet of accumulated soil, con- poUfl?*"^ 
sisted when complete of an archway twenty feet 
wide, between piers about fifteen feet square, deco- 
rated with a column and a pilaster on each side of 
the arch, and the whole presenting an exactly similar 
appearance on either face. Above the centre of the 
arch stood an upper order surmounted by a pedi- 
ment, and consisting on either front of a niche 
between semi-columns; a thin partition separating 
the niches from each other at the back. Two 
columns between a pilaster flanked this structure at 
either end, and stood immediately above the larger 
Corinthian columns of the lower order. The height 
of the lower order to the summit of the cornice 
was about thirty-three feet, that of the upper to the 
summit of the pediment about twenty-three. On 
the frieze immediately above the centre of the arch 
is inscribed on the north-western side, 

" This is Athens, the ancient city of Theseus.*' 

* fioeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 170. 


And on tlie opposite side the following : 

" This is the City of Hadrian, and not of Theseus ^" 

These inscriptions, which are alluded to by the 
Scholiast of the Sophist Aristides *, were transcribed 
in the year 1436 by Ciriaco d'Ancona, and again 
in the beginning of the sixteenth century by Urban 
di Belluno, preceptor of Pope Leo X. ; who pub- 
lished them in his Greek grammar : a copy of the first 
is found in a letter of Simeon Kavasilas addressed 
in the year 1578 to Martin Crusius, author of 
the Turco-Graecia ', and they were both again 
published by Spon and Wheler, and by Stuart*. 
According to a common practice of the Greeks in 
similar cases, they are trimeter iambics, and their 
form is such as was often found on the two sides of 
a boundary ; as for instance, on an ancient column 
in the isthmus of Corinth, upon which was in- 
scribed on the Peloponnesian side, 

Ta ^* iarl TliXtnrdyyritro^ ovk *IwWa, 

and on the other 

Ta ^ ohyi HtKoTrdvyjiaoi 6XK* *lwvia *. 

1 For the architectural details of this monument, see Stuart 
III. 3. 

' Schol. in Arist. p. 69, Frommel. 

' S. Kahasilas ap. Cms. Turcogrsec. p. 461. Seeahove, p. 89. 

Crusius, in a note upon this passage, says, Hunc versam 
Urhanus, qui Gramroaticam Grsecam post Grazam scripsit, a se 
Athenis in arcu marmoreo Adriani imperatoris visum scribit, addi- 
tumque in fronte orientem versus hunc At^' ti<r 'ABpiavov. 

* Boeckh, C. Ins. Or. No. 520. 

* Strabo p. 392. Androtion ap. Schol. Villois. in-Il. N. 685. 


There can be no reasonable doubt, therefore, that 
the quarter on the southern side of the arch was a 
division of the Asty, called Hadrianopolis or New 
Athens, in honour of Hadrian ^ It is true that 
some of the buildings which this emperor raised for 
the Athenians, were not in this quarter; but the 
benefactions of Hadrian in Attica were neither con- 
fined to Athens, nor in Athens to one particular 
part of the town, circumstances having naturally 
determined their locality. On the other hand, it is 
impossible to believe that any part of Athens from 
which the Olympium was excluded, could have been 
complimented with the title of Hadrianopolis. For 
of all the benefits which Hadrian conferred upon the 
Athenians, the finishing and dedicating of the temple 
of Jupiter Olympius, a work which had defied the 

> Qaum titalos in operibus non amaret, multas civitates Ha-* 
drianopolis appellavit et ipsam Carthaginem et Athenaram par- 
tem. Spartian. Hadrian. 20. Chandler dissenting from pre- 
ceding travellers, as well as from Crusius, Meursius, Grater, and 
the other learned men who had had occasion to refer to these 
inscriptions, supposed AIAEI2A8HNAI to be d (3£ic 'Adrivai, 
** the things which you see are Athens," which has no sup- 
port in any customary Greek form, destroys the verse, and 
has had the remarkable effect of inducing another writer who 
adopted the same reading (Wilkius, Atheniensia, p. 49) to 
deduce an inference from the words, directly opposite to that of 
Chandler ; for while Chandler still supposed Hadrianopolis to 
have heen on the south- eastern side of the arch, Mr. Wilkins 
regarding it as absurd that the words " what you see" should 
refer to a part of the city upon which the reader of them turns 
his back, concluded that they were meant to direct his view 
through the arch : and consequently, that Hadrianopolis was on 
the opposite side to that on which the name of Hadrian 


sucoessive efforts both of the Athenians aud their 
foreign benefSGU^ors, was that which conferred the 
greatest glory upon the Roman emperor. For this 
he assumed the title of Olympius. Here the cities 
of Greece concentrated their testimonies of admira- 
tion by an immense number of statues dedicated in 
the peribohis of the temple ; and here the Athenians 
exceeded them all by the colossal statue of the 
emperor, which they erected \ 

It is not improbable that the niches which are 
between the semi-columns of this monument above 
the centre of the arch contained statues of Theseus 
and Hadrian; of the former on the north-western, 
and of the latter on the south-eastern side. 
Aqueduct Qj^ ^jj^ southom extremitv of the mountain of 

of Hadruui. ■' 

St. George, at a distance of four or five hundred 
yards from the north-eastern walls of the Asty, stood 
in the time of Stuart two unfluted Ionic columns 
two feet and a half in diameter, supporting an entar- 
blature, and forming one side of an arch, of which 
Stuart by an excavation ascertained the exact dimen- 
sions, and determined that it was part of the frontis- 
piece of a reservoir, which had been supplied by 
an aqueduct conveying water from the Cephissus. 
The piers of some of the arches of this aqueduct 
are still extant, particularly to the eastward of the 
village of Dervish-agu, five or six miles to the 
north of Athens. The monument at the foot of 
mount St. George, was not in better preservation 
when Spon saw it seventy-five years before the time 
of Stuart. Half the inscription, therefore, was want- 

' In several of the inscriptions found on the site of the Olym- 
pium, Hadrian is styled 'OXvfxiriog Ka\ Kriffrrig. 



ing, but this Spon supplied by means of a MS. at 
Zara in Dalmatian in which he had the good fortune 
to discover it entire as follows : 


It appears, therefore, that one of the last favours 
conferred upon Athens by Hadrian, was the com- 
mencement of this aqueduct. Although it was 
nominally intended for Hadrianopolis only, there 
can be little doubt that the whole city enjoyed the 
benefit of it. 

^ SpoD, Voyage, &c. II. p. 99. His testimony is confinned 
by a MS. in the Barberini Library, by Sangallo, an architect, 
deriving his information from Ciriaco d'Ancona, who travelled in 
Greece in the year 1436. 


Of some other important but more disptUabk Questions 
of Athenian Topography — The Mountain AncAes- 
musy or Lycabettus — The Agora — The Cerameicus — 
Dipylum^ and the Peiraic Gate, 

Mount An- One of the most striking features of Athens, one which 
or Lyca- enters into almost every view of its scenery, and is 
among the first objects to seize the stranger's atten- 
tion, is that conical peaked summit considerably higher 
than the citadel, which, crowned with a small church of 
St. Gteorge, looks down upon the city from the north- 
eastern side. It has generally been called Anches- 
mus, and not without reason; for although the 
name occurs but once in ancient history, and Pau- 
sanias, the author who mentions it, gives no certain 
indication of its locality, yet as he shows Anchesmus 
to have been distinct from Fames, Pentelicum, and 
Hymettus, and describes it as a small mountain \ 

' "Opri ht 'AOrivaloiQ iari UevriKiKoy Koi Hapyri^ ..... 

Kal 'YfjLfiTTOc UevriKritn fitv *AOriydQ,ev 'Yfirfrrf Be ayaX/id 

iffTiy 'YfiTfrrlov Aiog koI kv IlapyiyOi XiapviidtoQ Zevc X^* 

ilovc ktm «:ai 'Ay^cff/xoc cipoc itniy ov fUya fcac Aioc 

ayaXfia * Ayxea fiiov, Pausan. Attic. 32, 2. 


which will not agree with any part of the ridge on 
the north-western side of the plain, known to have 
borne the names of ^galeos, Corydallus, and Poecilum, 
while it is perfectly adapted to the hill of St. Greorge, 
we can hardly avoid the conclusion that this hill was 
Anchesmus. On its acute summit is a small plat- 
form, partly artificial, to which there was an access by 
steps cut in the rock ; the church which stands upon 
it is itself, in some degree, an argument that the sum- 
mit was a hierum, as throughout Greece churches 
are generally the successors of Pagan temples. 

But if the presumption is strong that this height 
was the Anchesmus of Pausanias, there is still better 
reason to believe that it was the ancient Lycabettus. 
According to one of the fables of Attic mythology, 
Minerva, who had gone from Athens to Pallene to 
procure a mountain for an outwork in front of the 
Acropolis, was met, in returning, by a crow, which 
informed her of the birth of Erichthonius, when she 
dropped Mount Lycabettus where it still stands ^ 

* This fable is related by Antigonas of Carystus, an 
author of the third century b. c, on the authority of an 
Athenian antiquary, not much earlier in date, named Amelesa- 
goras. The infant Erichthonius was said to have been inclosed 
by Minerva in a box, which she delivered to the three daughters 
of Cecrops, with strict injunctions that it should not be opened 
until her return from Pallene. Agraulus and Pandrosus (Agrau- 
lus and Herse, according to Apollodorus, 3, 14, § 6, and Pausanias 
Attic. 18, 2), disobeying her commands, opened the box, and found 
two serpents (one, according to Apollodorus) coiled around 
Erichthonius. The crow, for being the herald of bad news, was 
forbidden ever to enter the Acropolis. 

.... *Epi\06vioy' ov rpi^iy t^v ^AOtivai' Koi £fc kLot^v 


Pallene was a demus to the north-eastward of 
Athens ^ We may infer, therefore, that Lycabettos 
was on that side of the city. 

Again, in the life of Proclus, a philosopher of the 
fifth century, who taught and died at Athens, we are 
informed that he was buried in the same tomb with 
his master Syrianus, to the eastward of the city near 
Lycabettus *. It seems clear, therefore, that Lyca- 

ica6e/p{ai, xal irapaOitrOai rdig KcVpoiroc iratirly *AypavXf» teal Hav" 
Bpotff Kol "Eptrjif fcac iwirdiai /i^ iiyolyeiv t^v Kltrrtiyf €^ hr avn) 
cX6jy* aifuKOfAiyjiv ^i) ec IlcXX^viy}', '(^peiv opoQ tya tpvfia wpo rifc 
*Ai:p(nr<$Xf wc iroi^ffp* rag ^c Kiicpoiroc OvyaripaQ tciq ^vo" Ay fMvXov 
Kol Hdv^poffov TTiv kIvthiv uvoliiai Kal iBeiy Sparovruc ^vo vepc tov 
*Epi\06yu)y' rj 3c 'Adrfy^, ^povfrr^ to opoc^ h yvy roXelrai Avica- 
fiifrrot, Kopwytfy i^ritrly airayrfiaai xal tlwity &n 'EpcxOovioc ky 
i^yepf' T^y 3c iiKovaaaay f$iif«ii to opoc owov yvy l^n* r^ 3c 
Koptitytf 3(a T^y icaxayytXiay elxciv, «c eIq &i:p&tro\iy oif BifiiQ ainj 
eoTai iL^iKitrSai. Antigon. Car. 12. 

According to another legend, Erichthonios was said to have 
made his first appearance in the form of a serpent. See ahove, 
p. 120, n. 3. p. 149, n. 8. As to the crow, the explanation 
seems to he, that these hirds, which are seen in great numbers 
around the rocks of the Acropolis, seldom rise to the summit. 
Though Pellene is the name in the text of Antigonus, Pallene is the 
real orthography, as Attic inscriptions prove, as well as the deri- 
vation of the name from Pallas, son of Pandion. 

^ Peisistratus had begun his march from Marathon towards 
Athens, when the Alcmaeonidae, obtaining intelligence of the 
movement, proceeded from Athens against him : the adverse par- 
ties arrived, in face of each other, near the temple of Minerva 
Pallenis, in the demus of the Pallenenses. Peisistratus surprised 
his enemies as they were reposing after dinner, and defeated them. 
Herodot. 1, 62. 

' hcu^fl ky to7q dyaToXuwipoiQ Tfjt vdXcwc ^^C rf AvKofiifrrf^ 
tyda KoX TO Tov i:aBfiy€fi6yoQ Xvpinyov irccrac aHfia' iKtiyoq yap avrtf 


bettus was to the north-eastward of Athens, and that 
Plato, when describing Lycabettus as over-against 
the Pnyx (icaravrcKpu Ilvvicoc), intended its diame- 
trical opposition to the Pnyx in reference to the 
circumference of the asty ^ 

We may further remark, in confirmation of the 

rovTO vapercXcvvaro Ire ircptcav kqX ri^v O^riyy rov /iv///iaroc ZiirXijv 
Zia rovro ipyatrdiuYO^. 

The following was the epitaph composed hy Proclus himself: 

IIpocXoc cy^ ytvofjfqv AvKioi yivoQ^ ov '^vpiavoQ 
'Ey0a^ dfiotfiov c^c Opiylfe BiZatrKaXlriQ' 

Aire Be. xai yfnfxaQ x^P^C <c^ XiXaxpi, 

Mario. V. Procl. 36. 

Although the work of Marinus was written as late as a. d. 485, 
his authority is not to be despised in an incidental allusion to 
topography. Even at that late period Athens cherished the 
memory of her history : the Platonic school was the centre of all 
that remained of ancient literature : and Marinus, both as a resi- 
dent of Athens, and as a learned man, deriving his knowledge 
in an interrupted series from former times, may be supposed to 
\uLve been correctly informed on the ancient topography. 

' Plato was describing the ancient or fabulous state of the 
biU of the Acropolis prior to a certain deluge and earthquake, 
which were supposed to have removed a great quantity of soil, 
and to have effected an immense change in the site of Athens. 
The hill of the Acropolis (he says) was then so large as to 
extend to the Eridanus and Ilissus, comprehending within it 
the Pnyx, as well as the mountain of Lycabettus, which is oppo- 
site to Pnyx : 

To r^c *AKpov6\eiaQ elx€ r^re oh\ ^q ra vvv txtC ro Be wpiv 
ir iripY ^ov^ fiiyiOoQ ^y irpoc rov *HpiSay6v roc rov *JXia<rdy 
dwofltfifiKvla Kal wepuiKtit^vXa Ivro^ tov Uvvku koI t6v Avjca- 
fiiprov opov (al. opoc) €K Tov KaTavriKpv Hvvkoc ixovaa, Plato 
Crit. 6. 


identity of Lycabettus with the mountain of St. George, 
that so conspicuous a summit, and so near a neigh- 
bour of the city, could not but have had a name of 
some renown ; that Lycabettus accordingly was one 
of the most celebrated of the Attic mountains ^ ; that 
it was not among those which surround the plain, but 
at an intermediate distance ' ; and that it had proba- 
bly an acute summit, from its having served (or said to 

* tjv cZy trif Xiyrft Avi:ci^i|ttovc 

Ka2 TLapvriiriiy fifxiv fieyiOrf^ tovt earl ro xpriara SiiaaKeiy ; 

Aristoph. Ran. v. 1088. 

The poet, doubtless, meant the Attic Parnesus, or Parnassus, 
commonly called Parnes. IJapKi/o-oci opoc furafv Boiun-ia^ roi r^c 
*Arrcjc^c* Timssi Lex. Plat, in v. 

Oi ^* *IOajci|K cTxoK ica2 N^pirov* (II. B. 632) rvp/wc fuv yap 
dicovuy rcC) r^v ir6\iy H^air ay, a»c icat *AO^Kac Kal AvKafitproy 
€1 TIC Xeyoc, icac 'Po^ov xal ^Ardfivpiy, rat In AaKe^alfwya rac 
Tavyiroy, Strabo, p. 454. 

Anchesmus has more the sound of a foreign than of an Attic 
name : in the ^olic form of Onchesmus, we find it attached to a 
town and harbour of Epirus. "Ayxh in allusion to the proximity 
of the hill to the city, has been suggested as an etymology of 

• 'Ec ri^v Hdpyfiff opyttrOeiaaif fpov^ai Kara Toy AvKafinrroy, 
Aristoph. ap. Phot. Lex. in HdpyriQ. The clouds, as they were 
returning to Parnes, vanished near Lycabettus. Photius refers 
this line to the Nc^Xac, but it is not found in the extant edition 
of that comedy. If it means that the clouds were irritated with the 
reception which they had met with on the Athenian stage, it could 
not have been in the first edition of the comedy ; and yet the 
extant play alludes to the rejection of a former (ver. 518 et seq.). 
This line, therefore, which is found only in Photius, may be added 
to other arguments, leading to the belief that the existing comedy 
is a third edition. See Petit. Miscel. 1, 3. Clinton, Fasti 
Hell. ir. p. 71. 


have served) as an astronomical gnomon to Meton ^ 
Other ancient allusions to Lycabettus equally tend 
to the same conclusion. Its dryness is contrasted by 
Socratesy in one of the dialogues of Xenophon, with 
the moisture of the Phaleric marsh ^ and its barren- 
ness was such that its land was considered valueless '. 

' "Etfri yap dUi Tiva Xafitiv roiovroy yvwfwya' koI iari aa^itr^ 
Tora nifuia rk &iro rovrtiiy, Aco Kal ayaOol yeyiytiyrai Kara 
TOKCVQ Tiros iL<nftov6fjLoi cvioc, olov Marpucerac iy MtOvfiyrf itird rov 
AtwtTvfAyau iccu KXc^orparoc cv Tevc^ airo rrjs "iSvyc* Kal ^aiiyoQ 
^ABiyjfoty &w6 rov AvKCL^rfrrov rd wepl rdc rpowdg crvKCi^c* trap* ov 
Mrrwv iucovaaCf roy rov cvoc ^eo»Ta tiKooiy eyiavrQy trvyira^ey, 
Ur ^ o fjity ^acivoc /leroicoc *A0^yi|O'ci', 6 ^c Mirtty 'AOi/vacoc* 
Kal ^IXAoi 3c Tovroy roy rp6woy iiarpokoyrieay, Theophrast. de 
Signis PluTiamm. 

Undoubtedly some point in Athens may be found (and it would 
not be far from the Pnyx) from whence the sun may have been 
obseired to rise on the solstitial day, in coincidence with the 
highest point of the hill of St. George ; and thus, by repeated 
obsenrations, a first approximation to the length of the solar year 
may have been obtained : but it is difficult to conceive that by 
nich a gnomon, Phaeinus or Meton could have calculated the 
length of the year with such correctness, that the year of Meton 
has been found to differ very slightly from modem observations. 

If we agree with Hesychius, who says (in v.) Avico/JiTrroc* opoc 
r% 'Arrcjqfc' ecpi^rac 3e ovrw Bta ro Xvkoiq tXy^Ovccv, the name is 
formed from Xvicoc and Pfjc^a. But Xvkti is the most probable 
etymon (Prisci Oraecorum primam lucem quae prsecedit solis 
exortus Xvcifv appellaverunt. Macrob. Sat. 1, 17). The name, 
therefore, without any reference to astronomy, may have been 
derived from the simple fact, that in all seasons, except the middle 
of winter, the light of day makes its appearance behind that 
iQoimtaiii, so that its summit is the first illumined point in the 
horizon of the city. 

' Xiyw fiCF yovy fioi ^kei elyai 4 *'cp^ ^'^ AvKafiyfrroy rac ^ 
ravrjr ^/Juna* hypd ii ii iy rf ^aXripiKf eXei, Kal 4 tavrri o/ioca. 
Xenoph. (Eeon. 19. 

* Ps. Plato Eryx. 18. 

P -*- 


At the same time it was noted for its olive-planta- 
tions \ a combination which appears contradictory, 
but is explained by the fact that the hill of St. 
George, although having a rocky and barren summit, 
is surrounded on every side, except that of the city, 
by plantations of olive-trees. 

In admitting Lycabettus and Anchesmus to have 
been the same mountain, it is not necessary to sup- 
pose the former name to have been obsolete in the 
time of Pausanias, but only that the latter was then 
more commonly used. We have seen that as late as 
the end of the fifth century the ancient name was 
familiar to the learned. In like manner, Brilessus 
had, in the same ages, become more generally known 
by the name of Pentelicum, in consequence of the 
fame of its marble. The period of both these sub. 
stitutions is marked by the fact, that while Pausanias 
names neither Lycabettus nor Brilessus, Strabo makes 
no mention of Anchesmus or Pentelicum, but^ like 
Theophrastus, shows that the three great summits, 
which inclose the iri&ov or plain of Athens, were 
Pames, Brilessus, and Hymettus '. There is a simi- 
larity also in the kind of importance given by Pau- 
sanias to Anchesmus, and by Strabo and the earlier 
writers to Lycabettus ' ; an importance derived not 
from the magnitude of the mountain, but from its 
conspicuous abruptness and proximity to the city. 
After all, however, there may possibly have been so 

' Dives et ^galeos nemonim, Paraesque benignus 
Vitibus et pingui melior Lycabessus oliva. 

Statu Theb. 12, v. 620. 
' De signis tempestatam, p. 488, Heins. See Demi of Attica, p. 4. 
' See above, p. 205, n. I. 207, n. 1. 208, n. 1. 


far a distinction between Ancbesmus and Lycabettus, 
that while the latter name comprehended the whole 
of the low ridge to the north-eastward of Athens, 
which separates the vale of the Ilissus from the plain 
of the Cephissus, Anchesmus may never have been 
any thing more than the specific name of the summit 
of St. George. In this sense Lycabettus would per- 
fectly deserve to be described as an olive-bearing 

Id the midst of the modern town of Athens a propy- 
building still subsists which belonged to the Athenian the New 
agora, and serves therefore to show the position of ^s^ra- 
that important and central part of the Asty. It 
is situated opposite to the northern extremity of the 
rocks of the Acropolis at a distance of about 260 
yards, and consists of four Doric columns four feet 
four inches in diameter at the base, and twenty-six 
feet high, including the capital ; these colunms sup- 
port a pediment surmounted by a large acroterium 
in the centre, and by a much smaller at either end. 
Opposite to the exterior columns were antse termi- 
nating the walls of a vestibule before a door eight 
feet and a half wide, which was distant twenty-five 
feet from the columns. Part of the jambs of 
this door still remain, and the southern anta of the 
v^tibule*. That the structure was a propylseum, 
and not a pronaus, is proved by the facts, first, that 
the walls which terminate on either side in antae, are 
not continued in a right line within the door, but on 
the contrary that the wall at right angles to them in 
which the door is pierced, preserves traces of its pro- 


* See Stuart, Ant. of Ath. I. 1. 



longation on each side beyond the walls of the vesti- 
bule. Secondly, that the construction is that of a 
civil, and not of a sacred building; the columns 
being six diameters in height* a proportion more 
slender than is found in any Doric temple at Athens, 
but conformable to the distinction made by Vitni- 
vius ^ : the middle intercolumniation, moreover, is 
ditriglyph, and bears a large proportion to those on 
either side (two and a half to one), resembling in 
these respects thePropylsea of the Acropolis, and other 
civil works requiring a wide entrance. The middle 
acroterium is between one-fifth and one-fourth of 
the whole length of the pediment, a proportion 
unexampled in a Greek temple, and which could 
scarcely have been intended for any thing but an 
equestrian statue or a chariot '. 

These presumptions as to the intention of the 
building are confirmed by four inscriptions, L On 
the architrave ; 2. On the central acroterium ; 
3. On one of the jambs of the door ; 4. On a pe- 
destal, which Stuart found within the Propylseum. 
The first is a dedication to Minerva Archegetis 

* Aliam enim in deorum templis debent habere gravitatem, aliam 
in porticibus et cseteris operibus 8ubtilitatem. — Vitrav. 5, 9. 

' On some of the Roman temples there may possibly have been 
Acroteria of these large proportions, though no extant examples 
of them are known ; for we learn from Pliny, that on the temple 
of Jupiter Capitolinus there was a composition in earth represent- 
ing the god in a quadriga, Plin. H. N. 28, 2 (4). 35, 12 (45). 
And on the Palatine temple of Apollo that Deity and Diana were 
mounted on a golden car, Propert. 2, 31, ▼. 11. Plin. 34, 3 (8). 
In the Propylseum of the Athenian Agora, the basis of the central 
acroterium has sufficient length to have supported a figure of the 
grandson of Augustus in a chariot. 


by the people, and signifies that by means of dona- 
tions from Julias Csesar and Augustus, the building 
had been raised in the archonsbip of Nicias, son of 
Serapion of Athmona, when Eueles, son of Herodes, 
of Marathon was strategus of the hoplitse, and who on 
returning from an embassy had succeeded his father 
Herodes in the superintendence of the work \ Such 
an inscription would have been unexampled on a tem- 
ple ; at the same time, as every building in Athens was 
dedicated to some protecting deity ^ the mention of 
Minerva Archegetis was perfectly appropriate, Mi- 
nerva having been supposed to preside over markets, 
and hence sometimes bearing the epithet of Agorsea : 
at Athens, however, the higher and more appropriate 
title Archegetis was naturally preferred '. 

' *0 ififioc ^vo rQy ioOiia&y iuptHy viro Tatov 'lovXiov Kcu- 
mtpot Oiiov Kal AhroKparopog KacVapoc Otov viov ^fiaarov *AOrivf 
*Ap)(i7ymdi, orpariiyovKroc iirl rove owXira^ "EhicXiovc Mapada»K/ov, 
rov cac Btait^afiiyov r^v iwtfiiXiiay hwip tov irarpoc 'Hpiw^ov, rod 
rai xpcff/Scvvavroc "ExI &p)(oi^oc Ntic/ov rov^pamufyoi* AO fioyiktc, 

* The PrytaneiDm was sacred to Minerva (IlaXXa^oc Upov. 
Scbol. in Aristid. Panath. I. p. 103, Jebb) : The Pnyx to Jupiter 
the Supreme (Ad 'XyLitrrf), as we perceive from numerous votive 
ofl^ringa iu marble, which occupied niches in the rock, and several 
of which are now in the British Museum. 

' Stnart found the following on a fragment of an entablature at 
Athens, as follows, 

'Adjiyf ^Apyiiyhihi kcI 0(cocc ira<rc) 

Fapy^rrioc rov . • • . Ant. of Ath. I ornament, p. 1 . 

Alcibiades remarked, among his reasons for not playing on the 
flntCt that Athens was under the peculiar protection of Minerva 
Archegetis and Apollo Patrons, one of whom threw away the 
flute, and the other flayed the flute-player (jSv ii fiey tj^piij/e toy 
aifXoy^ 6 C€ cat rov avXiyn^v c{e2efpc. Plutarch. Alcib. 2). 
Minerva Archegetis was represented with an owl in her hand. 
Sdiol. in Aristoph. A v. 515* 


If the principal inscription on the architrave was 
inappropriate to a temple, still more so woald have 
been a statue of Lucius Caesar, the grandson and 
adopted son of Augustus, on the summit of the 
pediment K But the third and fourth inscriptions 
leave no doubt when compared with the building 
itself, that it was the Propylaeum of the Agora. The 
third, which is on the jamb of the doorway, is an 
edict of the emperor Hadrian respecting the sale 
of oils, and the duties to be paid upon them \ In 
the fourth inscription, which was on the pedestal of 
a statue of Julia Augusta, standing within the Pro- 
pylffium, the magistrates particularly named are 
the two agoranomi, although one only was at the 
expense of raising the monument ' ; in like manner 

' On the front of the Acroterium is the following : 'O S^fwc 
AovKioy Kaiffapa aifroxparopot Gcov vov ^fiatrrov KaitrapoQ v6y^ 

' Ke. yo, de, 'A^pcavov ain'oxpaTopoQ 
0« TO cXacoi' yewpyovvrec to rplroy KaTat^epiTtttray, &c. 
For the entire document, see Boeckh, C. Ins. Gn No. 355. 

' *lov\iay Otdv JtcfiaffHly Upoyoiay j^ /3ovX^ 4 <£ *Apciov xdyov 
icai fi fiovXi^ rSty ilcucotriwy Koi 6 o^/ioc, ayadiyrot Ik rHy i^'wv 
Aioyyaiov tov AvXov MapaOtaylov, iiyopayofiovyrtty airrov re 2iio- 
yvtriov MapaOuylov acac Kotyrov Nai)3(ov 'Pov^ov MtXircwc* 
Stuart, who first published this inscription, judiciously suggests 
that this was one of several statues of the Octavian family stand- 
ing within the Propylseum. It is not surprising that the Athe- 
nians, after their unsuccessful alliances in opposition to Julias 
Csesar and Augustus, ending in both instances in a submission 
which was followed by clemency and even munificence on the 
part of the victorious Caesars, should have endeavoured to propi- 
tiate Augustus and his family, by every kind of servility and 
flattery. In these inscriptions he is styled a god, the son of a 
god ; and Julia Augusta, a goddess, and a personification of 
Providence. Possibly the embassy which is alluded to on the 
architrave of the Propylseum, produced the gifts which defrayed 


the strategus of the hoplitaels the magistrate named 
in the principal inscription, and had the care of 
erecting the monument, because he was superin- 
tendent of the supply of provisions \ 

The Propyiffium faces the west : the Agora, 
therefore, of the Augustan and subsequent ages 
was to the eastward of it. But other evidence 
places the Agora in a very different situation, 
namely, at the foot of the ascent to the Acro- 
polis, including a part of that slope: for we find 
that the celebrated statues of Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton were in the Agora ^ in an elevated 
situation near the temple of Victory, which stood 
immediately in front of the left wing of the Pro- 
pylsea', and that the temple of Venus Pandemus, 

the completion of the building ; and that hence Eucles, on his 
retnniy was appointed to the office of strategus, and superseded 
his father as superintendent of the work. Herodes and Eucles 
were probably of the same fiimily as the celebrated T. C. Atticus 
Herodes, his demus as well as theirs having been Marathon. 

* orpaTfiyiiaaQ (Lollianus sc.) r^v iirl r&v &ir\mv' ii Be iipx^ 
avrti xoXoi fuv icarcXeye cai i^fiyty ic tcl iroXifAia* yvyi Be Tpwirtiy 
imfuXelrai koI airav &yopdc. Fhilostrat. Sophist. 1, 23. 

* *Ayop<iffi# T iv roi^ oirXoic Hfic 'Apioroyc/rovt. Aristoph. 
Lydst. 684. 

'ApfioBioy Kai 'ApiarvyelToya ro ey iiyop^ trra&tjyai, 

Aristot. Rhet* 1, 9. 

'Apioroyeirtty . • . yvy efrrriKe xoXkovc ey rj iiyopf fiera rSty 
woiiucSy, Ludan. Farasit. 48. 

' Fausan. Attic. 22, 4. See above, p. 143. Anian de Exp. 
Alex. 3, 16. See below, p. 221, n. 3. 

In the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes (678), Praxagora declares 
her intention of placing herself aloft in the Agora, near Harmo- 
dius, for the purpose of making a proclamation (jcfra ariivaoa 
Tap 'ApfioBif cXiypwffiii xavrac). 

In the Lysistrata (317)> the chorus of old men who had sta- 


which was very near the same part of the Acropolis ^ 
was also in or very near the Agora '. ApoUodonis, 
in describing the temple of Venus as tims situated, 
designates the place as the ancient Agora (nfv 
ap'j^alav ayopoV), as if this had not been the fre- 
quented Agora of his own time. There can hardly 
be any doubt that the earliest Agora was in this 
situation, and that it originated in the assemblage 
of the people of the surrounding part of Attica, 
for the most ordinary purposes of traffic, immediately 
without the gates of the city, when it was confined 
to the Cecropian hill : here stood some of the most 
ancient and revered of the Athenian sanctuaries, and 
here in consequence were placed the statues of the 
tyrannicides, to the exclusion of all other statues 
of men *. 

tioned themselTes near the statue of Aristogeiton, addreas them- 
selves to Victory ^owoiva N/in| lvyyeyvd» 

^ According to Euripides (Hippol. 30) Ph«dra founded the 
temple of Venus rirpay wap* air^y UoXXa^c* Compare Pansa- 
nias 22, 3 (see ahove, p. 141). 

' *AiroXXo^Mpoc €v Tf Ttpi Gewv, lldyBfifioy ^riaiy *Adiiyj^in 
KXtfii'iyai TTiy iifiip€vOei<ray Ttpl rify iipyalay iiyopayf Sia to 
evravda iravra roy Sijfioy avynyeoBoi to wakaioy iy rale e^rcXif- 
^cacci ac kK&kovy hyopaQ, Harpocr. in Ildv^if/ioc 'Afpo2iri|. 
V. Suid. in EEdv. *A^. 

' An inscription in the collection of Gteoige Finlay, Esq., at 
Athens, among other &Tours conferred upon some person, whose 
name is wanting, gives him permission to erect an equestrian 
statue of himself in any part of the Agora except near Harmo- 
dius and Aristogeiton (cat eiicdya mtivai iaunv ^oKiniy e^* Xwwov 
iy &yop^, OTfov hfi /SovXip-ac, vrXifv Tap* *Apfi6lioy koX *AfM0ro- 

The same situation is alluded to in the extract from a decree in 
favour of Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, to whom a statue was 
ordered to he erected in any part of the Agora, except where it 

SEcrr. III.] AGORA. 217 

If, therefore, we have monumental evidence 
which proves the existence of an Agora in Roman 
times eastward of the extant portal of Augustus, 
and written records not less conclusive in showing 
that the ancient Agora was westward of the ascent 
to the Acropolis, we are led almost inevitably to the 
conclusion, that during the many centuries of Athe- 
nian prosperity, the boundaries of the Agora, or at 
least of its frequented part, underwent considerable 
variation. When the chief sacred buildings were 
first erected, as Thucydides informs us, on the 
southern side of the Acropolis \ and the city began 
to spread itself over the low grounds to the south- 
ward and westward of that height, and round the 
Areiopagus, the Agora was gradually extended from 
its earliest position in the hollow, which lies be- 
tween the Acropolis and Areiopagus, into that on 
the south-western side of the latter height, having 
that most ancient place of political assembly, the 
Pnyx, in a conspicuous position on one side of the 
hollow, and some of the other buildings connected 
vrith the government in or near it, as will be seen 
hereafter. By degrees the city stretched round the 
Acropolis to the northward, and the Agora became 
enlarged in the same direction, until it surrounded 
the Areiopagus ; the circuit around which appears to 
have been that jcvkXoc r^c ayopaq alluded to by 
Euripides, as well as by Xenophon in a passage of 
the Hipparchicus, which will be more particularly 

forbidden by law (cal tniifTai ahrov tov ^ijfioy xaXx^v iUSva 
ir 'Ayop^ wXi^v eiirov 6 ySfWt 6,irayopevet fiij iaravm. Psephism. 
3 ad fin. Vit. X. Rhet). 

' Thucyd. 2, 15. See above, p. 173. n. 1. 

218 AGORA. [sect. III. 

alluded to^ At length, the most frequented part 
of the city baying been on tbe nortbern side, a new 
Agora was formed in tbe midst of tbat quarter in 
tbe course of tbe last century prior to tbe Cbristian 
era, distinct from tbe former, but contiguous to its 
eastern limits, as appears from tbe Poecile, baying 
been in tbe ancient Agora ', and at tbe same time 
yery near tbe new Agora westward '. Tbe religious 
motiye, or ostensible reason of tbe cbange wbicb at 
lengtb fixed the Agora to tbe eastward of tbe Pro- 
pylseum of Augustus, was probably tbe defilement of 
the Ceramic Agora by tbe massacre which occurred 
when Athens was taken by Sylla in tbe year 86 b.c. 
Not far eastward of the western limit of the 
new Agora, indicated by its portal, stands the Horo- 
logium, which was built not long after the time of 
Sylla, by Andronicus of Cyrrhus, in the most cbn- 
yenient situation for such an edifice, namely, towards 
tbe middle of the new Agora *. 

* Eurip. Orest. 910. Xenopli. Hipparch. 3, 2. KvcXoc had 
however another meaning in reference to the Agora; the rvicXoc 
were places in the Agora, so called Ik Tfjc rarafficfv^Ci where slaves, 
vases, fish, and some other commodities, were exposed to sale. 
Harpocrat., Hesych., Suid. in kukXou J. Poll. ?> !!• 10, 18. 
Schol. Aristoph. £q. 1 37. 

^ TrpoaiXdtTt oly rp ^lavol^ Kol cic r^v Sroav ri)v HotxiXfiy' 
hirayTwy yap vfiiy r&v KoKiay tpyiay rd vrofiyiifjiaTa ky r^ ayop^ 
dyaxtirai, ^schin. in Ctesiph. p. 575, Reiske. Again, the 
statue of Solon, which Pausanias describes to have been before 
the Poecile, is placed by Demosthenes (adv. Aristog. 2) and by 
iElian (Var. Hist. 8, 16) in the Agora. 

' Pausan. Attic. 14, 15. See above, p. 120. 

* This town-clock, as it may be called, being still in the middle 
of the bazar, or centre of the town, shows that topographically 
little change has occurred at Athens in eighteen centuries, except 


The situation of the chronometrical instruments 
erected at different periods for the public use 
seems to accord with the progressive movement of 
the Athenian Agora. The earliest of which we 
find any notice, was a iroXoc or ijXiorpoTriov, which 
marked the solstice, and indicated therefore the 
length of the solar year, and which was fixed on a 
wall at the Pnyx '. To this it is probable that a 
sun-dial was annexed, as these instruments were 
introduced into Greece as early as the sixth cen- 
tury B. c. • In the archonship of Apseudes, (433 — 
432 B. c.) Meton published his discovery of the 
^yac iviatnoc, or cycle of nineteen years ', and in the 
following year set up an improved instrument for 
the measure of time, on the Colonus Agor8eus^ 

in the gradual diminution of the outskirts ; so that while the 
southern and western parts of the Asty have hecome quite unin- 
habited, the position of the central and most frequented quarter has 
continued to be the same as in the time of the Roman empire. 

* npo TLvOo^wpov fiXiorpoTTioy Jjy iv rj vvv ovaiji tKicXriai^ xpoc 
r^ Tiix€t T^ Iv r^ UwkL Callistratus, ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 
998. ap. Suid. in McVa»y. 

* Diogen. Laert. 2, 1. Plin. H. N. 2, 76 (78). Euseb. Prep. 
Evang. 10, 14. Suid. in 'Avaji/iav^poc, 'HKiorpdwiov. 

» Diodor. 12,86. 

* DEI. 2t) a* tl tU &v^&v ; FEQ. "Oortc eifi' cyw ; MiTwv, 

*0v elBiy 'EXXac, % 6 KoXtavoQ. Aristoph. Av. 998. 

KaXXiWparoc ^c ^ijiriy iv KoXwvyi elyai avrov avadrifid ti atnpo' 
XoyiKoy. Schol. in Aristoph. ibid. Suid. in Miruty, 

The Colonus Agoraeus seems to have been nothing more than a 
height on the borders of the Ceramic Agora and of Melite, which, 
at a time when the most frequented part of the Agora was in its 
vicinity, became, by its conspicuous position, a place of hire for 
labourers, where they were in the habit of resorting for that pur- 
pose. Hence it was distinguished from the sacred Colonus beyond 
the Academy, from which the demus KoXoii^elc took their name, 




^vbich was near the Hepbaestium \ and probably 
not far from tbe dwelling of Meton bimself, wbich 
was near tbe Poecile^ Water was employed in 
tbis instrument \ and it indicated, botb by water 
and by a dial, tbe horary divisions of the day. Lastly, 
in tbe midst of tbe Eretrian or Roman Agora 
was erected tbe still existing tower, serving as an 
anemoscope and as a chronometer at all hours and 
in all states of tbe atmosphere. 
Ceramei- Although it would be very difficult to ascertain tbe 
exact limits and extent of tbe Cerameicus, its general 
situation cannot be doubtful ; for as there was one 
demus o! Kcpofxeic \ divided into two ron-oi or ^cupca 

by the epiihet 'Ayopaioc or yihOtog. (See below in Sectioa V.) 
This circumstance having been the chief cause of the fame of the 
Cnlonus Agoraeus, Pausanias has not mentioned it. The Ana- 
ceium, which was also in a lofty situation, was afterwards em- 
ployed for the same purpose. *Ayaiceioy' AwtrKovpiay 'lepov* oS yvv 
01 fiiodtH^povyric ^ovXoi kardaiy, Bekker, Anecd. 6r. I. p. 212. 

' Harpocrat. in KoXwvcrac. 

' iElian. Var. Hist. 13, 12. 

' ore iy Kokuyf Kpfiyify riyd Kare<rK€vd<raro, ^fitrly 6 ^pvi^i^oc 

T/c ^ loTiy 6 furd ravra rowriyc t^poyritrwy ; 

Mcritfv 6 AtvKoyoevg, Ol^, o xpiiyag &yiay, Suid. in Mctms^. 

Suidas, in borrowing this article from the Scholiast (in Av. 998\ 
has thrown some light upon the confused text of the latter. It 
appears on comparing them, that Callistratus had asserted, that 
Meton constructed an instrument on the Colonus Agorseus. This 
Philochorns had denied ; but the Scholiast proves it from Phry- 
nichus, who placed the scene of his Monotropus or Solitary Man 
on the Colonus Agoraeus, and alluded to the instrument of Meton. 
It appears also that Euphorion, confounding this Colonus with 
the demus near the Academy, had stated that Meton was of the 
demus Colonus, which is also disproved from Phrynichus : as a 
contemporary of Meton, Phrynichus was the best authority on 
this question. 


named the outer and inner Cerameicus \ it follows 
from that which has already been stated as to the outer 
Cerameicus, that the inner Cerameicus was the north- 
western yjopiov or region of the Asty. The central 
and most remarkable part of this quarter was a Spo/ioc 
or wide street (il Corso) bordered by porticos which 
led to the Acropolis from the Ceramic gates S situated 
in the north-western wall of the Asty, where that 
wall separated the outer from the inner Cerameicus. 
The street seems to have preserved its name of 
Cerameicus quite to the ascent leading to the Propy- 
Issa ; for Arrian describes, as being in the Cerameicus, 
the same statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, 
which ApoUodorus places in the ancient Agora'; 

^ The testimony of inscriptions as to the demus K£pa/i£7c agrees 
with that of Harpocration and other authors ; and with Aristo- 
phanes in the words oi Kepa/A^c ^v raiffi irvXaic* Ran. 1125. See 
below, p. 224, n. S. 

^ Avo ii ol Kepafieucol 'AO^'^o'cv, 6 fiev Mor v6\£kfc' 6 ^k c£w, 
iy&a Kol rove kv xoXe/iy reXevriieavrac eOairrov BtifAotrl^ Schol. 
in Aristoph. £q. 769. ivo rowoi 'AO^yiyo'tv Suid. in Kepafieucog, 
el<n Be 3vo Kcpa/xcuro/' o fuy l^ia relxovg, h ht kyro^, Hesych. in 
Rep. Compare the authorities in note 1, page 195. 

' 'Ap)^erac fi£v fvOvc tK mikiiv (KtpafieiK&y SC*) . . . KivriOeltra 
a iKsWey .... Bid fjxtrov rov Bp6fAOV KO^i^erai, 5c ihOwic re koI 
Xcioc KaTa(ia(yb>y Ariadey (ex Acropoli) trj^lZei rttc cicarcpa»6cv avrip 
traparcra/i£vac oroaci c^' Jy dyopd(bvaiy *Adtiyaioi Tt Kol oi XoiiroL 
Himer. Sophist. Orat. 3. p. 446. Wernsdorf. Compare with this 
passage, as showing generally that the shops and mercantile stores 
of the Athenians both in Athens and in Piraeeus were in the Stose^ 
Aristoph. Acham. 547* Eccles. 14. 684, and the Scholia. 

' See aboTe, p. 216, n. 2. *Apfioiiov koI ^Apiaroyelrovot ^aXicat 
tMvtc • • • . • yvy Keiyrai *AOiiyn<ny cv Kepa^€ury . . . • ^ 
drifiMy ic v6Xiy acarairirpv fAdXiara rov Mi|rp«M>v. Arrian. de 
Ezped. AJexand. 3, 16. 

It is almost superfluoos to remark, that w6Xit here meant the 

222 DIPYLUM. [sect. III. 

and the statue of Lycurgusy son of Lycophron, which 
appears from Pausanias to have been at no great dis- 
tance from the same place \ is shown by the author 
of the Lives of the Ten Orators, to have been both 
in the Agora and in the Cerameicus ^ 

After the establishment of the new Agora, when 
it became conyenient in common discourse to apply 
some different term to the Agora of preceding 
times, Cerameicus, the name of the region in 
which the Agora had been previously for the most 
part situated, was naturally adopted for that pur- 
pose ; and in this sense it seems to have been often 
applied to places which had never been in the 
demus of the Ceramenses. 
Dipyium. The earliest notice of a gate of Athens, named Dipy- 
lum, is found in Livy, where he describes the action 
between Philip, son of Demetrius, and the Athenians, 
before that gate, in the year b. c. 200. Dipylum, 
according to the historian, who copied from Polybius, 
was greater and wider than the other gates of Athens, 

Acropolis. Thucyd. 2, 15. See above, p. 173, n. 1. Hence the 
Jupiter of the Acropolis was sumamed noXi£vc> and the Minenra 
IloXiac- In the inscription of the Erechtheium, for which see 
Appendix XVII., that building is intitled 6 veutg 6 iy wSXet iv f 
ro fipxBuoy ayaX/ia. See also ^schyl. Eumenid. 684. Eupolis 
ap. Schol. Sophoc. (Ed. Col. 1600. Aristoph. Lysist. 759, 911. 
Steph. Byz. in ^Adrjvai, Not that ir^Xcc was not often employed, 
even by Thucydides, with a more extended application, like the 
word city in London. 

' Pausan. Attic. 8, 3. See above, p. 1 16. 

* 'Avaceirac ie ahrov xolKkij eiicutv iv Kepa/uiicy icara if^^i^/ia 
km 'Ava{c«:parovc apx^^^^- Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycurg. Zihrjfiat 
Tf ^^fi^ iwaiviaai fuv AvKovpyov AvaciS^poroc Bovrd^ifv dpti^t 
€v€Ka Kal BiKaioavyriQ Kol tniitrai avrov Toy A^fjioy \aXxiiy liicdya iv 
'Ayop^. Psephism. 3 ad fin. Vit. X. Rhet. 


and the approaches to it on either side were spacious 
in proportion. The street within the gate led directly 
to the Agora \ and the road without was the most 
frequented in Attica, as conducting not only to the 
Peloponnesus, but to the western parts of Attica and 
Boeotia. The name Dipylum seems to indicate that 
it was constructed in the same manner as the gate 
of Megalopolis at Messene, with a double entrance 
and an intermediate court. As it was the gate 
by which the Mystae proceeded from the Agora to 
Eleusis by the Sacred Way ', the exact direction of 
which is sufficiently indicated, not only by the defile 
of Dhaini, through which it passed, but by the re- 
mains also of several of the monuments which bor- 
dered it, the position of Dipylum cannot but have 
coincided very nearly with that point in the ancient 
wall of the asty, or lower Athens, where the main 
street of the inner Cerameicus, or where a line drawn 
frt>m the centre of the city upon the pass of Dhafhi 
intersects the line of the ancient walls, which are 
sufficiently traceable in places to leave no doubt of 
their general direction on this side of the city. 

The original appellation of Dipylum, before it was 
constructed in the manner which gave it this new 
name, was the Thriasian gate {Qpiaalai TrvXai), having 

' LiT. 31, 24. See above, p. 195. n. 1. 

s 'Itpd 'Odoc c^rtv, fjy oi fivtrrai woptvo vrai air* &arioi cir* *EXcv- 
alra, Harpocrat in *Upd *0B6c. 

Ai &yopac* iid to rove fivinac fiaKya^uyt Towiimv ^Beiy, tov 
''Ituxoy li dyopdy /3a^<4^ovrac- Diodorus Tars. ap. Hesych. in 

€cc '£\cv0'iFa h^evovtriy dwo tov Kepa/iciicoD irpoircfi- 

woyrt^ TOV I^t6yvffoy. Schol. in Aristoph. Ran. 402. 


224 DIPYLUM, [sect. III. 

been so called as leading to Tbria, a demus near 
Eleusis\ It was also named the Ceramic Gate 
(Kcpa/ucijcai irvXoi), as having been the communication 
from the inner to the outer Cerameicus ; and there 
would be some difficulty in believing that any 
other could have been the Sacred Gate (Upal irvXai) \ 
than that which was the termination of the Sacred 
Way. As to the name Aif/uiaScc irvXai, which was 
attached likewise to this gate, it was no more 
than a satirical appellation, which arose from its 
having been the common resort of females of a par- 
ticular class '. 

^ Ttu^^vai ^e ^ AvBtfi6K^iToy irapct tcLq Qpiaalag wvXag, 

at vvv MmiXioy 6vofid(ovrau Plutarch. Pericl. 30. 

iovai S" ex* *EXaf<nya e£ *AOj|vitfV flv ^AOtiyaioi koXov- 

9iv *0^ov 'l£pav, *AvOefioKpirov Ttmifirai fjLvfjfAa. Pausan. Attic. 
36, S. 

'Iffacoc i,v Tf vpoQ Kakvh&ya " rirt PaKayilov ro Tap* 'AyOe" 
/toKplrov dyiplayra" rovriari irpoc raic Opiaoiaic xvXaic. Har- 
pocrat. in ^AvOefi6KpiToc, 

* Plutarch. Syll. See below, p. 229, n. 1. 

' Kaff 01 Kepafi^c 

*£>' rocffi xvXaic icaiovtr alrroiv 
TdoTtpa^ Tkevpag^ \ay6yHQf xvy^v. 

Aristopb. Ran. 1125. 

''AxcOc, ^i/ffl, xpoc roy yavxiXripoy *£p/tiiirc/iov, ^ rd dm r&y Toi\uy 
ytypafifiiya iy rf Ktpa/xtiK^ dydyytadi, owov KarnmiXmvrai 

vfi&y rd SySfjMTa *£yil» dc kfufiyiifiriy 6ri xard roixov rxvoc 

cXcyc Karayeypd^dat Tovyofia iy KtpafieiKf' iirtfjLylfa oty 'Art^ 
jcaroffJCci^/iCKiyy* Ijt aXXo fiey oliey elptf tovto Si fUvoy cxcyc- 
ypafjifiiyoy liaiSyTiay exl rd Bs^id Tp6c Tf AcxvX^* McXcrra 
ftXei '£p/ior£/iov, Ka\ fiixpov a70tc vxoicaritf* 'O vavrXifpoc 
*EpfA6rifioc ^cXcI McXcrrav. Lucian. in dial. Meritr. Melittae et 

Kai r^ Kptdypff. rwy opxiiriibfy kXxoififiy ec KepafuiKoy, Ari- 
stoph. in Equit. v. 769. Ad quern locum Schol. Auo Si oi Kcpa- 


There is greater difficulty in ascertaining the exact Pe«»>c 
position of the Peindc gate. We have some reason 
to believe that this name, like that of Dipylum, was 
not commonly employed in the earlier ages of Athe- 
nian history. It is mentioned only by Plutarch, who 
describes it as '^ the gate at the heroum of Chalcodon, 
n€w called the Peiraic gate;" in like manner, he 
mentions ^^ the Thriasian gate, now called Dipylum.' 
As we cannot but presume that the Peiraic gate 
derived this name from having been the gate by which 
the asty, or lower Athens, was usually entered from 
Peirseeus^ we may infer that it stood nearly in a line 
from the head of the Peiraic harbour to the central 
part of the town ; and, as the Agora of the time of 
Plutarch was in the same situation as the modern 
bazar, that the intersection of the modern road with 
the line of the ancient walls cannot but give a near 
approximation to the position of the Peiraic gate. 
This intersection falls near an opening between the 
hill of Pnyx and another height to the north of it, 
which, at its south-eastern end, is separated only 
by a hollow from the north-western extremity of 
the Areiopagus. The remains of the city walls are 
still traceable along the crest of the hill of Pnyx, 
from whence they crossed the opening or hollow 
above mentioned, in a northern direction, towards 
the site of Dipylum. In the hollow between 

/tfijcol ^ XOi^vfjiviy^ 6 fiiy iMr iroXiktCt o ^c c^ctf, tvda koI tovq iv 
roXifiVf &c €v he T^ krip^ wpoetrHiKatriv at iropvai, 

KipafiuKol^ hvo TOiroi *A6//v?79iv' €y ^e rf erip^ eioTTiKatny at 
vipvat. Suidas in Kcpa/ieiico/. Hesych. in KtpafiiiK6c» 

Aif/iiao'c wvkaiQ oi he rac Kfpa/iciicac rvXac' irpoQ yap 

avrac ^oiiy ktnat^ai rac iropyac* Hesych. in ^rffjuatri. 



the hill of Pnyx and the height to the north of it» 
there is every appearance of a gate having existed ; 
here, therefore, we have at least a presumption for 
placing the Peiraic gate : though it may also have 
heen to the northward of the height above men- 
tioned, since it is evident, that, at the end of a road 
between four and five miles in length, the divergence 
of a few hundred yards was of no importance if the 
nature of the ground required it, for the sake of 
giving an easier approach to the gate, or a more 
eligible situation to the gate itself. 

Nor is the presumption less strong, that the gate 
at which Pausanias, without naming it, commences 
bis description of the city, was the Peiraic gate ; for he 
previously describes some remarkable objects on the 
road from Peirseeus : and the same presumption is con- 
firmed by his subsequent narrative, which shows that 
there was an interval, though not great, between the 
gate at which he enters the city and the Cerameicus. 
In these particulars, a gate on either side of the 
height northward of Pnyx would accord with his 
narrative, supposing the Stoa described by him on 
arriving in the Cerameicus to have been in its 
Spo/ioc, or main street. 

As different opinions, however, have, and probably 
will be formed as to the point at which the descrip- 
tion of Pausanias commences, I shall endeavour to 
show the difficulties attending the supposition of any 
other points than those just mentioned. It may be 
alleged : — ^first, that Pausanias may have conducted 
his reader into Athens by some other gat% ; for 
instance, by Dipyluni, as being the greatest and most 
illustrious of all the gates of Athens, and which, as 


it separated the outer from the inner Cerameicus, 
and hence wbs sometimes called the Ceramic gate, 
could not but have led directly into the Ceramic 
Agora : or, secondly, that the Peindc gate may not 
have been in the situation which I have supposed, 
but at the upper extremity of the interval between 
the Long Walls ; where, exactly in the direction of 
them, or rather, of a street midway between them, 
there is a remarkable opening between the hills 
Pnyx and Museium, still retaining vestiges of a gate, 
which terminated an ancient road, still traceable by 
wheel-tracks in the rock. 

But Dipylum could not have been the gate by 
which Pausanias conducts his reader into Athens, not 
because its position at the western extremity of the 
city, in the line of the Sacred Way, was too remote 
from the direct line between the Peirseeus and the 
middle of Athens ; for, as doubtless there were roads 
leading from the harbour to all the gates on that side 
of the city, the traveller would generally be deter- 
mined in the choice of the gate by which he should 
enter the city by his subsequent intentions : and 
hence we need not be surprised, that Lucian repre- 
sents some of the persons in his Dialogues as entering 
Athens at Dipylum, when coming from Peirseeus \ — 
that being the greatest and most frequented of the 
Athenian gates, and which led, by the main street of 
Cerameicus, to the Agora ' ; still less, that Attains 
should have entered at that gate, on the solemn 
occasion of his reception by the Athenians \ 

Dipylum could not have been the gate at which 

' Lucian, Navig. 17. ' Liv. 31, 24. ' Polyb. 16, 25. 

a 2 


Pausanias enters Athens : — 1. Because it led from 
the outer to the inner Cerameicus, the main street 
of which commenced at Dipjlum ; whereas there 
was an interval between the Cerameicus and the 
gate at which Pausanias begins his description ^ 
2. Because on the outside of this gate Pausanias 
notices a monument, bearing the figure of a soldier 
standing by a horse, the work of Praxiteles, with the 
remark, that he did not know for whom this figure 
was intended : whereas, on the outside of Dipjlum 
stood the tomb of Anthemocritus, as we know from 
other authorities, as well as from Pausanias himself ^ 
who describes that tomb as standing near the gate, 
by which, at the end of his description of Athens, he 
conducts his reader out of the city^ by the Sacred 
Way, to Eleusis ; thereby proving thai gate to have 
been Dipylum. 

Nor is it easy to conceive, on referring to the fol- 
lowing authorities, that the gate which stood in the 
opening between the heights of Museium and Pnyx 
could have been the Peiraic gate. Plutarch relates, 
on the authority of Sylla himself, that, " Sylla having 
been informed that the strength of the Heptachalcum 
had tempted the Athenians to be less careful in 
guarding the walls in that quarter than in any other, 
resolved, after having examined the place, to attempt 
an assault in that part of the inclosure. Making a 
breach, therefore, between the Sacred and Peiraic 
gates, he entered the city in the middle of the night, 
when so great was the slaughter in and around the 

' Attic. 2, 4. See above, p. 108—111. 
• Pausan. Attic. 2, 3. 36, 2. Plutarch. Pericl. 30. Harpocr. 
in ^AyOtfidicpiToq, 


Agora» that all the Cerameicus within Dipylum was 
filled with blood, which, according to many reports, 
even flowed through that gate into the suburb ^ 
Supposing the Sacred Gate, which is not named by 
any other author, to have been the same as Dipylum, 
one cannot imagine Plutarch to have described the 
breach as having been made between the Sacred and 
Peiraic gates, had the Peiraic been in the position 
between Pnyx and Museium ; for this point is more 
than one thousand yards in direct distance from the 
site of Dipylum; and there were two intermediate 
gates; whereas the words of Plutarch require, if 
not that the Sacred and Peiraic should have been 
neighbouring gates, at least that they should have 
been much nearer to each other than the dis- 
tance just mentioned. If, on the other hand, the 
Sacred gate was not the same as Dipylum, as the 
occurrence of the two names in the same passage of 
Plutarch may afford some argument for believing, we 
are under the necessity (on the same hypothesis as 
to the position of the Peiraic gate, in the opening 
between Museium and Pnyx) of supposing that the 
Sacred gate was at no great distance to the north or 
to the south of that opening ; and, consequently, that 
the breach was made either on the hill of Pnyx, or 
on that of the Museium : neither of which is recon- 

' '0 [2vXXac] S" ov Koreippoyrifftv, iiXX iireXdioy vvktoq Kai 

Btoffofuyoc TOY TOToy aXMffifioy, €i)(€To tov ipyov abroe ^c 

TO furaiv rfic UupaiKfjc irvXi}c f^oX r^c 'lepac KaraaKa\JMe koI avy- 
OfioXvyac T€pl fiiaac yvKTas io^XavFC ^pcicw^ijc • • • • dyev yap rHy 
cara rily aXXijv iroXcv iiyaipidiyTtay, 6 wepl ri^y hyopay <^6voq 
«Wff)j€ wayra Toy cvroc rov AcrvXov Kipa^nKdy' iroXXocc 5c Xiyirai 
Kai iia Tmy wvXmy KarwcKvtrai to vpoaarnoy, — Plutarch. Syll. 14« 


cileable with the fact of the breach having been made 
near the Heptachalcuin. Nor would a breach on 
the heights of M useium or Pnyx have conducted so 
directly into the Agora as that effected by Sylla 
appears to have done ; as the south-western quarter 
of the city, and the ridge composed of the two 
heights of Areiopagus and Acropolis, would have 
been interposed between the breach and the Agora 
of the time of Sylla ; which latter is shown to have 
been on the northern side of the Areiopagus, not 
only by arguments already stated, but also by the 
tradition related by Plutarch as to the blood having 
flowed through Dipylum into the exterior Cera- 
meicus: such a circumstance could not have hap- 
pened, or have been imagined, had the Agora been 
to the southward or westward of the Acropolis, the 
formation of the ground rendering it impossible. 
The same intervention of the heights is still more 
adverse to the supposition of the gate between 
Museium and Pnyx having been that by which Pau- 
sanias commences his description of Athens; since 
he expressly states, that a single portico led from 
this gate into the Cerameicus ; whence it is evident, 
that the distance could not have been great, nor 
interrupted by any such steep ascent as that which 
forms the connexion between the Acropolis and 

An opinion is not uncommonly entertained that 
the distinguished situation of the gate between 
Museium and Pnyx, and its position in an exact line 
drawn from the centre of the Peiraic peninsula to the 
Acropolis, are proofs of its having been the Peiraic 
gate : but we must remember, that this importance 


of situation prevailed only while the Long Walls sub- 
sisted : it was then indeed the entrance into the city 
irom the Longo-mural inclosure, and the termination 
of a great street, leading in a direct line from the 
maritime city to the Acropolis, which line may con- 
Teniently have been joined by routes from each of 
the harbours of Phalerum, Munychia, and Peirseeus ; 
but after the ruin and neglect of the Long Walls, 
which may be dated from the destruction of the 
maritime fortifications by Sylla, the Longo-mural 
street was probably abandoned, and the ground cul- 
tivated, as it is at present ; and although, doubtless, 
there was always an entratice into the southern parts 
of the city at the opening' between Museium and 
Pnyx, it was probably not on the ordinary route to 
the busy parts of the city from Peiraeeus, Zea, and 
Cantharus, the ports where the maritime commerce 
was then chiefly carried on, and from whence the 
most convenient road to the Agora led through a 
part of the plain harder and less liable to be marshy 
than where the Long Wails had stood. In short, 
when the Longo-mural inclosure was abandoned, the 
principal approaches to Athens from its harbours 
became probably such as they were found by Pausa- 
nias, and such as they have ever since continued to be. 
Pausanias describes two roads, one from Phalerum 
and the other from Peirseeus, each ending in a gate 
on the corresponding side of the city ; and he notices 
the Long Walls in connexion with the Peiraic road, 
after having described the road from Phalerum with- 
out any mention of them ; thereby showing that they 
were nearer to the Peiraic than to the Phaleric road, 
which exactly accords with the actual state of things, 


except that the modem road from Peirseeus has 
diverged a little to the right, for the sake of the solid 
causeway furnished by the foundations of the northern 
Long Wall itself We are justified, therefore, in 
the conjecture that the ordinary approaches from the 
harbours to the city assumed, in consequence of the 
destruction of the Longo-mural town, that direction 
which Pausanias has indicated, and which has con- 
tinued from his time to the present. As to the 
wheel-tracks in the rocks on the road which termi- 
nated the Longo-mural inclosure, there was sufficient 
traffic on that road, especially during the ages when 
the Long Walls subsisted, to account for these marks, 
which are not deeper or more numerous than those 
remaining upon ancient routes of much smaller traffic 
in many parts of Greece. 

Another argument against the supposition of the 
Peiraic gate having been that between Pnyx and 
Museium, may be derived from the passage in the 
Life of Theseus, where Plutarch introduces this name. 
An Athenian antiquary, named Cleidemus, describing 
the position of the Amazones, when they advanced 
against the city of Theseus, afterwards the Acropolis 
of Athens, stated, that their line extended from the 
Pnyx on the right to the Amazonium on the left ; 
the latter monument having evidently been to the 
north of the Areiopagus ; as .^chylus, by placing the 
Amazones on the Areiopagus \ shows that height to 
have been the centre of their position. The Athe- 
nians attacked the enemy's right from the Museium ; 
and the tombs of those who fell, still existed in the 

* Eumen. 682. 


time of Plutarch, ** in the street leading to the gate 
at the heronm of Chalcodon, then called the Peiraic 
gate^** The Athenians were then turned by the 
eoemj, and retreated as &r as the Eumenides (at the 
north-eastern extremity of the Areiopagus ^) ; but 
here receiving a reinforcement from the Palladium, 
Ardettus, and Lyceium ' ; that is to say, from the 
north-eastward, the right of the Amazones was again 
defeated, and they were forced to retreat to their 
camp. It seems clear, therefore, that the Peiraic 
gate was beyond the Pnyx, in proceeding from the 
Museium, — the Athenians having on that occasion 
been the assailants, and victorious. In their subse- 
quent retreat, they were driven almost to the walls 
of their fortress ; but when joined by the reinforce- 
ment, which marched by the northern side of that 
height, thej again resumed the offensive, once more 
overcame the right wing of the Amazones \ and 
obliged the whole body to retire to their camp, which 
we may suppose to have been situated beyond the 
site of the Asty, in some part of the plain. 

' T€p\ Ttfv irkareiay r^v ijtipovaav Ixl rag irvXag wapa ro XaXxw- 
JoiToc hpfo^f <^c yyy Qccpaocac oyofidZovtrt, — Plat. Thes. 27. 

' Pausan. Alt. 28, 6. See above, p. 160. 

' The Lyceium we have seen was on the outside of Diocharis, 
or the eastern gate. Ardettus was near the Panathenaic Stadium. 
Harpoc. in 'Ap^jfrrcic* 

* It has been supposed by Reiske (Plutarch. Op. I. p. 789), and 
by others, that the second ^i^ior in Plutarch is an error of the 
text for ehwyvftov ; that is to say, that the Athenians, when rein- 
forced, attacked the left of the Amazones, towards which their 
retreat had brought them : but the alteration is not necessary, nor 
it it of any great importance to the topographical question. 


The heroum of Chalcodon, at the Peiraic gate ', 
seems to accord with the sepulchral monument at 
the gate by which Pausanias enters Athens, and 
which he describes as bearing the figures of a horse 
and man, the work of Praxiteles ^. If we may judge 
by numerous monuments of later times, inscribed 
with the title vp^^y and bearing similar figures in 
relief, these were common accompaniments of heroic 
monuments. This apparent coincidence, therefore, 
favours the opinion, that Pausanias commences his 
description of the city at the Peiraic gate. 

Plato and Xenophon afford reasons for believing, 
that even during the existence of the Longo-muial 
inclosure, the ordinary route from the Peiraeeus to 
Athens passed to the northward of it. The former 
alludes to a person ascending from the Peirseeus to 
Athens, under the northern wall ' ; and Xenophon 
states, that the Peirseeus was approached by a carriage 

' Cbalcodon was the father of one of the wives of iBgeos. 
Athen. 13, 1 (4). Schol. Eurip. Med. 671. 

' Pausanias asserts (Att. 2, 3), that he was ignorant for whom 
the statue of the warrior was intended : but, as the Athenians had 
doubtless a name for it, this ignorance of Pausanias was affected, 
either because he did not agree with the i^tiytiral on this point, or 
because the statue had been inscribed with some modem name. 

' Ae6yTiOQ 6 *Ay\altavoc hviitv ek Ilfcpacwc vto to ^piioy rei^oc 
€KT6i, De Republ. 4, 14. There was probably a succession of 
sepulchral monuments on the outside of the northern wall, as in 
all other parts of the suburbs of Athens. Pausanias notices those 
of Menander and Euripides in the way from Peirseeus to Athena 
(Attic. 2, 2. See above, p. 108) ; that of the Augur of Thrasybulus 
appears to have been in the same route at the ford of the Cephis- 
sus (Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 4, § 19), and the epitaph on the tomb 
of Euphorion, which describes that monument as having been 



road, along which the troops of the Thirty marched \ 
when they proceeded from the city, against Thrasy- 
bulns, in the Peirseens. 

Many considerations lead, therefore, to the belief 
not only that Pausanias commenced his description 
of Athens at the Peiraic gate, but that this gate was 
in some part of the inclosure of the Asty between 
Pnyx and Dipylum. Some reasons may be alleged 
in favour of placing it, not in the pass at the northern 
end of the hill of Pnyx, but beyond the height, which 
is on the northern side of that pass : — 1. The passage 
of the ridge is here less steep than at the opening 
near Pnyx. 2. On this supposition, if the Sacred 
gate was the same as Dipylum, the wall broken down 
by Sylla in a single night was of an easier length. 
3. Here the route of Pausanias leads into a more 
central part of the inner Cerameicus, whereas the 
other position would have led to its south-eastern 
extremity. 4. The Pompeium would thus have 
been situated very conveniently for its purposes', 
near the great street of Cerameicus, through which 
the Panathenaic processions passed, soon after having 
entered the city at Dipylum. 

at the UttpaiKCL 9<ceXi|, leaves little question that it was similarly 
situated. Anthol. II. p. 43, Brunck. 

' ij^4»povv Kara n)F ec rov Ilecpaia *A/ia{irov hratpipoviray. 
Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 4. § 10. 

' Pans. Att. 2, 4. See above, p. 108. 


First Part of the Route of Pausanias through the 
City. — From the Stoa Basileius to Enneacrunus. 

The position of the gate at which Pausanias begins 
his description of Athens is an essential preliminary 
to the understanding of that description ; the author 
having left us to deduce the order of his narrative 
from the places mentioned by him, on the presumption 
that his readers could not be ignorant of the relative 
situation of those places. In endeavouring to follow 
him, it is essential not to lose sight of this circum- 
stance, or to forget that the topographical connexion 
of the historical and mythological remarks, which 
were his principal objects, is generally indicated with 
extreme conciseness, and sometimes entirely ne- 
glected ; and that it was a part of his plan to omit 
the notice of those things which he considered the 
least interesting. 

His description of Athens seems capable of the 
following arrangement. Entering the city at the 
gate which I have assumed to have been the Peiraic 
Gate, he passes by the Pompeium, and through a 
succession of Stose, adjacent to which was a gym- 
nasium and several temples of the gods, and joins, 
not far from the Stoa Basileius, the great Ceramic 
street, which led from Dipylum to the Agora and 


the Acropolis. His subsequent progress through the 
city may be divided into five parts. 1 . Departing 
from the Stoa Basileius, he proceeds by the Metroum 
and the Council-house of the Five Hundred to the 
TholuSy and from thence by the statues of the Epo- 
nymi to the temple of Mars, near which were the 
statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, on the ascent 
to the Acropolis. He then describes the Odeium, 
near the fountain Enneacrunus, together veith that 
fountain and some temples beyond it. 2. Resuming 
his position at the Stoa Basileius, he proceeds by the 
temples of Vulcan and of Venus Urania to the 
Pcecile, and terminates his description of various 
public buildings, in the part of the city northward of 
the Acropolis, at the Prytaneium. 3. He descends 
from the Prytaneium to the temple of Jupiter Olym* 
plus ; after which he notices the 6]rmnasia, and the 
suburbs, on the eastern side of the city, including 
the Stadium. 4. Beginning anew from the Pryta^ 
neiuro, he proceeds by the quarter of Tripodes to the 
temple and theatre of Bacchus, and ascends from 
thence to the Propylsea of the Acropolis. 5. Lastly, 
he describes the Acropolis, and having descended 
from thence to the Areiopagus, concludes with an 
account of the cemetery of the exterior Cerameicus, 
and the third of the great Athenian G]rmnasia with- 
out the walls, namely, the Academy. 

The great difficulty in this arrangement, and which 
has been the principal cause of the doubts thrown 
upon the truth of the positions assigned in the pre- 
ceding pages to Enneacrunus and the Peiraic gate, is 
the want of continuity in the succession of objects 
in the first division of the narrative of Pausanias : 


sioce» if those positions are correct, he ha^ without 
the smallest notice, made a leap of half the breadth 
of the city ; namely, from the statues of Harmodius 
and Aristogeiton, near the western end of the Acro- 
polis, to the Odeium near the Ilissus. This is the 
principal, and almost the only material, difficulty in 
the description of Athens by Pausanias. 

Of any city whatever it would be difficult to com- 
plete a circuitous description, so as to comprise all 
the principal objects, without reverting for a new 
departure to some points before mentioned. This 
Pausanias has only done twice : the first time by re- 
turning to the Stoa Basileius ; the second time, to the 
Prytaneium. The latter was rendered necessary by 
the Prytaneium having been the point at which the 
route into the lower parts of the city (cc ret icaro» 
Trig iroXecuc)* where the author describes in succes- 
sion the sanctuaries of Sarapis, of Lucina, of Jupiter 
Olympius, of Apollo Pythius, of Apollo Delphinius, 
and the eastern suburbs — separated from the route 
conducting by the street of Tripodes, the Diony- 
siac theatre, and the southern slope of the Acro- 
polis, to the Propylsea. A return to the Stoa Ba- 
sileius might apparently have been avoided, if he 
had deferred his mention of the places near Enne- 
acrunus until he had arrived at the Olympieium ; 
and if he had deferred his notice of the monuments 
on the descent from the Acropolis, and around the 
Areiopagus, until he had described the Acropolis. 
But a double motive may have influenced Pausanias 
in proceeding at once from his notice of the statues 
of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, which were on the 
ascent to the Acropolis, to that of the Odeium, near 


Enneacrunus. He had found nothing in the quarter 
to the south-westward of the Acropolis, which ap- 
peared worthy of introduction into his work, as 
he has shown by having mentioned the Museium, 
which bounded that portion of the Asty incidentally 
only, when describing the Acropolis, and in reference 
to its having been fortified by Demetrius Poliorcetes *. 
Thus circumstanced, he was desirous apparently of 
bringing, as much as possible, into juxtaposition the 
principal historical observations which occupy five- 
sixths of the pages devoted by him to Athens. It 
is observable, in particular, that from the fifth chap- 
ter, in which he describes the statues of the Eponyrai, 
and notices the three new Athenian tribes, Attalis, 
Ptolemais, and Adrianis, as iar as the fourteenth 
chapter, his narrative relates almost entirely to the 
successors of Alexander the Great, whose history he 
introduces by the remark, that he had undertaken it, 
because it was defective in consequence of its an- 
tiquity, and the want of contemporary authorities. 
In the eighth chapter indeed he interrupts this his- 
torical narrative, in order to notice some monuments 
situated between the statues of the Eponymi, and 
those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton ; but he resumes 
it alter a single page, in reference to the statues be- 
fore the Odeium near Enneacrunus, and it seems to 
have been for the sake of those statues that his notice 
of the Odeium is so abruptly introduced. Those figures 

' In describing the Museium as within the old inclosure of the 
auty (cKToc Tov xtpifioXov tov kp^aiov^ see above, p. 166, n. 2), 
Paosanias may have alluded to the general ruin of the walls, and 
the abandonment of all that part of the site, in his time. The 
word apxaioc may, however, be differently interpreted, as I shall 
notice hereafter. 


represented the three Ptolemies, sumamed Soter, 
Philadelphus, and Philometor ; an Arsinoe and a 
Berenice ; Philip of Macedonia, his son Alexander, 
Lysimachus, and Pjrrhus ; concerning all which per- 
sons he had more or less to relate : so that it is aot 
until the end of the five subsequent chapters that he 
proceeds with the description of the Odeium, which 
is then dispatched in a single line, and Enneacrunus 
in three or four. 

On considering these circumstances, as well as the 
general character of the work of Pausanias, and the 
existence in his time of accurate descriptions of 
Athens, it seems no longer unaccountable, that he 
should have followed an order of narrative which 
might be made topographically more consecutive ; or 
rather, perhaps, it would be difficult to devise a 
better, consistently with the objects which he had in 

As Pausanias, after arriving at the Stoa Basileins, 
follows two directions from thence ; one by the 
Metroum and temple of Mars to the statues of 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, which were on the 
ascent to the Acropolis ; the other by the Agora of 
his own time to the Prytaneium and Olympieium, 
the continuation of both these routes terminating at 
the Uissus, it is a fair presumption that his object 
was to convey the reader, first, through the part of 
the city on the southern side of the Areiopagus and 
Acropolis, and afterwards through the opposite divi- 
sion on the northern side of the same heights. A 
point opposite to the north-western extremity of the 
Areiopagus is the natural separation of two such 
routes ; and such a point will be found to agree with 
the position of the Stoa Basileius, resulting from its 


having been to the right of a person who had en«> 
tered the city at the Peiraic gate, and had followed 
a street leading into the great Ceramic street, in or 
near which the Stoa Basileius was situated on the 
right hand. 

It remains to be seen whether such a presumption 
is supported by any circumstances illustrative of the 
position of the several objects which occur in the 
course of the narrative of Pausanias ; and, first, as to 
those which he notices between the Stoa Basileius and 
the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These 
statues, as we have before seen, stood on that part of 
the ascent to the Acropolis which was immediately 
below the temples of Victory and of Venus Pandemus. 
Of these temples, the former lay to the right of the 
entrance into the Propyleea ; the latter was imme- 
diately below the temple of Victory ; for it was in the 
road from the Dionysiac theatre to the Propyl«ea K 
The statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, therefore, 
were towards the southern side of the ridge which 
connects the Acropolis with the Areiopagus ; which 
may explain why Pausanias, although, when noticing 
those statues, he was not fax from the court of Areio- 
pagus and the temple of the Euraenides, defers his 
mention of these two objects until he issues from the 
Acropolis, they having been at the north-eastern 
extremity of the hill of Mars. 

Again, the Stoa Eleutherius, which Pausanias de« 
scribes as " behind {omadev) V tind Harpocration as 

' Pausan. Attic. 22. See above, p. 215. 221, n. 4. 
' Attic. 3, 2. See above, p. 112. 



** parallel to'' the Stoa Basileius \ appears from 
Diogenes Laertius to have been not far from the 
Pompeium ', which was near the gate at which 
Pausanias entered Athens from the south-westward '. 
The Stoa Eleutherius, therefore, was to the west- 
ward of the Stoa Basileius, or nearer to the town- 
wall; and hence it appears that one end of the 
line of objects described by Pausanias in the first 
division of his route, was to the westward of the 
main Ceramic street, and the other to the southward 
of the entrance into the Acropolis. We may 
fairly infer, therefore, that the several objects which 
Pausanias notices between the Stoa Eleutherius, and 
the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, namely, 
the temple of Apollo Patrons, the Metroum, the 
Buleuterium or Council-house of the Five Hundred, 
the Tholus, the Eponymi, and the temple of Mars, 
were all on the western and southern sides of the 
hill of Areiopagus. And such a situation for these 
monuments is in perfect conformity with their anti- 
quity, origin, and uses, and particularly as it places 
them near the Areiopagus and Pnyx ; the one the 

' Avo fccrc aroal trap' aXX^Xac' H re tov 'EKevdtpiov Aioc koI if 
BaalXeiOQ, Harpocrat. in Bao^. 2r. 

The same relative position of the two Stose is implied in the 
speech of Praxagora in the Ecclesiazuzse already referred to : 
Kac KTipvikf Tovg lie rov Bfjr* eirc rilv Srociiy iLKoKovdeiy 
T^v Ba^^Xciov ieifTvriffovTaQ. to ^e Qfjr* €C rriy wapa ravrify. 

Eccl. 680. 
' Kol rove *Adriyaiovc tifkatrKe (Diogenes Cynicas so.) hiKvvc ri^y 
Tov Aioc fnody koi Hoinrtioy^ avrf KariaKtvaxiyai ivhiairaoBai, 
Diogen. Laert. 6, 22. 

' Attic. 2, 4. See above, p. 108. 


earliest court of justice, the other the most ancient 
place of public assembly : for the temple of Apollo, 
the Metroum, the Buleuterium, and the Tholus, 
were all public offices and places of registration, and 
hence were called the Archives (ra ap^cca) \ 

It seems to have been with reference to the situ- 
ation of the Council-house in the valley, below the 
hill of Mars, that the council of Areiopagus was the 
WW /3ovXn, in the same manner as the court was 
named the ivavu Siicacrrnpcov, as contrasted in situ, 
ation with another court, the Helisa, which was its 
rival in importance, and was situated on lower 
ground'. And for a similar reason, perhaps, the 
people when assembled in the Pnyx, was said to be 
sitting aloft '. 

Of the successive objects, described by Pausanias, 
between the Stoa Eleutherius and the statues of 

' See several of the authorities cited, p. 11 3, n. 5. p. 114, n. 1. 
5. p. 1 15, n. 3. 4. In the Rhetorical Lexicon, ap. Bekker. Anecd. 
Crr. I. p. 264, the Tholus is described as r&iroc tiq iv toic &px^ioiQ. 

We may even include among the apxtia, the statues of 
the Eponymi ; for here, before the time of Solon, the archon 
Eponymus held his court (Suid. in "Apx^y), probably in the 
open air; and, according to a regulation of that legislator, those 
intending to propose laws, suspended their bills at the Eponymi. 
Demosth. c. Timocr. p« 705, Reiske. Suid., Phot. Lex. in 

' 'Eiravw iucaeriipiov Kai tnroicarw* iiravta fiev ^iKaarifpiop to ly 
*Apci^ '*'€Ly^f itrrt yap iv v'tj/ri\^ Xo^y* kclt^ Be to ev icocXy Ttvl 
Tor^. Lex. ap. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 253. The lower 
appears from Didymus (ap. Harpocrat., in 6 Kariadey v6/wq) to 
have been the Heliaea. 

' Dae 6 BijfioQ &ykf fcoOiyro. Demosth. pro Cor. p. 285, 

r6y liifioy KaBiffieyoy &ybt, Plutarch. Nic. 7. 

R 2 


Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the Metroum alone 
is not stated to have been near that which pre- 
cedes it in his narrative, namely, the temple 
of Apollo. On the other hand, as both he and 
Demosthenes show that the Metronm was near 
the Council-house, between which and the statues of 
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the successive objects 
are described by Pausanias as near to one another, it 
is probable that all these were in the hollow between 
the Propylsea and the southern side of the Areiopagus, 
and that there was a considerable distance between 
the temple of Apollo Patrous and the Metroum ^ 
The exact situation of the Metroum may be in some 
degree inferred from Arrian, who states its situation 
relatively to the statues of Harmodius and Aristo- 
geiton, which he describes as situated at the ascent 
of the Acropolis opposite to the Metroum. Thus 
it appears that as the court of Areiopagus and the 
temple of Eumenides were opposite to the grotto of 
Pan and the north-western angle of the Propylaea -, 
the Metroum was opposite to the temples of Victory 
and Venus, and consequently to the southward of 
the covrt of Areiopagus, and probably in an elevated 
situation, so that the statues of Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton, facing the westward, looked over seve- 
ral intermediate monuments, situated in the hollow 
between the Acropolis and hill of Mars, and directly 
upon the Metroum. 

About the centre of the hollow between the 

* The connexion of these two buildings in the narrative, instead 
of being local as in the other instances, consists in the similarity 
of the words Patrous and Metroum. See above, p. 113. 

' Attic. 28, 4. See above, p. 159, 165. 


heights of Acropolis and Areiopagus, we may place 
the altar of the Twelve Gods; for although Pau- 
sanias does not mention this altar, we know that 
it was near the statue of Demosthenes ^ and the 
latter according to Pausanias was near the tem- 
ple of Mars. Such a position in the centre of the 
mpst ancient Agora, seems well adapted as well to 
the use and purposes of that renowned altar, as to 
the fact that it was employed as the point from 
whence distances were measured ^. Near it was the 
Perischoenisma, a flexible inclosure, noted as being 
the place where votes of Exostracism were taken * ; 
and adjacent to the statues of Harmodius and Aris- 
togeiton was an orchestra or platform for dancing, 
such as were used before the invention of the 
theatre *. 

Of the Odeium, which according to Pausanias Ancient 

' . ° Odeium 

stood near Enneacrunus, not a vestige now remains ; 
but a few remarks concerning it may assist in eluci- 
dating the topography of Athens. It is evident that 

^ Vit. X. Rliet. in Demosth. See above, p. 116, n. 4. 

' Herodotus (2, 7) mentions the distance from this altar to the 
temple of Jupiter at Olympia ; and a tetrastich inscription, 
unfortunately imperfect, reported by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 53. 
Boeckh C. Ins. 6r. No. 525), had recorded the number of stades 
from this point to the Peiraseus : most probably forty-three. 

* See above, p. 1 62, n. 6. 

* *Op\iiirrpa : irpwTOv eKXridri kv rrj ayop^' cira koi rov dtcLTpov 
TO Karta itfiiKvicXoyf ov Kai ol \opoi ^Boy koI dfp')(ovyTo, Phot. Lex. 
in V. 'Op\ri<rrpa' to tov SeaTpov fiiaov •)(jupiov icai rcJ;roc innpavriQ 
tic iraviiyvpiVj c v0a 'ApfioBlou koI * ApioToytiTovoQ ciicovec. Timaei 
Lex. Platon. in v. The three kinds of dance were called irvppixn 
the military, alKivriQ the sacred, and KophaKitrfxoQ the comic. 
Etym. M. in opxii^Tai, 


this Odeium is not to be confounded with the 
Odeium constructed by Pericles, with a pointed 
roof, resembling the pavilion of Xerxes, that edi- 
fice having been adjacent to the Dionysiac theatre ^ 
It seems equally clear that the Odeium, near Ennea- 
crunus was the elder of the two, and that when the 
improved building of Pericles had superseded it aa a 
place for recitation and music ^ it was made subservient 
to those various uses of a different kind, with which 
its name is connected in many of the ancient 
authors. In particular, it appears to have been 
employed as one of the places for depositing and 
measuring grain and meal belonging to the state, 
and for the hearing of causes before the Sitophylaces 
and Metronomi '. 

The elder Odeium was prior in date to the Dio- 
nysiac theatre, which was founded about the year 
500 B.C., when the inventive genius of iE^hylus and 
Agatharcus was rapidly bringing the drama to per- 

' See above, p. 138. 

^ Plutarch speaking of the new Odeium built by Pericles, and 
the musical contest which he established there in the Panathensea, 
adds, edeHyro Be ical t6t€ xai rov aWov yp6vov kv 'Oi^eiy ro^c 
fjutuffiKovQ ayAvaQ. Peric. 13. 

' 01 fttv iifi&y ovTTip *'Ap\wy' ol de irapa rove "EyBiKa (i.e. in. 

0( ^ ey 'Q^ceif BiKal^ova. Arlstoph. Vesp. 1103. 

Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 918, Reiske. c. Neaer. p. 1362. c. 
Leptin. p. 467. Lys. tcara rHy ^irowtAuy p. 717. Aristot. 
ap. Harpoc. in Mcrporofioi, Siro^vXaicec. Suid. in *Oi^ecoy. Har- 
poc, Phot. Lex., in Merp. Sir. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 278, 
300. There appear to have been ten of each of these officers in 
the city, and five in Peirseeus. See Boeckh*s Public (Economy 
of Athens, I. p. 67, 113. 


fection ', and when a &tal accident, caused perhaps 
by the excessive numbers who flocked to see the 
splendid novelties of the scene, destroyed the wooden 
structure which had before served for a place of spec- 
tacle, and suggested to the Athenians the necessity 
of some construction more solid and more worthy 
of the improved drama ^. The upper part of the 
Dionysiac inclosure was chosen for this purpose, 
probably on the same site, which had been occupied 
by the ''Ixpia or wooden construction '. The Odeium 

' primam Agatharchus Athenis, ^schylo docente tragcediam, 
soenam fecit, et de ea commentarium reliquit« £x eo moniti 
Democritus et Anaxagoras de eadem te scripseront, quemadtno- 
dum oporteat ad aciem oculorum radiorumque extensionem, 
certo loco centra constituto, ad lineas ration e ^natural! respon- 
dere, uti de incerta re certae imagines aedificiorum in scenarum 
picturis redderent speciem, et quae in directis planisque frontibus 
sint figaiata, alia abscedentia, alia prominentia esse videantur. 
Vitruv. 7. in pref. 

' This accident happened, according to Suidas (in UpartVac), 
in the 70th Olympiad, during the representation of a piece by 
Pratinas : kiri^eiKWfiivov ^e rovroVf (mvifiri ra iKptat li^ iv 
^trHiKioav ol BtaraX^ Trtativ^ koX Ik tovtov to Oiarpov fKoBofiridq 

*lKp/a . , . a^' Jv tOtuyro, wpo rov er Aiovvorov diarpoy yevioQai, 
Hesych. in v. See the same in Photius, who adds erroneously 
iv ry iiyopf. 

Pratinas, according to Suidas, was of Phlius, contended in 
tragedy with ^schylus and Chcerilus, and was the first to write 
satires. Many persons are said to have been killed on this 

' This construction was perhaps a contrivance for giving, 
by means of wooden benches, a semicircular continuity to the 
natural form of that part of the hill which afterwards, by means 
of excavations in the rocks, formed the middle part of the 



had before this time been employed us the place 
where the rhapsodi and musicians exercised their 
art \ The name alone, derived from ySiJ, a song, im- 
plies a priority of date to the Oiarpovj or place of 
spectacle, as, in the dramatic art, song and mono- 
logical recitation preceded dialogue and scenery. The 
combination of all these, in the form of the regular 
drama, caused the invention of the theatre, the de- 
sign and construction of virhich was a natural improve- 
ment upon the Odeium, which itself had been an 
improvement upon the simplest form of a place 
of public assembly, as exemplified in the Pnyx*. 
The theatre had the advantage of containing the 
greatest possible number in the smallest space, and 
at the shortest possible distance of each person from 
the stage : and being open to the sky, it had not 
any of those interruptions to the eye or ear which, 
in every Odeium of large dimensions, were opposed 
by the columns supporting the roof or galleries ^. 

* roTTOc iffTi dtarfyotiBriQf €v fT tibtOatri irouf/iara airayycXXcty, 
vpiy Trie etc Td diarpov aVayycXiac* Schol. Aristoph. Veap. 1104. 
Towoci kv ^ xpfv TO diarpoy KaTaffictvatrOijyaif oi ^i//^^oi Kal oi 
Kidap^Boi ijytavlioyTO. iHesych. in 'Qihloy, See above, p. 246, 
n. 2. 

' We find the Odeium described as a sort of theatre, iSonrep 
Biarpov (Suidas in v.), or as resembling the thymele of a 
theatre (Odeium pars quaedam theatri, quae nunc thymele vocatur, 
Alexand. Aphrod. in Metaph. 3, ex vers. J. Grenesii), which 
suggests exactly the idea of the pit of a modern theatre, and 
seems to show that the original Odeium was constructed nearly 
on the same plan as the Pnyx, but on a smaller scale, and 
covered with a roof. 

' Odeia appear to have been generally remarked for their 
numerous columns, notroi tlart Kioreg rov *Cliiiiov, Theophr. 


Other cities of Greece soon followed the example 
of Athens in the construction of Odeia and Theatres, 
and these words were in process of time universally 
apphed, Biarpov to the open semicircular edifice, 
commonly constructed on the side of a hill, which 
each city possessed for its larger assemblies of every 
kind, and y'Saov to a smaller roofed building of the 
same kind, chiefly destined to music, but, like the 
theatre, often employed also for meetings upon public 
affairs. At length there was scarcely a town, how- 
ever small, in any of the countries in which Grecian 
civilization prevailed, that did not possess a theatre, 
while all the larger cities had two or three. Hundreds 
of these, more or less preserved, still attest in all the 
Greek or Roman countries of Europe, Asia, and 
Africa, the obligations of the ancient world to the 
Athenians for these inventions. 

In passing immediately from the mention of En- 
ueacrunus to that of the temple of Demeter and 
Core, with the simple remark that the temple was 
beyond the fountain (vTrcp r^v icpiviiv)^ Pausanias 
has left us to discover that the Ilissus flowed between 
them. Of this there can be no question, for we 

Caract. 3. The Odeium of Pericles was woXveipoy koi voXvtnvXoy, 
Plutarch Pericl. 13. Diodorus (1, 48) describes the tomb of 
Osymandyas as supported by columns and built like an Odeium, 
olcov inr^orvXoy, ^^liov rpdiroy Karecricevaafiiyoy, The numerous 
seats and columns, in the tent-shaped building of Pericles, leave 
little or no doubt that in this improved Odeium there was, as in 
that of Herodes and others, a rising succession of seats, like those 
of a theatre, and a gallery, as well as a roof, supported by 
* See above, p. 119. 


know that the lesser Eleusinian mysteries were 
celebmted in Agrse, and were hence called ra Iv 

''Aypacc, or ra ev Aypoc» Or ra ?rpoc*'A'ypav ^ : that Agrss 

was a suburb of Athens, to the left of the Ilissus ^ 
the water of which was employed in the sacred lus- 
trations of those mysteries ', and that there was a 
sanctuary of Ceres in Agree *, near the river. It 
can scarcely be doubted, therefore, that the temple 
of that deity near Enneacrunus was the scene of 
the mysteries, and it becomes highly probable that 
some foundations, which were observed by Stuart 
on the left bank of the river nearly opposite to 
Enneacrunus, were those of the temple of Ceres 
in Agree. 
Tri°to?e^^ The words of Pausanias seem equally to show that 
™u«' the temple of Triptolemus was that beautiful little 
Ionic building which, in the time of Stuart, formed a 
church, called that of Panaghia on the Bock {Uavayia 
arrtv TrcVpav), but which has now totally disappeared, 
and has been preserved only from oblivion by the 
drawings of his Antiquities of Athens '. 

* Platarcb. Demetr. 26. Cleiderous in "Aypoi ap. Bekker. 
Anecd. Gr. I. p. 326. Dionys. Perieg. 424. Himer. ap. Phot. 
Myriobibl. p. 1 1 19. Stephan. in "Aypai. Eustath. ad II. B. S52. 

' Plato Phaedr. 6. Pausan. Att. 19, 6. 7. 
/ xiapioy ..... rfJQ 'Arrcic^c '^po r^c irciXc&ic* Stephan. 1. 1. 

i" . * Tavra fier dri ovviQtvro irapa tov 'l)i(r(rov, oi tov KaSapftoy 

TiXovtrirdic cXarroffi /ivoriypiotc* Polyaen. Strateg. 5, 17* Himer. 
Orat. 3, p. 432, Werasdoif. 

^ A^/Lii/rpoc Itpoy t^ta rijc toXewc irpoc Tf *l\nr<rf. Said, in 
"Aypa. V. et Hesych. in "Aypat. Phavorin., Etym. M. in 
" Aypa. 

* I. 2. It was an amphiprostyle forty-two feet long, and 
twenty broad, on the upper step of the stylobate. There were 



AsPausanias, having first spoken of theEleusinium, Temple of 
and then described the temple of Triptolemus, places ^^^^^^ 
that of Eucleia " still further (in aTrcurlpw),*' in the 
same direction ^ we may infer that it was near the left 
bank of the Ilissus, to the south-west of the site of the 
church of Panaghia on the rock, probably at the 
church of Aghia Marina, which stands a little to the 
left of the place where the modem road from Athens 
to Sunium crosses the Ilissus ; for both Wheler and 
Stuart considered this church to have been the site of 
an ancient building K 

four columns at either end, one foot nine inches in diameter ahove 
the spreading basis. Those at the eastern end stood before a 
pronaos of ten feet in depth, leading by a door seven feet wide 
into a ofiKoc of fifteen and a half feet ; the breadth of both twelve 

* See above, p. 119. 

' Wheler's Traveb, p. 379. Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, III. v. 


Second Part of the Route of Pamanias — From the 
Stoa BasUeitis to the Piytaneiiim. 

After having finished the first branch of his tour 

through Athens, and resumed his original situation 

at the Stoa Basileius, Pausanias proceeds to describe 

the parts of the city to the northward of the ridges 

of Areiopagus and Acropolis '. 

Heph«»- The first building which he encounters beyond the 

Tem™ie of Stoa Basileius, and beyond the limits of the Cera- 

UranU Dieicus, is the Hephaesteium, or temple of Vulcan and 

Astic Gate. Miucrva, near which was that of Venus Urania. 


He then proceeds to the Stoa Poecile, and states 
that, in approaching it, there was a gate surmounted 
by a trophy. He then describes the Poecile, notices 
a few objects in the Agora, and shows that the 
Gymnasium of Ptolemy was not far from the Agora, 
and that the Theseium was near that gymna- 
sium. He then describes the Anaceium, or temple 
of the Dioscuri ; the Agraulium, which was above 
that temple, and the Prytaneium, which was near the 

Of these places the Theseium alone remains to 
give evidence of its position ; but as the Agraulium 

' See above, p. 119—126. 


was ill some part of the rocks of the Acropolis, there 
remains only in this part of the narrative of Pausa- 
nias a want of local connexion between the Pcecile 
and the new Agora. But the Pcecile was in one of 
the most illustrious parts of the Agora of the middle 
period of Greek history ; as the incidental mention 
of it by ancient writers ' demonstrates, as well as the 
position of the Hermes Agorseus at the Astic Gate, 
which was near the Poecile *. Pausanias therefore, it 
is evident, referred to the Agora of the Augustan 
and subsequent ages ; which, doubtless, occupied 
ground contiguous to the eastern part of the prior 
Agora, and probably even comprehended that extre- 
mity of it. Both from this consideration therefore, 
and from the natural import of the narrative of 
Pausanias, we may confidently assume that the 
Poecile was not far distant from the portico of 
Augustus, westward. 

We learn from an Athenian antiquary that the Hennae. 
street called the Hermae conducted from the Stoa 
Basileius to the Poecile '. This celebrated and cen- 

' Particularly ^schines: — 7rpoai\6eT€ ovy r^ ^lapoltf. koI etc 
r^v 2roay rrfv UoiKiXrip' anatTiav yap w/iiv rdv Kakdy ipyiav rd 
vvofiyfifiara iy r^ hyop§. ai'titfcirai. c. Ctesiph. p. 575, Reiske. 
The statae of Solon, which Pausanias describes to have been 
before the Pcecile, is placed by Demosthenes (c. Aristog. 2) and 
by iEIian (Var. Hist. 8, 16) in the Agora. 

' See above, p. 121, where note 2 will explain the reason of 
my having ventured to give the name of Astic Gate to this itvWq 

* *Afo yrfp r^c IloiiftXiyc Koi r^c tov BaviXcbic (rroaQ tlaXy ol 
*Epfuu KoXovfuyoi, Mnesicles sive Callistratus ap. Harpocrat., 
ap. Phot. Lex. in '£f>/iai. 

From Harpocration, on the authority of Antiphon (c. Nicoclea) 
it appears that the Stoa of the Thracians was in this street. 

254 HESMJE. [sect. t. 

tral part of the Agora, therefore, which received its 
Dame from a great number of Hermse, dedicated 
by persons both in public and private stations \ seems 
to have been a continuation of the great Ceramic 
street leading through the Agora by the Poecile to 
the portal of the new Agora; and thus we trace 
exactly the route of philosophy, in her way from the 
Academy to the Pcecile, that is to say, from the 
platonic philosophers to the stoics, as imagined by 
Lucian '. 

There must have been still, however, a third street, 
leading directly from near the Stoa Basileius to the 
northern side of the ascent to the Propylaea ; and it 

' vw6 i^itaruy Koi iipf^ovTUfy, Harpocr. in 'Ep/nai. Among 
them were the 'Iinrdp^cioi 'Ep/iac, so called as having been dedi- 
cated by Hipparchus, son of Peisistratus. They were inscribed 
with moral sentences in verse, eXeycia <£ wv IficXXov {ieXrlav^ oi 
avayivbKTKovTtc yiyeadai. Hesych. in*Iir}rdpxc^c*£p^9c« Plato 
(Hipparch. 4) alludes to them as being in the middle of the city 
{Iv ixitria rov "Aorcoc), and adds that Hipparchus placed similar 
monuments in the Demi. He has left us the inscriptions on two 
of them, 

Myjjfia t6S* 'Iwirdp^ov' tml\t ^cicata t^poyQv. 
Myijfjia roS* 'Iinrdp^ov* /li^ i^iXoy c^airdra* 

Three-headed Mercuries were common at the meeting of three 
ways, where they were inscribed as posts of direction. There 
appears to have been one of these in the street of the Mercuries 
at a branch called the 'Earia oh6c : it was dedicated by Patro* 
cleides, the lover of Hipparchus, and was therefore, it may be 
supposed, near the Hipparcheian Hermse. Harpocrat., Suid. in 
Tpuc£0aXoc o 'Epfifjc MiKpoy S' &yw rov TpiK€^6Xov irapd ri^y 
'Etn-lay My. Isaeus, ibid. 

' syravOa yap iy Yupafieuc^ virofAiyovfiiy ahriiy' (Philosophiam) 
fi ^€ Ij^ri TTov d^/^Erai, lirayiovera c£ 'Ana^ijfilaQ ufc vepurariitnu ical 
cv r^ IIouc/Xi}, TovTO ycjp otrijfjiipai edoe vouiv avrj, Lucian. 
Piscator. 13. 

SECT, v.] HERHiE. 255 

was probably in this direction, and not in the street 
of the Hennse, that stood the Hephsesteium and the 
Aphrodisium. For the Hephsesteium was near the 
Colonus Agoraeus \ and a street, branching from the 
Ceramic street, near the supposed site of the Stoa 
Basileius, in the direction of the northern ascent to 
the Acropolis, would pass just below the northern 
projection of the Areiopagus ; a height correspond- 
ing, both in nature and position, with that Colonus 
Agoraeus on which Meton placed his new astro- 
nomical instrument for the public use ', and which, 
in consequence of its elevation and central position, 
became also a customary place of hire for labourers \ 
whence it received the epithet of MiirScoc as well as 
that of 'Ayopacoc. It is stated also that the Colonus 
Agorseus was behind the Macra Stoa ^ ; whence it 
becomes probable that the Macra Stoa conducted 
from the Stoa Basileius to the ascent of the Acro- 

' ^vo yap ovTiav t&v KoXwvaiV) 6 /xc^'Imreioc cicoXccro, ov jii-^ 
/inyrac So^cX^Ci ct^C Oc^/iro^c £<C nvrov Karatpvyovroc' o S* liy 
iy *Ayop9 irapd ro "EhpvffaKuov, ov avinjtaav ol fiitrBapvovyreQ. 
J. Poll. 7, 132. 

rove fiioBwTovc KoXfaviTOQ iavofial^ov^ circi^i) napd r^ KoXatyf 
iivriiKewayt oc iori irXij<riov rife 'Ayopfic, evOa to *H<palaTtioy 
Kol TO Eifjpvo'aicccoy eori' cicaXEfro he 6 KoXiavog wto^ *AyopaIoc. 
Harpocrat. in KoXbiWrac. 

* See above, p. 219. 

' *0\l/ J[X0£Ci ^X' ic Tov KoXwvoy "utro, *Eirt tuv ftitrOwTCiy tXiyoy 
rove yap cv* rd tpyoy tXOoirac o^i dwiXvov irdXiv kir\ Td fiioBiarii' 
ptov* t6 he Jjy ky KoXwi'^. Hesych. in *0;p* }XOcc» KoXwyog, 
J. Poll. 1. 1. 

The same height seems to be alluded to in the Andria of 
Terence, 2, 2. v. 19. 

* KoXftfvoc efrriy 6 erepa 6 McirOcoc XiydfievoQ' ovTta fiipoQ ti vvy 
9vnfiic yiyovt KoXofi^oy KaXeiy to otriaOei' r$c Maicpdc ffroac* 
Schol. Aristoph. Av. 998. 

256 HERMiE. [sect. V. 

polls on the northern side, forming a street in or near 
which the temples of Vulcan and of Venus Urania 
were situated. To the supposition that these two 
buildings may have stood more directly between the 
Stoa Basileius and the Poecile, the objection occurs 
that this almost inevitably identifies the Macra Stoa 
with the street of the Hermse^ which can hardly be 
conceived: nor is there any height near this line 
which would in that case correspond to the Colonus 
Agorgeus. If the preceding conjectures on the plan 
of this part of Athens are correct, it would appear 
that the Ceramic dromus had a triple separation at 
or near the Stoa Basileius ; one conducting to the 
PcBcile and New Agora, the middle street leading 
to the northern ascent to the Acropolis, and the 
third along the southern side of the hill of Mars to 
the ascent of the Acropolis on the southern side. 
The point of separation was probably the Triodus of 
the Cerameicus, at which stood the Hermes of four 
heads, made by Telesarchides * ; the fourth head was 
probably directed towards Dipylum, which street was 
very naturally not taken into consideration in the name 
Triodus, although there was, in fact, at or near the point 
of separation a meeting of four streets. It follows, 
from the supposed positions of the Poecile and temple 
of Venus Urania, that the Pylon asticus, or gate at 

' rcrpafce^aXoc '£p/i^c • • . • cv rj rpio^f rj Kepa/AeiK^ i^pvro. 
Ilesych. in 'RpfifjQ Tpiici^aXoc. 

'£p/i^c TcrpaKc^Xoc* c*' Kcpa/ictic^ TtXetrapxiiov cpyoF. Phot. 
Lex. in v. 

The following was the inscription upon it : 

*Bipfifi TcrpaccY^^Xf, icaXdv Te\£<rafy)^iiov cpyov, 
Ilai^ opdaQ. 

Eustath. in II. O. 334. 



which Stood the famous Hermes Agorseus, was on 
the south-western side of the Pcecile ^ 
Westward of the irate of the New Affora and of Gymn*. 

° ° Slum 

the Corinthian colonnade which lies to the north of Ptoie- 
it, and between those two ruins and the temple of 
Theseus, are remains of several large buildings. Some 
courses of the walls are extant in two places, but their 
plan among the modem structures which encumber 
the site has not yet been traced. That, of which a 
part of the wall still exists at a distance of 230 
yards to the south-eastward of the temple of The- 
seus, seems to have been a part of the Gymna- 
sium Ptolemseum ; 1 . Because it formed part of a 
building which stood not fsur from the Theseium, as 

' The word xvXwv, which Philochorus applied to this gate, 
generally refers in inscriptions to the portal or entrance-gate of an 
indosure, and the trophy placed upon it favours the opinion that 
it was the kind of structure from which the Roman triumphal 
arches were derived. This Pylon was of very early date ; having 
been not only more ancient than the trophy erected upon it about 
the year 304, in the war of the Athenians against Cassander, but 
more ancient than the Hermes Agoraeus, which was placed at this 
gate in the archonship of Cebris, b.c. 482 — 1. See above, 
p. 121, n. 2. It may, therefore, have been as old as the Stoa 
Peiaianacteius, or Poecile ; the proximity of which is strongly 
marked hy Lucian, who describes the Hermes Agoraeus as irapa 
rir Ilou/Xify (Jup. Trag. 33). The Pylon, therefore, may have 
stood before the entrance of that celebrated Stoa, which, from 
the description of its paintings by Pausanias, appears to have 
been a moa rtrpdytfyot (Y. Strabo, p. 646.) with an vvaidpoyy or 
qoadrangle open to the sky ; and thus to have resembled exactly 
the painted cloisters which adorned Italy on the revival of the 
arts, and which are probably lineal descendants of the Stoss. 
The two other chief Athenian Stoss, the Basileius and Eleuthe- 
rius (Harpocr. in Ba<riXcioc Sroa), may have been of the same 



Pausanias and Plutarch describe that gymnasium; 
2. Because an inscribed pedestal was found, on a 
part of the site, which had supported the statue of a 
Ptolemy, who was son of the Juba said by Pausanias 
to have been honoured with a statue in this gymna*- 
sium ^ and who was a descendant by the last Cleo- 
patra of Ptolemy Philadelphus the founder ; 3. Be- 
cause an existing wall of this building is formed of a 
peculiar kind of masonry, characteristic of the time 
of the Ptolemies, the alternate courses being about 
double the height of the others, a construction less 
simple than that which was customary before the 
age of Alexander ; while the exact equality of the 
alternate courses and the careful formation and junc* 
tion of the component blocks, evince greater accu- 
racy of work than \tras customary in Roman times '. 
stoa of The Corinthian colonnade, of which the southern 

extremity is about seventy yards to the north of the 
Propylaeum of the New Agora, shows at once by the 
small interval of one foot ten inches between its 
columns and the adjacent wall, as well as by the 
opening in the middle of the colonnade, that it was 
the decorated &9ade, (with a gateway in the centre,) 
of a quadrangular indosure, which is traceable to the 
eastward of it. This front ranges with the Propy- 
laeum of the New Agora, showing the position of 
one of the principal streets of Athens. A tetrastyle 
propylaeum formed of colunms three feet in diameter, 

' Attic. 17, 2. See above, p. 124. 

* The round towers at the entrance of the arsenal of the 
Peirseeus, which are probably, a part of the construction of Philo, 
about the year b. c. SCO, are of the same kind of masonry. 

SECT, v.] ^, STOA OF HADRIAN. 259 

and twenty-nine feet high, similar to those before the 
wall, except that the latter are not fluted, projected 
twenty-two feet before the gate of the inclosure, 
which was 376 feet long, and 252 broad ; round the 
inside of it, at a distance of twenty-three feet from 
the wall, are vestiges of a colonnade. In the 
northern wall, which still exists, are the remains of 
one large quadrangular recess or apartment in the 
centre, thirty-four feet in length, and of two semi- 
circular recesses nearly equal to it in diameter. The 
church of Megali Panaghia, which stands towards 
the eastern side of the indosure, is formed of the 
remains of an ancient building, consisting on one 
side of a ruined arch, and on the other of an archi- 
trave supported by a pilaster, and three columns 
of the Doric order, one foot nine inches in diameter, 
and of a somewhat declining period of art. Spon 
and Wheler supposed these to have been ruins of 
the temple of Jupiter Olympius \ which is impos- 
fflble, because this peribolus could not have been 
sufficiently large to contain an octastyle temple of 
such magnitude as the Olympium is described to 
have been. 

Stuart mistook them for the Poecile, and as he 
could not avoid perceiving that the columns were 
a work of Roman times, he supposed them to be 
some splendid reparation of the Poecile ^ of which 
histoiy has not preserved any record. But the peri- 
bolus, the colonnade, and the building in the centre, 
appear to have been works of the same date, and to 
have all formed one great establishment. The archi- 

* Spon, II. p. 170. Wheler, p. 392. 

* Antiquities of Athens, I, 5 ; III, p. iii. 



tectural details of the western colonnade have so 
marked a resemblance to those of the arch of 
Hadrian near the Olympium \ that there is the 
strongest reason to believe this to have been one of 
the edifices erected by the same great benefactor of 
Athens; a supposition which accounts at once for 
the silence of Pausanias as to this building, when 
treating of others in its immediate vicinity, as 
it was natural for him to defer his notice of this 
edifice, until he had treated of the most renowned 
work of the same emperor, the Olympium. The 
general plan was evidently that of a quadrangle sur- 
rounded with porticos, having one or more buildings 
in the centre: thus agreeing perfectly with that 
work of Hadrian which contained stose, a colonnade 
of Phrygian marble, and a library*. The apart- 
ments in the wall of the peribolus, with the colon- 
nade before them accord perfectly with those 
ocicn/uara in the Stoa of Hadrian, which accord- 
ing to Pausanias were resplendent with alabaster 
and gilding, and adorned with pictures and statues. 
The building near the centre of the quadrangle, 
which was converted into a church of the Panaghia, 
may have been the Pantheon or temple of All the 
Gods, in which there was a catalogue of all the tem- 
ples, built, repaired, or adorned by Hadrian, and of 
all his gifts to the cities, both Greek and barbarian ' ; 

* Wilkins, Athenieusia, p. 165. 

* See above, p. 131. 132, n. 1. 

* *0w6ffa he Oewv iepa, ra fiiy fKoiofjtfivEy c£ ^PX^^t ^^ ^* '**^ 
iir€K6(rfiriff€y iivaOiifiatn Kal irara<nccvalci 9 ^oppcac iroXuny cjwircv 
'£XXi|Wffi, rac he Kal rStv fiapfiaptjy rote &i|6€i«i', carcK oi 
iravra yeypafifiiya 'AOfiytjaiv ly r^ Koirf T&y dewy lep^* Pauaan. 
Attic. 5, 5. 


for it seems likely that the library, if not in the 
same temple \ was within the same great inclosure 
as the building which contained the catalogue, and 
consequently that the Pantheon, and possibly also 
the temple of Juno and Jupiter Panellenius stood in 
the centre of the inclosure. The remains, therefore, 
at Megali Panaghia belonged probably to one of 
tbem. In favour of the opinion that both these 
temples stood in the hypaethral quadrangle, we may 
remark that had the centre been occupied by a single 
temple, it would have been near 190 feet in length, 
which seems inconsistent with the small diameter of 
the extant columns^. As to the Gymnasium of 
Hadrian'; this having been an establishment for 
objects of a different kind from those of the sto8s and 
temples, there can scarcely be a doubt that it was 
an entirely separate construction \ 

' See above in p. 132, n. 1, the two readings aWa and aWa, 
which leave a doubt whether the books were in the oiic/;/Liara of 
the porticoes, or in the Up6y, 

' In the collection of Sir R. Worsley, who visited Athens 
in the year 1785, were two busts, found, as he states, among 
these ruins, which he supposed to have been the Prytaneium. 
These busts are of a kind which was much employed in 
the decoration of buildings of the Roman empire^ and they 
are manifestly of that time. One represents Alcibiades, and is 
nearly similar to another bust of that famous Athenian found in 
the villa Hadriana near Tivoli : the other is a bust of Sophocles, 
equally resembling one which was found in the basilica of Con- 
Btantine at Rome. See Museum Worsley, I. p. 51. 53. 
Having been ornaments peculiarly adapted to an Athenian stoa, 
they furnish a slight confirmation of the identity of the ruins. 

* See above, p. 131. 

* Some remains of walls between the Corinthian colonnade 


Having finished the description of the Theseiam 
and the history of Theseus, Pausanias proceeds 
abruptly to describe the Anaceium, or ancient tem- 
ple of the Dioscuri, without any intimation that it 
stood near the Theseium. It must, in fitct, have 
been at a considerable distance from that temple, 
for it was near the sanctuary of Agraulus, which 
was in the rocks of the Acropolis, or immediately 
adjacent to them. This abruptness is characteristic 
of the style of Pausanias; the connection of the 
narrative is to be sought for in the fifteenth chapter, 
whero he resumes his course from the temple of 
Venus Urania towards the Prytaneium after the 
digression, which treated of the Poecile, the The- 
seium, and all the other objects which he had thought 
worthy of notice in that quarter, except the build- 
ings of Hadrian, which he reserved for anoliher place. 
Agrau- Upon Comparing the words of Pausanias ' with 

those of Herodotus ^ and Euripides ^ we can hardly 

and the Gymnasium of Ptolemy, may ha^e belonged to the 
Gymnasium of Hadrian. Or possibly the latter may haye 
occupied the site of the church, vulgarly called Gorg6piko (of 
George Piko), where in the church and neighbouring house of 
the metropolitan bishop, I observed several inscribed marbles 
relating to gymnastic victories. 

^ Pausan. Attic. 18, 2. See above, p. 127. 

• A . • . ifiirpoaBiv iv xpo Ttjc djcporoXcocy owtadi de r&y wnikimv rat 
rfjs apd^Vf r^ 3^ ovt€ nc i^vXavfre ovr hp ^Xvur€ /ii) core ric 
Kord ravra iiya^lrf iivdpunrwy' ravrfi &yifitioav rcvec Kara r« ipov 
riJQ Kcjcpoxoc Ovyarpoc 'AypavXoVi Kairwirtp airoKpiiiiyov foiroc 
Tov ')(jupov, Herodot. 8, 58. 

' 'Enr^y yap ohx &(nifiOQ *EXXrfyiay xoXic 

SECT, v.] A6RAULIUM. 263 

doubt that the Agraulium was in some part of 
the precipices formerly called the Long Rocks {ai 
Maicpac Tlirpaij) which are situated a little to the east- 
ward of the grotto of Apollo and Pan. Had not the 
Agraulium been very near the grotto, one cannot- 
conceive that an Athenian poet would have repre- 
sented Agraulus and her sisters as dancing to the 
music of Pan in his cavern. Here, therefore, the 
Persians, under Xerxes, climbed the steepest part of 
the hill near the temple of Agraulus, and having 

Oi Toi^ *Ept\Biiat ^J/3qc c^cv^ev yd/ioic 
Bc^ Kpiovvay, ItfOa ir|pof/3<$^^vc rcrpaci 
IXoXXa^C vw o\0f r^c ^ABrfvaluy ^Ooyoc* 
MoKpoc KoKovfn yijg AvaKrEQ^ArOiSo^. 

Euripid. Ion, S. 

'M.wcpal ie x^p6q ear IkeI KiKXpfffiipog. Ion, 282. 


^O IlayoQ doKTifJiaTa Kal 

UapavXl^ovfra xerpa 

M%r)(juB€oi Marpalc, 

*lya xopovc artlfiovai Tcohiiv 

*AypavXov K6pai rplyovoi 

2ra^io )(Xoepa irpo IloXXa^c 

NawF, ffvpiyyiay 

Tt' ai4$Xac iayjatt vfiviay^ 

"Orav airXc/oic ovpc^'pc 

^O Udv, Toim 90ic c^ avrpoic, &c. Ion, 49 . 

KP. "Alcove Toiyvy' olaBa KeKpowiac TrirpaQ 

TlpSafio^y dyTpov^ <!c Marpac KiKXritricofuy ; 
DP. 017, HyBa Ilavoc aSvra icai fit^/wi ircXac* 

Ion, 936/ 

KP. 'Opw yap &yyo^ if ^^iBffK iy6 Tore 

^ y\ i rUyoy fwi^ fipifOQ er oyra virKtoy^ 
KiKpOTToc ec dyrpa koI Maicpdi irerpiipe^ecc. 

Ion, 1398. 


thus entered the citadel, opened the gates, slew the 
Athenians who had taken refuge in the temple, and 
set fire to every thing in the Acropolis \ 

A very different opinion on this question has 
however, been maintained, namely, that the Persians 
ascended at the eastern end of the Acropolis, which 
would» therefore, be the situation of the Agraulium. 
The principal arguments for this supposition are, 
1 . That here the rocks of the Acropolis are highest* 

and most difficult of access {to ftaXiora airorofiov)* 
2. That the words tfiirpoaOi vpo riic ajcpoiroXcoc, *^ in 

front of the Acropolis,** used by Herodotus, point to 
the same spot, which was the front of the Acropolis, 
because the two temples of Minerva fronted the 
east ; and that consequently we are to interpret the 
words omaOe rutv irvXeeov, not simply *' behind the 
gates," but " at the extremity of the Acropolis, 
opposite to that where the gates are situated.'* Such 
a meaning, however, can scarcely be extracted from 
them ; the historian seems clearly to have intended 
to say that, after the Persians had been repulsed in 
their attack upon the western end of the citadel, 
where the Propylsea were afterwards built, a party 
of them made a successful attempt in the rear of 
the Athenians, while the attention of the latter was 
occupied by the direct attack ; and that they effected 
this design by climbing up the precipices in a part 
of the long northern side of the Acropolis, not far 
from the Propylsea. This side of the hill, in fact, 
is still very commonly called the front of the Acro- 
polis by persons, both natives and strangers, uncon- 

' Uerodot. 8, 53. 


8C10U8 of any question upon the subject \ nor are 
the rocks in this part less precipitous than at the 
eastern end of the hill, although in one part, where 
probably the Agraulium was situated, they are not 
so difficult of access. The eastern fronting of the 
Acropolis is not confirmed by any ancient autho- 
rity whatever ; nor is it probable, for, although the 
Parthenon had, in regard to its interior construction, 
and to the religious ceremonies connected with it, 
its front to the east, yet the western end was 
equally a firont externally. Of the two temples 
which formed the Erechtheium, if one opened to the 
easU the other fronted the north. That the Athe- 
nian custom of having in general the front of their 
temples to the east, had no influence upon the col- 
location of the other monuments of the Acropolis, is 
proved from the fact, that the statue of Minerva 
Promachus, the Propylsea, and all the. statues and 
monuments below the Propylsea faced towards the 

The Agraulium is no where described as a temple, 
hot only as a sanctuary or sacred inclosure \ At a 
distance of about seventy yards to the eastward of the 
cave of Pan in the midst of the Long Rocks, and at 
the base of a precipice, is a remarkable cavern, and 

^ In the Athenian Mythus noticed abo7e in page 205, Mount 
Ljcabettas ia described as an tpv^ia irpo rrjc *AKpoir6Xev£f an out- 
woriL in front of the Acropolis. 

' See below in section VIII. 

* Herodotns describes it as an ipoy; Pausanias, as an iipop 
rc/icroc; Polysenns (1, 21), as to 'upoy r^c 'AypavXov. The 
grotto of Apollo and Pan, according to Pausanias, was an up6y 


one hundred and thirty yards farther in the same 
direction, immediately at the foot of the wall of the 
citadel, another smaller. The former had evidently 
a communication with the Acropolis, as there still 
exist some remains of steps a little within the wall, 
which rises immediately above it. The smaller 
cavern, which was only a few yards distant from the 
northern portico of the Erechtheium, had also pro> 
bably an opening into the Acropolis ', Within it 
are many niches, showing that it was not less an 
Upov 6v inriyXoiy, or the fabled residence of some 
local deity, than the cave of Pan itself. Nor can 
we doubt that the larger was equally a sanctuary, 
although niches are not so apparent there as in the 
smaller cavern, the ancient mr&uce of the rock within 
it not being so well preserved. 

As Pandrosns is said to have been saved, when 
her sisters Herse and Agraulus, punished with mad- 
ness for their disobedience to Minerva, threw them- 
selves over the rocks ^ the situation of the two 
caverns relatively to the temple of Pandrosus, 
accords with the fable; thus leading to the belief 
that they were sacred to Agraulus and Herse, and 
that the Agraulium comprehended them both, toge- 
ther with a part of the adjacent slope of the hill,— 

^ It was necessary in a military point of view, that these 
caverns, which, if neglected, would furnish an access to the cita- 
del from without, should he secured, and thus made available at 
the same time for sorties. The great cavern at the eastern end 
had probably a communication with the platform of the Acropolis 
as well as the others. 

' Pausan. Attic. 18,12. See above, p. 127. 

SECT, v.] ANACEIUM. 267 

a concIudoD in perfect conformity with the lines of 
Euripides, which show not only the proximity of the 
Agraulinm to the cavern of Pan, but its situation also 
in front of the temple of Minerva Polias (irpo IlaXXaSoc 
va^) \ There is, however, some difficulty in deter- 
mining whidi of the caverns was sacred to Agraulus, 
and which of them to Herse. If the eastern derives 
some importance from its greater • proximity to the 
temple of Polias, the western has at least an equal 
claim to be considered the Agraulium, from its 
greater magnitude, and from its position, which 
being neaner to the rear of the Propyliea, seems 
better adapted to the action of the Modes related 
by Herodotus \ 

The Anaceinm was near the sanctuary of Agrau- Anaoeiiim. 
los, and to the westward of it, as would appear 
from the order of the narrative of Pausanias \ It 
was in an elevated position \ and we may presume 
from Lucian, nearly on the same level as the Agrau- 
lium. In his dialogue called the Fisherman, he 
represents the Athenian philosophers of every sect, 

* Ion, 492. See abo7e p. 262, n. S. 

' This rituation of the Agraulium accords with the words of 
the Scholiast of Demosthenes (de f. leg. p. 438, Reiske), who 
describes the tfemple as v€p\ ra UpowvXaia* He cites Philochonis, 
and adds that Agraulus here threw herself over the rocks to obtain 
victory for Erechtheus against Eumolpus. This, it must be ad- 
mitted, agrees better with the honours Agraulus received from 
the Athenians, and the oath of the Ephebi in her sanctuary, than 
the fable of Amelesagoras or Apollodorus. 

* See above, p. 127. 

* worripoQ iAroc Avitidiy Ik tov ^AvaKtlov Kai aSccoc. Demosth. 
de cor. fals* test. 1. p. 1 125, Reiske. 

268 ANACEIUM. [sect. V. 

as climbing up to the Acropolis to gain the cake» and 
two minae, which Parrhesiades offers them by pro- 
clamation from the Acropolis. He describes them as 
'^ collecting some about the Pelasgicum, and others 
at the temple of jfisculapius: still more around 
the Areiopagus: some at the tomb of Talo8» 
and others again like swarms of bees near the 
Anaceium, where they are planting ladders against 
the rock ^^ 

One of the stratagems of Poly8enus^ shows the 
proximity of the Anaceium and Agraulium. When 
Peisistratus had seized the Acropolis^ his next object 
was to disarm the Athenians. For this purpose he 
summoned an assembly in the Anaceium, descending 
into which, he addressed the people in so low a 
tone of voice, that in order to hear him they were 
obliged to crowd about him at the Propylaeum of 

' Baflal wc xX/;pi|c fuv f/ dvoioc ktdt(ofiiyiay^ exec rac ^vo firdc 
ufQ iixovaay fiovoy' rapa Bi. rd HeXcurytKoy aXXot, irac acarci r^ 
*Affkkfiiruioy erepoc* Ktu x€pl Tor ^Aptiov wdyoy ere xXciovc" tvuH, 
Bi Kara roy rov TdXta rd^y oi Be xpoc t6 *Avaiceioy xpodtfieytH 
rXZ/ioJcaCf dvipirovvi ^fi(itiS6vf vi) A/a Kal /3orpv&>K, eoyiov Biairf 
lya xai xaff ^Ofiripoy eixw, dXXd xaKetOey iS jidXa xoXXoi, JcaK- 
revOev Mvp/oc, Sava re ^vXXa icai aydea yiyerai ^pu Lucian. 
Piscator, 42. 

' Uenrlarparot *A6tiyaiuty rd iw\a /3ovXo/ievoc xopcXcffdac, 
xap^yyeiXev iJKtty dfrayrac etc to ^hyaKtlov fiera rHv oxXa»v* oi 
fiev rJKoy* 6 Sk irpoiiXBe Brifioyopriaat fiov\6fjLeyoc koI flr/iccpf TJ 
^yfl \iy€iy fipxtro' oi Be e^ojcovecv /iif Bvydfieyoif itpoeXOtly 
ahroy ijlltaaay elc ro irpoirvXaioy, lya wdyre^ eifucovaeiay erel 
Be o fiey ^cv^rj BuXiyerOf ol Be en-eiVavrec rctc &Kodi irpo^elxoy^ 
oi eirtKovpoi wpoeKOoyrec Kal rd 6ir\a iipdfieyoi KariiyeyKay c2c ^d 
lep6y r^c *AypavXov. Polyaen. Strateg. 1, 21. 


the temple. While thus employed, their arms 
were seized upon by the adherents of Peisistratus, 
and conveyed into the Agraulium. From this trans- 
action it further appears that there was a descent 
from the Acropolis, through the Agraulium, into the 

These two sanctuaries formed probably, in a mili- 
tary sense, an outwork to the Acropolis, communi- 
cating with the interior of the fortress, through the 
caverns. The strength of the Anaceium is shown by 
a circumstance, which occurred in the twenty-first 
year of the Peloponnesian war, when it was occupied 
by the Hoplitss of Theramenes, in consequence of 
which the Four Hundred were obliged to propose a 
change of government'. Probably, therefore, it 
was one of those securely closed places (jSe/Saiaic 
Kkiuna) forming an exception to those which the 
population of Attica were permitted to occupy in 
the first year of the war *. 

Near to the Agraulium was the Prytaneium, Piyto- 
situated upon ground comparatively elevated ; for 
Pausanias, proceeding from thence to the temple 
of Sarapis, descends to the lower parts of the city 
(k to kqtw TtiQ iroXcci»c-) From the Prytaneium com- 
menced a street called Tripodes, which led to the 
sacred inclosure of Bacchus, near the theatre^. 
These data, as will be more clearly seen hereafter, 
are not easily reconcileable with any position, 
except the north-eastern angle of the Acropolis. 

* Thucyd. 8, 98. ' ibid. 2, 17. 

' Pausan. Attic. 20, 1. See above, p. 136. 



Not far below this position are. the vestiges of a 
large building at the church of Panaghia Vlastiki, 
or yiastaru *. 

* In the former edition of this work, I had supposed this 
church to occupy the site of the Sarapium ; but an objection to 
this hypothesis occurs in the fact that it is not in the way to 
the lower part of the city and to the Ilissus, as the narrative of 
Pausanias requires. A diffi&rent suggestion is now offered, both 
as to the Sarapium and the Panellenium ; see above, p. 261, and 
in the next Section. Reeent excavations (1835) in building a 
new house adjacent to the church, discovered some massive 
foundations, possibly those of the Prytaneium, which doubtless 
was an extensive buOding. 


Third Part qf the Rofute of Pausaniasy from the 

Prytanevma to the Stadium. 

The peculiarity most remarkable in the Arch of Arch of 
Hadrian, or Gate of Hadrianopolis, is its oblique 
position with respect to the Peribolus of the temple 
of Jupiter Olympius, which faced the east, whereas 
the two faces of the gate are nearly opposite to the 
N.W and S.E. 

One of two inferences may be drawn from this 
circumstance : either that it was thus placed because 
the main street leading from the Agora or centre of 
the Theseian city to Hadrianopolis, was at right 
angles to the direction of the gate, or that the gate 
was so placed, as being part of a wall which sepa* 
rated these two divisions of the Asty, or these two 
cities as they were called in compliment to Hadrian. 
Possibly both these inferences may have been the 
truth : for a street drawn at right angles to the gate, 
would exactly lead to the supposed situation of the 
Prytaneium below the north-eastern point of the 
Cecropian hill: while the gate, as well as its in- 
scriptions, seem to indicate that there was some 
acknowledged line of separation between Hadria- 



nopolis and the Theseian city: it was probably, 
however, rather a reminiscence than a reality ; for as 
the inclosure of the Asty had been extended nearly 
to the Ilissus, as early or perhaps earlier, than when 
the walls were renewed after the Persian war, it is 
evident that Hadrian neither built a new city nor 
even enlarged the old, but only embellished one 
quarter of it ; the title of Hadrianopolis, therefore, 
was merely honorary, and in this respect it agrees 
with the Gate itself, which having finished ends, was 
not intended to form part of a wall, and not having 
any remains or vestiges of a door, proves itself to 
have been no more than ornamental. 

K then there was a street leading directly from 
the Prytaneium to the Gate of Hadrian, Pausanias 
probably in proceeding from the Prytaneium to the 
^^ lower parts of the city," where he describes the 
Olympium, followed that street. In this route he 
notices three objects, the temple of Sarapis, not &r 
from which was the place of meeting of Theseus and 
Peirithous, and near the latter the temple of Lucina 
(EiXiiOvia)* As the former of the two temples was 
of the time of the Ptolemies, and the latter of veiy 
ancient date, as seems evident from the remarks of 
Pausanias on the statues ', the three Ionic columns, 
which in the time of Stuart formed part of an oil- 
mill, and two of which support an architrave^ 
belonged probably to the temple of Sarapis; their 
style not being that of an early age, nor so late as 
Roman times, which accords with the introduction of 
the worship of Sarapis into Athens in the time of 

^ See above, p» 129. 


the Ptolemies K These remains are situated about 
half way between the choragic monument of Lysi- 
crates and the Arch of Hadrian, and stood a 
little to the right of a line directed from the 
site of the Prjtaneium to the. latter monument. 
If these be the remains of the Sarapium, no 
yestiges of the temple of Lucina have yet been 

Not £bu: from the Olympium, and advancing, as it Pythinm. 
would seem from the succeeding part of the narra- 
tive of Pausanias, in a direction parallel to the course 
of the IlissuSy he describes the sanctuaries of Apollo 
Pythius, and of Apollo Delphinius *. 

Thucydides shews us that the Pythium was in the 
same quarter as the Olympium ^ and Strabo indi- 
cates that it was near the city walls, by describing a 
sanctuary of Jupiter Astrapseus, as situated near the 
wall between the Pythium and Olympium*. It 
appears from the story of Theseus, related by Pausa- 
nias, that the Delphinium was a vaoc or roofed build- 
ing, and probably of considerable extent, as a court 
of justice was held here, named ro ivl AcX^ivc^^. 
Nor can it well be doubted that the Pythium was a 
sanctuary of the same kind, although Pausanias in 

* These columns are one foot ten inches in diameter at the 
base, and sixteen feet high, are not Anted, and have an inter- 
colamniation of three diameters and a half: the architrave is only 
two feet high. 

' See above, p. 132. 

' Thacyd, 2, 15 ; see above, p. 173. 

* iiro rift ev^dpag rov 'Aarpawaiov Ai($c* eari H" ahri^ iv r^ 
rdx'^i luraiv rov UvOiov koI tov 'OXv/lcit/ov. Strabo, p. 404. 

* See above, p. 161 ; and below in Sect. VIII. 


274 CEPi. [sect. VI. 

alluding to a statue alone, seems to intimate that the 
temple no longer existed. 

Pausanias next describes the quarter called Knvo^ 
or the Gardens, and the Gymnasia named Lyceiam 
and Cynosarges. From the vicinity alone of these 
two celebrated gymnasia to the Gardens, we might 
presume that they were situated in the vale of the 
Ilissus, and the presumption is confirmed by the 
mention made of their shady groves, though they 
were placed near heights remarked for being dry and 
barren. The Lyceium was particularly noted for its 
plane trees ^; this Gymnasium, therefore, we may 
presume to have been very near the river. 
Cepi. Pausanias designates Cepi, or the Gardens, as a 

place or district (x«^ptov), and in making mention of 
the Peribolus containing the cavern in which the 

' Philip, son of Demetrius, in his invasion of Attica in the 
year b.c. 200, encamped at Cynosarges, which was situated in 
a grove (tempi um gymnasiumque et lucus erat cireumjectus), 
and destroyed not only these trees, hut those of the Lyceiura 
also. Liv. 31, 24. 

Socrates was said to have discoursed under a plane tree in 
the Lyceium : eXcyc ie ravra fAovoy ohic kv fUtrot^ "EXXifoty, &Wa 
Kai oiKOi Kol SfffAOiri^t kv trvfiiroirioiCf kv ^AxaStifu^f ky llecpatfi, kr 
oiff vjTo wXardvw kv AvKtlf. Maxim. Tyr. 24 (4). In the next 
century, Aristotle and Theophrastus here enjoyed the shade of a 
plane tree, which although still young, spread over a space of 
twenty -three cuhits : *'Hye oiy ky rf AvKii^ ^ wXArayo^ 4 koto. 
Toy octroy tn y£a oiira irepl rpccc t^ctl rpioKoyra ir^ecc a^iircF. 
Theophr. H. Plant 1, 11. In the Academy there was a plane, 
of which the roots and branches extended over a space of thirty- 
six cubits. Plin. H. N. 12, 1 (5). These noble trees, together 
with all the others in the Academy and Lyceium, were, according 
to Plutarch (Syll. 12), cut down by Sylla. 


SECT. VI.] CEPI. 275 

Anephorse deposited their unknown burthens, he 
describes it as near the temple of Venus in the 
Gardens, and as in the citjr (ev rp iroXei)^ This 
seems very decisiye in indicating Cepi as the name 
of one of the quarters within the walls, this tes- 
timony being of Ceu* more weight than that of Pliny, 
whose '^ extra muros" may have been merely an 
inference of his own mind from the name jc^Trot '. 
There is reason, therefore, to believe that although 
this quarter may have really consisted of gardens 
before the enlargement of the Astic inclosure, 
in the same manner as Limnse may once have 
been a marsh, a portion at least of those gardens 
was included within the enlarged inclosure, which 
was made by Themistodes. We may easily ima- 
gine that the gardens originally occupied all that 
lowest ground along the right bank of the Ilissus, 
which is about two hundred yards in breadth, but 
that the new walls following a direction parallel to 
the river, may have included a part of them within 
the city, leaving, however, sufficient space on the 
outside for that ircpiVaroc c^cu ru^ov^^ or walk along 
the exterior of the walls, which is mentioned by 
Plato, and which had breadth enough, at least in the 
part to the northward of the Stadium, for verdure 
intermixed with the agnus castus, and doubtless with 
some others of the torrent-loving shrubs of Greece, 

' See above, p. 156. 

* Alcamenen Atheniensem docuit (Phidias) in primis nobilem, 
ciijus sunt opera Athenis complura in aedibus sacris, praeclaraque 
Venns extra muros, quae appellator Apbrodite iy Ktiiroig. Huic 
sutnmam manum ipse Phidias imposuisse dicitur. Plin. Nat. 
Hist 36, 5 (4, § 3). 

T 2 


as well as with large plane trees, amidst which were 
temples and sanctuaries containing statues \ Some 
remains of the town walls observed by Stuart and 
Fauvel, near the north-eastern angle of the city at a 
distance of about two hundred yards from the Ilissus, 
enable us to judge with tolerable accuracy of the 
breadth of this favourite place of recreation of the 

The '* ambulatio extra muros " was continued by 
Callirhoe or Enneacrunus to the southern side of 
the city, as appears from the Platonic dialogue named 
Axiochus ^ as well as from traces of the ancient wall 
near Enneacrunus, though it is equally evident frt>m 
those remains, that the space between the wall and 
the Ilissus in this part was not so great as that 
towards the Lyceium described by Plato. 
Cynoflar- Cynosargos was a sanctuary and Gymnasium, de- 
riving its name from an accident which occurred when 
Diomus, an Athenian, was sacrificing to Hercules '. 
From Diomus the demus which comprehended Cynos- 
arges, was named ot Aio^ecctc or Aio/icioi^ and the 
Aio/ueiac irvXac, was a gate of the city near Cynosarges ^ 

^ See the Phaedras of Plato ; Pausan. Attic. 19, 6, and above, 
p. 135. 

* This dialogue, although it may be no more than an imitation 
of Plato, is almost equally valid as a topographical document. 

' See above, p. 133. 

* Hesych. in Kwoaapysg. Aristoph. Ran. 664. et schol. 
Stephan. in ^lofxeia, Kvy6trapyeg. Suid. in Ai6fA€ia. Hesych. 
in Aco^ecc. Atben. 14, 1 (3). Hypereides ap. Harpocr. in 
ev Aiofieioig *Hpa<cX£tov. Hesych. in Ai^ftiatrt. According to 
the Athenian mythology, Hercules, when he arrived at Athens, 
was the guest of Colyttus, the father of Diomus. 


» :. 


We find moreover, that Cynosarges was near a rising 
ground \ a circumstance which leads at once to the 
belief that it was situated at the foot of the south- 
eastern extremity of Mount Lycabettus, near the 
point where the arch of the aqueduct of Hadrian 
and Antoninus formerly stood. This position per- 
fectly accords with that which was taken by the 
Athenian army after the victory of Marathon, when, 
hearing of the sailing of the Persian fleet from the 
Marathonian bay to the road of Phalerum, they 
marched in all haste to the defence of the city, 
moving from the Heracleium of Marathon to the 
Heracleium of Cynosarges*. The place was pecu- 
liarly convenient to them from its proximity to the 
<nty, from its safety, as being in the rear of the 
walls, and from its having commanded a distant 
view of the road of Phalerum. The same situation 
illustrates the walk of Socrates, in the Axiochus. 
He is described as having issued from the city not 
fiur from Callirhoe, with the intention of proceeding 
along the Ilissus to Cynosarges, as turning in the 
opposite direction at the request of a friend, and as 
re-entering the city at the Itonian gate, which, there 
is good reason to believe, was the gate leading to 
Phalerum \ 

The situation of Cynosarges near the heights, 
gives reason for believing that there was a small in- 
terval between it and the walls ; and such appears to 

DiogeD. Laert. 6, 13. Kwd^apycc tovto ^ iarty Hia 

mfXmy yvfAvairtoy 'HpaicXcovc. Plutarch. Themist. 1 • 

' (*l90irpari|c) ird^ri ^e lurit tvIc ovyytytiaQ icKiiaiov KvFO«r- 
apyotfc cir) fov Xo^v iv hpiarepf, Vit. X. Rhet. in Isocr. 

' Herodot. 6, IIG. ' See below in Section X. 

278 LYCEIUM. [sect. VI. 

have been the case from the words of Diogenes 
LaertiuSy fiiKpov atrtDdtv rHv iruXoiv^ Accordingly 
we find in the Lysis of Plato, that Socrates is repre- 
sented as walking along the outside of the northern 
walls, from the Academy to the Lyceium^ without 
any mention being made of Gynosarges. 
Lyceimn. The Lycoium was a sacred inclosure of Apollo 
Lycius^ in which there was a statue of the god, 
represented in an attitude of repose, leaning against 
a column, with a bow in the left hand, and the 
right resting upon his head^ Having been em- 
bellished with buildings, plantations, and fountains^ 
by Peisistratus, Pericles, and Lycurgus son of 
Lycophron, it became an ordinary place of as- 
sembly for military exercises, as well as the prin- 
cipal gymnasium for the corporeal education of 
the Athenians'. It was also one of the most 
favourite places of resort for philosophical study 
and conversation, and thus became the school of 
Aristotle, whose followers were called Peripatetics 
from their custom of walking in the grove of the 
Lyceium *. 

The position of this celebrated place may be veiy 
accurately determined when we have fixed some 
others in the same neighbourhood. 

In the year 1676, Spon and Wheler observed about 

' See above, p. 276, n. 5. 
' Plato Lys. 1. See below, p. 281, n. 2. 
^ Pansan. Attic. 19, 4. See above, p. 134. 
^ Lucian. Crymnas. 7' 
^ See above, p. 134, n. 2. 

' Qui erant cum Aristotele Peripatetici dicti sunt, quia dispu* 
tabant inambulantes in Lyceo. Cicero, Acad. Quaest. 1, 4. 


fifty yards above the bridge of the Stadium, on the Temple of 
right bank of the Uisaus, the foundations of a cir- iiisaUdes. 
cular temple which had recently been brought to 
light by an inundation \ but which had again disap- 
peared in the time of Stuart. This was probably 
the temple of the Musse Ilissiades ^ ; for that of 
Boreas, which stood on the same bank of the Ilissus, 
is described by Plato as having been opposite to the 
temple of Diana Agrotera ^ which Spon and Wheler, 
as well as Stuart and Chandler, seem to have justly 
identified with the church of Stavromenos Petros, 
having recognised that church as founded on the site 
of an ancient building. But; this is between two 
and three hundred yards: above the position of the 
round temple seen by Spon' aaid Wheler. 

The fountain, described in the Phsedrus of Plato as 
situated two or three stades above the sanctuary of 

* Spon, II. p. 126. Wheler, p. 378. 

' Pausanias mentions only a /3(i»^oc, or altar of the Muses, but 
this is not inconsistent with the prior existence of a temple : we 
have seen that he notices only an dtyaX/ia of Apollo Pythius, 
though there was certainly at one time a temple of that deity. 
Herodotus (?» 189) speaks of an 'Ipoy of Boreas : Plato, in the 
Phaedrus, only of ajSn^/ioc, though he frequently in that dialogue 
alludes to the Muses as local deities on this bank of the Ilissus. 

* ^Al. *Op^c oSy hcdyriy r^v v\^i}Xordrt|y irKaTavov ; DO. T^ 
f4y ; 4AI* *Eicc7 mcia r iari koi wyivfAa fUrpioy koI iroa KaOi(tffBai 
i lay (iovX^fJiidaf Karakkidfiyau 20. Upoayoi^ ay, ^AI. Eiire 
fUMy «M ZwicpareCy ovk iyOiyBt fxiyroi irodey diro tov ^IXiaaov Xiyerac 
Bopeac Ti^f^ *Qp€i&uiay ckpiraaai ; • . • . 2Q. Ovic, dXXd Karutdey 
Sm>y Zv *i Tpia ^ra&o, ^ irpoc to rfjc *Aypaiac Biuj3aiyofA€y icai irov 

r/c l9Ti /3i«/ioc avTodi Bopicv ^ re ydp irXdrayoe avni fiaX* 

o^Xa^^C Tt Koi vi/^ijX^, rov re &yyov ro v\poc Kai to avaicioy irdy- 
tcaXoy . • . . ^ re a{ viiyri xapuoTaTtj vjto Tfjs wXardyov pel fidka 
4fv^(fiov v&iro£, Plato, Phsedr. 6. 



Boreas, is stated by Strabo to have been near the Ly- 
ceium on the outside of the city-gate Diocharis \ The 
Lyceium, therefore, was about five hundred yards 
above the church of St. Peter : and the relative situ- 
ations of this gymnasium, as well as of the temples 
of Boreas and of the Muses, of the temple of Diana 
Agrotera and of the Stadium, seem thus perfectly to 
accord with the order in which these places are 
named in the narrative of Pausanias \ 

A little to the westward of the situation of the 
Lyceium we may place that of the gate Diocharis, 
which appears, from the assumed situations of Cyno- 
sarges and Lyceium, compared vidth the course of 
the Ilissus, to have been at the eastern extremity of 
the city ' : and we have thus, with a great approach 
to certainty, the extent of the Asty in this direction. 

In the Lysis, Plato introduces Socrates as arriving, 

of Panops. in his way from the Academy to the Lyceium along 

the outside of the city walls, at a small gate (ttvXic), 

Gate Dio- 

and Gate 

^ 6 *l\tff«r6c *•••.. pinty Ik r&y vwip riic^Aypac f^ol tov Avcctov 
fitpGty KOLi rfiQ ^y^Cf ^v vfivtiKtv iv ^alipf IlXariay. Strabo, 
p. 400. 

Bdal fitP oZv ai miyal xaOapov icai woTifiOv v^oroc, wc i^oty, ttroc 
rStv ^io\apovQ KaXovfiivwy irvXQy, nXtfaiop tov Avictiov' vporepoy 
Be Kal Kpitufi Karitricevacrrd rcc wXrialoy woXXiov cai icaXov v^arac' ti 
Bi fiil yvy, rl hv tiri davfAaaroy, el ndXai iroXv Kal KaOapoy ^y^ ^an 
Kal irurifiov elyai, fierejiaXe Be vtrrepoy ; Strabo, p. 397* 

* See above, p. 134. 135. 136. 

' A handsome road led from the gate Diocharis to the Lyceium. 
When the Thirty had retired to Eleusis in the year b. c. 403, the 
Ten who succeeded them in the government, expecting that the 
ThrasybuHans would attack the city-wall, Kara toy Ik Awctiov 
BpofMoy, encumbered it with large stones for the purpose of im- 
peding them. Xcnoph. Hellen. 2, 4, § 27. 


SECT. VI.] AQRJE. 28 1 

and a fountain, which had received its name from 
Panops, an Attic hero, to whom there was a temple 
and statue in the same place \ and near them a 
palaestra lately huilt K This gate at the fountain of 
Panops seems to have been the last towards the 
Lyceium in coming from the Academy along the 
northern side of the city. It stood, therefore, be- 
tween the Diomeian gate and the Diocharis. 

The Panathenaic Stadium appears to have di-Agr». 
vided the suburb of Agrse into two parts, of which 
the tipper, or north-eastern, was sacred to Diana, and 
the lower to Ceres. The situations of the temples of 
those two deities have already been noticed. To this 
division of the suburb probably we may attribute the 
plural form Agrse. The two Agree seem to have formed, 
like upper and lower Lamptra, two districts belonging 
to the same demus, Agryle ^ which may have compre- 
hended a considerable tract, beyond this sacred su- 
burb, towards Mount Hymettus. In &ct, an exten- 

' ndyu}ff ^fMtfc *ArriKOc* ^(rri hi avrov koi vcwc koX &ya\fia koI 
xpjfyif. Henych. in navaf\^. 

' 'Eiropc vo/i]|y fxiy c£ 'Aico^ij/iioc thOv AvKiiov r^v l{ai rtlxovQ 
vie avTo TO re7%oc* itrtiHi 3* kyeyo/xfiy Kara rify itvXlBa ^ if Ildvoiroc 
"^P^v^t ciravOa avyvn/ypy 'linrodaKii «... ZtltaQ fioX iy ry Karay* 

TiKpy Tov ruy(Ov^ wept^Xdy re riya ical Ovpay avi^yfMiyriy 

(c9ri) iraXalorpa (e^i|) yeu<rri fKoSofifffAiyti, Plato, Lys. 1. 

* 'Ap^jftTOC r6woQ *Adiiyiftn irircp ro vraSioy to UayadriyaiKoy 
Tpoc Tf Zhiif Tf vircvepOev *Apyv\it*y (1. 'AypvXewv, which is in- 
▼ariably the orthography in Attic monumenta). Harpocr. in v. 
6 ii "ApirfTTOC tov ElKiaaov fiiy evri wXtialoy, J. Poll. 8 (122). 
rovoc vep) roy ^IXioffoy lyyvc tov UayaOnydiKov tnaBlov, Hesych. 

in *Ap^//rrovc« 

Ardettua was noted only for being the place where the Athe- 
nians, in fiill meeting, took the Dicastic or Heliastic oath before 
Apollo Patrons, Jupiter Basileus, and Ceres. By this oath they 

282 iLissus. [sect. vi. 

sive circuit of walls is traced on the heights between 
AgTffi and the steeps of Hjmettus, which may be 
ruins of the defences of Agryle. The utility of 
a fortification in this spot, which commanded the 
entrance into the plain between Hymettus and the 
city, is obvious ; and we find, accordingly, that there 
was another fortress between the Ilissus and Mount 
Hymettus, two or three miles further to the north. 
These positions commanded not only the pass, but 
the chief sources of the Ilissus. It appears, from a 
fragment of the Athenian antiquary Cleidemus, that 
the high ground of Agra was fimnerly called Helicon, 
and that upon it stood an altar of Neptune Helico- 
nius\ a testimony of the ancient Ionic connexion 
between the Athenians and Achaians, who wor^ 
shipped Neptune Heliconius at Helice. 

The Ilissus, according to Pausanias, was composed 
of two branches, one of which was named Eridanus '. 
It was probably the stream, which, rising from a 

bound themselves to jadge by the written law when any existed, 
otherwise with equity {<rvy yyutfitf r^ BtKaicrarrDt but this custom 
was already obsolete in the time of Theophrastus. Harpocr. in 
"ApSfiTToc* Lex, in ▼. ap. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 448. Suid. 
in 'Ap^^riic* 

> TO, fAEv oiy Aria ra rov 'IKiatrov wpo^" Aypar £2\]|0via* rf ^ 
o^Bf vaXai ovofia rovrf^ Sc yvr "Aypa imXccrac, 'EXcrwt'* koX ^ 
e^xapa rov HovtiliavoQ tov 'EXucw Wov eir' &cpov. Cleidemus primo 
Atthidis, in v. "Aypoc, ap. Bekker. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 826. 

£2c TO iepov TO MffTpHoy to iy "Aypaic* Cleidem, quarto 
Atthidis, ibid. 

The former words of Cleidemus seem to allude to the situation 
of the temple of Diana in upper Agra : Metroum may perliaps 
have been a name applied sometimes to the temple of Ceres, 
who was often identified with Cybele, or the Earth. 

' See above, p. 184. 


copious source a little above Syriani on the iace of 
Hymettus, to the east of Athens, joins the other 
branch near the site of the Lyceium. Its source, 
the KaBapov yavo^ ^HpiSavoio of an ancient poet, was 
probably the same as that called Callia at Pera, 
where stood a temple of Venus \ and which by no 
means deserves the contemptuous remark of Calli- 
machus or Strabo \ applicable only to the torrent in 
the drought of summer. The longer branch of the 
Ilissus rises at the northern extremity of Hymettus, 
and receives a contribution from Pentelicum, from 
whence it proceeds through the vale of Ambelokipo, 
in a direction which is nearly that of the united river. 

' Smd., Phot. Lex., in KvXXov Uiipa, Cratinus, ibid. 
* Olov iy rj avrayiayfj tUv Korafiwv 6 KaXX/f(a)(p£ yik^v 
^i}ffiy, u nc Oa/$pc7 ypa^eiv rac rHy *A6i|mi/wf wapOivovQ 

• • • . &<^va<TaaBai KaOapoy ydyoQ *Hpidayo7o, 
ov kq\ to. fioiTKiifiara &ir69j(ptr* ay. 

Strabo, p. 897. 


Fourth Part of the Route of Pausanias : — From the 
Prytandum to the Propylcea of the Acropolis. 

Tripodee. BESIDES the Street leading from the Prytaneium to 
the Olympieium, there was another which branched 
from the same place towards the Lenseum or sacred 
inclosure of Bacchus, adjacent to the theatre. This 
street as well as the quarter through which it passed 
was called Tripodes, from the tripods there dedicated 
by the leaders of the Chori, who had been victo- 
rious in the scenic contests of the Dionjsiac theatre. 
Some of these tripods were placed upon small temples 
dedicated to Bacchus and other deities, some of which 
temples were in the street, and others within the Dio- 
nysiac sanctuary, which included the theatre. Two of 
these temples still exist ; one of them is the cavern, 
now the church of Panaghia Spiliotissa, which sup- 
ported the tripod of Thrasyllus, and contained within 
it the figures of Apollo and Diana destroying the 
children of Niobe: the other is the building vul- 
garly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, which an 
inscription on its architrave shows to have been 


erected by a victorious choragas named Lysicrates : Monument 
the apex of this monument proves beyond a doubt crat^ 
that it once supported a tripod, and the whole 
accords exactly with the words vaoc virojcct/Acvoc r^ 
rpcVoSc, which are applied by Plutarch to a menu* 
ment erected by Nicias in the Lenseum '. It seems 
evident, therefore, that this was one of the temples 
in the quarter of Tripodes, and that upon the summit 
of it there stood a large tripod, and probably a statue 
within it*. 

It may be thought, perhaps, that the circumstance 
of this building having been entirely closed is incom* 
patible vidth the supposition of its having been a vaoc 

' JSuffrfiKit ^€ Tfiy AyadrifA/truy airrov icaO* iifidt r6 ri UaWdSioy 
iy 'ArpoTiSAcc ri^y ^jpvauMrty hirofitpKriKo^* Ka\ 6 roit xopiyyucoic 
rpiiroffiy vmoKf //icvoc ev ^utyvffov yita^' tyUriat yap iroWaxie X^P^' 
yv^ac- Plut Nic«3. 

' The three legs of the tripod formed an equilateral triangle of 
three feet the side. The whole height of the monument was thirty- 
four feet, of which the square basis was fourteen feet, the body 
of the building to the summit of the columns twelve feet, and the 
entablature, together with the cupola and apex, eight feet. The 
cylinder was formed of six curved slabs of marble, the vertical 
junctures of which were covered with fluted Corinthian columns 
one foot two inches in diameter, projecting from the outside of 
the cylinder rather more than the semidiameter. The capitals of 
the columns were completed within the cylinder, but not in the 
same finbhed manner as without. The wall was surmounted 
with a frieze of tripods, of the same height as the capitals of the 
columns, two between each capital. These tripods give an 
additional proof of the intention of the monument. The slabs 
within the cylinder were polished, although there was no access 
into it, as the basiff was solid, with the exception of a small rough 
hollow in the centre. For the details of this curious and elegant 
structure, see Stuart Ant. of Ath. I. 4. 


or temple. In so small a building, however, (only 
six feet in diameter within,) it was natural that 
the artist or the victorious choragus, should in pre- 
ference have bestowed all the expense on external 
decoration, there having been no alternative but 
that of leaving the columns open for the display of 
a statue, in a manner which seems to have been 
common among the Romans. To the interior of 
the monument of Lysicrates, on the ' contrary, there 
was no access, and it may therefore be described as 
a )/^{vSovaoc> although it was equally sacred to the 
deity chiefly worshipped in this quarter, as we find 
clearly indicated by the frieze, representing in relief 
the destruction or transformation of the Tyrrhenian 
pirates by Bacchus and his daemons ^ The inscription 
on the architrave states only that Lysicrates son of 
Lysitheides led the chorus when the boys of the tribe 
Acamantis were victorious, when Theon played the 
flute, when Lysiades wrote the piece, and when Evie- 
netus was archon^ that is to say, in the same year in 

iatfjLtay rQy iifjt<f!i Aiowtov "Arparoc (Pausan. Attic. 2, 4). 
The destruction of the Tyrrhenian pirates by Bacchus was a favour- 
ite subject among the painters and sculptors of Athens, like the 
labours of Hercules and Theseus, the battle of Marathon, and the 
contest of the Centaurs and Lapith». Philostratus (loon. 1, 19) 
describes a picture, in which the transformation of the pirates 
was represented, as on the monument of Lysicrates. 

' AvaiKparriQ AvatdiiSov Kiicvyriv^ ^xop^yec, 'Aicaiuiyrie icaii^r 
iyUaf Oiiay ijvXci, AwtaHric 'AOiyvacoc i^iiaaKe^ Evacveroc 4pX^* 

The dedication of the tripod was made at the expense of the 
choragtts or leader of the chorus (sometimes represented by the 
whole tribe, or even by the people of Athens). The orator Lysiaa 
(in defens. largit. p. 698, Reiske) informs us that the expenses of 
providing a chorus of men, and of consecrating a tripod, were five 


which Alexander the great passed over into Asia 
(b.c. 335 — 4). 

As the temple could not have had any statue 
within it, ire may be the more assured that it was 
one of those monuments, which had images within 
the tripod, and it may therefore have been either 
that which contained the satyr of Praxiteles, or that 
which was the work of Thymilus, representing Cupid 
and Bacchus, with a young satyr presenting a cup to 
the latter deity ^ 

We have already seen that the Lenaeum, which Len»uxn. 
contained two temples of Bacchus, was contiguous 
to the theatre, which was itself within the sacred 
inclosure': and we learn from Vitruvius that it 
served as a place of shelter to the people, whenever 
a sudden fall of rain interrupted the scenic repre- 
sentations of the theatre'. The only situation in 

thousand drachmae ; but those of Lysicrates were probably much 
greater. Many remains of choragic monuments are still found 
at Athens, chiefly of the fifth, fourth, and third centuries, b.c See 
Boeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 211 et seq. 217, 221 et seq. The same 
form of inscription is found upon all these monuments ; that of the 
monument of Thrasyllus, erected b.c. 320, differs not from those 
upon the choragic dedications of Aristeides and Themistocles, 
about 485 b.c, as reported by Plutarch (Arist. 1. Themist. 5.) 
though of course in all those, prior to the archonship of Eucleides 
(b.c. 403 — 2) the four Ionic letters, which were then added in 
public documents, to tlie old Attic alphabet, are not found. 

* See above, p. 137. * See above, p. 137, 185. 

' Post scenam porticus sunt constituends, uti cum imbres 
Indos interpellaverint, habeat populus quo se recipiat ex theatro, 
choragiaque laxamentum habeant ad chorum parandum : uti sunt 
porticus Pompeianse, itemque Athenis porticus Eumenia, patrisque 
Liberi fanum. et exeuntibus e theatro sinistra parte Odeiuro, 
quod Athenis Pericles (a/. Themistocles) columnis lapideis dis- 


which the Lenseum can be placed, is immediately 
below the theatre to the south : 1, Because it occu- 
pied a part of the district called Ac/Ltvai, or the marshes, 
which we cannot suppose to have been situated in any 
but the lowest part of the city. 2, Because it was not 
to the eastward or to the westward of the theatre : for 
on the eastern side or to the left of those going out of 
the theatre, stood the Odeium of Pericles, and in pro- 
ceeding westward from the theatre towards the Pro- 
pylsea of the Acropolis, Pausanias makes no mention 
of any building or monument, until he arrives at the 
tomb of Talos. We may infer, moreover, from 
Vitruvius, that on the western side of the lower part 
of the theatre, on a line with the scene, stood the 
l^eL. portico of Eumenes ^ 

Pausanias does not inform us whether the street 

posuit, naviumque mails et antennis e spoliis Persicis pertexoit. 
Idem autem incensum Mithridatico bello rex Ariobarzanes re- 
stituit. — Vitruv. 5, 9. 

On the doubtful name see Schneider in his edition, III. 
p. 363. There can be no question that Pericles built this 
Odeium, though the use of the Persian spoils would be bet- 
ter suited to Theroistocles. But whichever may have been 
the name written by Vitruvius, he seems to have adopted a 
vulgar error as to the roof, which could hardly have been con- 
structed of Persian timber, as it was not raised until about 
forty years after the battle. 

' This building seems to have been one of those benefactiona 
of foreign potentates, of which there were many examples 
among the public constructions of Athens (see above, p. 24). 
It was built probably at the expense of Eumenes II. who suc- 
ceeded to the throne of Pergamus, two years after the visit to 
Athens of his father Attains, whose name was attached to one of 
the Athenian tribes. Eumenes was noted for his liberality and 
his protection of arts and letters. 


of Tripodes conducted to the Lenffium, or to the street of 
Dionysiac Theatre, to the temples or to the theatre ^^' 
of Bacchus. More probably to the former : for his 
words leave little question that such monuments as 
that of Ljsicrates stood in the oSog, or street of 
Tripodes, in which case the street passed along the 
eastern side of that monument, the inscription being 
on that side of it. Now, although a street from the 
Prytaneium could not have formed a direct line 
either to the Lenseum, or to the Dionysiac Theatre, 
its curve or angular bondings would have been much 
less indirect to the former position than to the 
latter; especially if we imagine the Lenseum, which 
was a very extensive enclosure ', to have included a 
portion of the ground to the eastward of that which 
was immediately below the Theatre, and that the 
street of Tripodes entered the enclosure towards its 
eastern extremity. At the same time it is not 
impossible that there was another street which 
ftimished a shorter access to the Theatre, from the 
parts about the Prytaneium, leading along the foot 
of the Acropolis, and entering the Theatre at that 
diazoma or corridor of separation between the upper 
and lower division of the seats, which is seen in the 
ancient coin of Athens already referred to *, and of 
the entrance into which diazoma there are still some 
traces on the north-eastern side of the Tlieatre. 

We have already seen from Vitruvius, that the odeium of 
Odeium of Pericles, a theatre remarkable for its^®™*^' 
pointed roof and its numerous seats and columns, 
was adjacent to the Dionysiac theatre on the eastern 
side. Pausanias in placing this Odeium near the 

' See above, page 137, n. 2. * See plate 1, hg. 2. 

U 4- 


temple, as well as near the theatre of Bacchus, 
concurs with Vitruvius ^ in showing its position to 
have been to the eastward of the theatre, on a 
level with the lower part of that building; leav- 
ing, probably, a passage above it into the upper 
diazoma of the theatre, while the street of the 
Tripods, in which stood the monument of Lysi- 
crates, passed to the eastward of it into the Lenseum. 
The Odeium thus situated was sufficientlj near to 
the rocks of the Acropolis to justify the fears enter- 
tained by Aristion (during the siege of Athens by 
Sjlla), lest the enemy should make use of its timber 
for assaulting the Acropolis ^ 

If this Odeium was, as well as the Theatre, within 
the Dionysiac peribolus, as seems highly probable from 
its destination and proximity, it will follow that this 
great inclosure extended considerably to the eastward 
of the Theatre. Possibly the street of the Tripods, 
having passed along the eastern side of the monu- 
ment of Lysicrates, terminated in that propylseum 
of Dionysus, which is shown by Andocides to have 
been in sight, and at no great distance from the 
Odeium, and from an op^Wpa which was below it '. 
No vestiges have yet been discovered either of the 

^ Pausan. Attic. 20, 3. See above, p. 138. Vitniv. 5, 9. 
p. 287, n. 3. 

' See above, p. 138, d. 4. 

' tlyoi Be waytrikiivoy ixel Bi itapa ro irpoirvXacoK ro ^wyvffov 
^Vf hpq,v aydpkncovQ xoXXovc ^^o rov ^delov Karafialyovrac tic tilP 
opyflVTpav* Ziitrac It a^rovc, tlfnKQiiv vno riiv ercidv raOcCctfOai 
fieraiv rov kIovoc kqI rfJQ or^XijCiC^* ^ 6 orpariiydc eorcv 6 )^a\icov(. 
Andocid. de Myst. p. 19, Reiske. 

This orchestra seems not to have been a part of the Odeinm, 
but near it and perhaps within the Dionysiac inclosure, which 


Odeium of Pericles, or of an j of the monuments of 
the Lenaeum. But as the choragic temple of Lysi- 
crates proves an accumulation of eleven feet of soil 
at that building, and as there is every appearance 
of an elevation not smaller, where stood the scene of 
the Dionysiac theatre, it is possible, that an excava^ 
tion in this place might conduct to the discovery of 
some remains of the Odeium, or of some of the 
monuments of the Lenaeum, as well as of the lower 
parts of the theatre itself. 

On the slope of the Acropolis between the Diony- stoa of 
siac theatre and the Odeium of Herodes, are some 
rains of a succession of arches, which appear to have 
connected the lower part of that Odeium with the 
upper diazoma of the theatre. At some period of 
the Byzantine or of the Turkish empire, they have 
been made to serve, by means of modem additions, 
as part of the town-wall, or exterior defence of the 
Acropolis. As their workmanship resembles that of 
the Odeium, they may possibly have belonged to a 
portico built by Herodes, or soon after his time, for 
the purpose of a covered communication between the 
two theatres. 

The route of Pausanias in proceeding from the 
Theatre to the Acropolis, appears to have been along 
the upper part of the slope, which is immediately at 
the foot of the rocks of the Acropolis, and to have 
passed, if not over, at least very near a part of the 
hill afterwards occupied by the upper extremity of 

fftToun the supposition, that it was a place for dancing more 
ancient than the theatre, and similar to the orchestra at the statues 
of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. See above, p. 245, n. 4. 



the Odeiuin of Ilerodes, which was not then built : 
from thence he passed by the temples of .Ssculapius, 
Themis, Venus, and Tellus, to the ascent into the 
Acropolis ' : the principal edifice which he encoun- 
tered in this route, was the Asclepieium or Asclepium, 
or temple of .^sculapius. 
Temple of This temple was remarkable for containing within 
plus. its inclosure, one of the few sources of water which 
Athens possessed *, and it is onlj by this indication 
that we can now determine in what part of the road 
between the Dionysiac theatre and the Propylsea, the 
Asclepieium stood. 

From the testimony of Pausanias, who says that 
Enneacrunus was the only source of potable water in 
Athens, we may infer that the fountain of .Ssculapius 
was one of those springs of water unfit for drinking, 
but suited to domestic purposes, to which Vitruvius 
alludes*. Although neglect and depopulation may 
have destroyed the numerous aqueducts of this kind 
of water anciently existing in Athens, and may even 
have obliterated some of its springs, we ought still 
to find its principal sources. These, it is natural 
to suppose, were on the side, or at the foot, of 
the Acropolis ; for this hill seems to be the princi- 
pal seat of that saline matter, which impregnated 
the QaXatrtra 'EptxOri'ig, ov Salt well, sacred to Nep* 
tune, in the Erechtheium, and which communi- 
cates a saline taste to the wells of Athens, 
more or less strong in proportion to their dis- 
tance from the citadel. Pausanias mentions no 

^ See above, p. 141, 14*2. 

' Pausan. Attic. 21, 7. See above, p. 140. 

s See above, p. 177, n. 2. 


more than two sources of water in Athens, besides 
Enneacrunus ; one near the cave of Pan, the other 
in the temple of iBsculapius. The former named 
Empedo, or Clepsydra, was reputed to have had a 
subterraneous course from Athens to Phalerum, a 
fable for which it is difficult to find any foundation, 
the natural course of these streams being in the 
opposite direction : and Pliny relates the same story of 
the fountain of .^sculapius \ There is every appear- 
ance therefore^ that the water flowing from the foun- 
tain of ifisculapius, was a branch of the Empedo, or 
Clepsydra ; and that the slender stream of brackish 
water which rises at the south-western angle of the 
Acropolis, and which, after pursuing a short course to 
the north-eastward, joins the rivulet rising near the 
grotto of Pan, from whence it flows towards the Agora 
of Augustus, is that which had its origin in the Ascle- 
pieium. As waters with mineral impregnations were 
often held sacred to ^culapius, the spring may have 
been the original cause of the position of the Ascle- 
pieium in this spot. 

This temple stood therefore between the summit 
of the Odeium of Herodes, and the temple of Vic- 
tory a little towards the northern side of the ground 
which here separates the course of the waters. 
The situation was fortnerly occupied by a mosque 
formed out of the ruins of a church S and as 

' Sttbeunt terras rursasque redduntur Lycus in Asia, Era- 
siniu in Argolica, Tigris in Mesopotamia ; et quse in iEsculapii 
fonte Athenis immersae sunt, in Phalerico redduntur. Plin. 
H. N. 2, 103 (106). 

' Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, II. p. v. 


the temples of Athens were generally converted 
into churches upon the establishment of Christianity, 
it is not improbable that this church was built upon 
the Asclepieium. 

We have already remarked, that in the year 1 676, 
Wheler observed on a part of the rising ground to 
the south of the Areiopagus, and to the west of the 
Propylsa, a fountain of brackish water issuing from a 
Turkish tchesmeh, in the road which leads into the 
modem town from the southward, across the ridge 
which unites the Areiopagus with the Acropolis^ and 
that he thistook it for the fountain Enneacrunus ; it 
was probably the spring of .£sculapius, diverted from 
its natural course by pipes, to supply a fountain con- 
structed in the usual Turkish manner by the road 
side. About eighty years afterwards, when Stuart 
was the first who examined the topography of Athens 
with the care which the subject deserved, he did 
not find this fountain in the place where Wheler 
observed it ; but in his plan he has marked the origin 
of the southern fountain and the course of the 
streamlet issuing from it, to its junction with that 
which rises near the grotto of Pan: whence it 
appears that the Turkish tchesmeh had then fallen 
into neglect, and that the spring of jSsculapios had 
reverted to its natural course. 
Tomb of The site of the Asclepieium being fixed, it will 
follow that the tomb of Talcs, or temple of Perdix, 
which Pausanias encountered in his way from the 
Theatre to the temple of ^culapius, stood on the 
side of the Cecropian hill, between the site of that 
temple and the theatre of Bacchus, and (as we 


may presume from the story of Calos and Perdix *) 
immediately at the foot of the rocks of the 

And here we may remark, in reference to the 
tomb of Tales and the Asclepieium, that these two 
sites are links in a chain of positions around the 
rocks of the Acropolis, which were occupied by 
8ome of the most revered of the monuments of 
Athens, in the most ancient, central, and conspi- 
cuous part of the city, and that the completion of 
this chain would furnish a strong presumptive evi- 
dence of the accuracy of all the sites which the 
preceding pages have pretended to identify. On the 
northern side, beginning from the west, were the 
sanctuary of Apollo and Pan, the Anaceium, and 
the Agraulium : thence proceeding to the south and 
west, were the Dionysiac theatre, the tomb of Tales, 
and the temple of .^Lsculapius ; the whole in agree- 
ment with Lucian, in ^ the Fisherman,"' where Par- 
rhesiadesy preparing to make his proclamation to the 
philosophers, alters his intention of ascending the 
Areiopagtts, and thinks it better to mount up to the 
Acropolis, — obviously to its western end, this being 
nearest to the Areiopagus, as well as to the most 
frequented parts of the city. From hence he ob- 
serves the philosophers advancing from the side of 
the Areiopagus, and climbing up at the Anaceium, 
Pelasgicum ', Asclepieium, and tomb of Tales. 
It seems evidently, therefore, to have been the 
author^s intention to enumerate the remarkable 

* See above, p. 140, n. 5. 

- The Pelasgicum was below the cave of Pan, as will be seen 
more fully in Section VIII. 


296 ELEUSINIUM. [sect. VII. 

places which surrounded the western end of the 

At the eastern end, in the middle of the preci- 
ninm. pitous Tocks, which terminate the hill on that side, 
there is a great cavern surmounting a slope, which 
lies between it and the situation of the path or 
street, which I have imagined to have led from the 
Prytaneium to the upper division of the Theatre. 
One cannot easily conceive, that when all the other 
caverns around the Acropolis were sanctuaries^ 
this, the most remarkable, should not have been 
among them. I am inclined therefore to believe 
that here was the Eleusinium^ a hierum inferior 
only in sanctity to the temple of the same deities at 
Eleusis', and which Clemens of Alexandria and Amo- 
bius describe as situated below the Acropolis, bat 
concerning which we have unfortunately no other 
direct testimony, in consequence of the religious 
silence of Pausanias, as to every thing connected with 
the mysteries. Future discoveries may perhaps decide 
this, among other doubtful questions in the Topo- 
graphy of Athens. At present we may be satisfied 

^ In the former edition of this work, I had supposed the words 
of Pausanias (Attic. 14, 2, see ahove, p. 119,) decisive in showing 
that the Eleusinium was near Enneacrunns ; but I must now 
admit that, considering the peculiarity of the style of Pausanias, 
and the abruptness of his transitions, no such inference can be 
safely drawn from those words : on the contrary, if, as there is 
good reason to believe, the temple of Ceres and Proserpine in 
Agree was not the principal Athenian temple of those deities, or 
that commonly called the Eleusinium, it is more probable that 
the latter was in a different part of Athens. 

' Andocid. de Myst. p. 55. 57. 65. Reiske. Lys. c. Andocid. 
p. 196. 255. Plutorch de Exil. 17. 

SECT. ^11.] ELEUSINIUM. 297 

with finding that there is nothing in this situation 
adverse to the testimony of other authors concern- 
ing the Eleusinium. If we suppose this sanctuary 
of Demeter and Core, to have occupied all the 
ground situated immediately at the foot of the 
eastern extremity of the Acropolis, the great ca- 
vern being perhaps the adytum of the temple, as 
we find exemplified in other Athenian sanctuaries 
of remote origin, the hypothesis will perfectly accord 
with the importance and magnitude of the Eleusi- 
nium ; for we find that this temple was inclosed 
within a peribolus, which contained besides the 
cella reserved for the mysteries, some dedications 
requiring considerable space, such as the sepulchre 
of Immaradus \ and a l^ge equestrian statue of 
Simon by Demetrius *. 

At the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the 
Eleusinium was strongly inclosed, and it was on this 
account excepted, together with the Acropolis and 
some other place or places similarly protected, from 
those uninhabited parts of the city, which the people 
of Attica were allowed to occupy on that occasion \ 

'£XfV9iWov, Tov vTTo rp 'Aicpoir<$X£i ; — Clem, in Protrept. p. 18, 
Sylbnxg. Daeiras et Immaradus fratres (conditi sunt) in Eleu- 
sinio consepto, quod civitati subjectum est. Amob. adv. Gent. 
6. p. 193, Maiie. 

' Simon had preceded Xenophon as a writer on horsemanship, 
and his precepts were explained by figures on the basis of the 
statue; Xenoph. de Re Eq. in proccm. Hierocl. Hippiat. in 
prooem. Plin. H. N. 34, 8. (19. § 15.) 

' Ol ^c iroXXol rd rt tpiifia ttiq wSkttac ficfiaay koI ra Upa xal ra 
hp^a vdvTU irX^v t^q ^AKpoxokiiac xal tov *EXivtnyiov koI u re 
oXAo f3</3ai4tfc KXiiffToy ^k. Thucyd. 2, 15« 

298 ELEUSINIUM. [sect. VII. 

The conjecture has already been offered, that 
the Agraulium was one of the inclosed sanctoaries 
alluded to bj Thucydides, and that the caverns of 
Agraulus and Herse furnished an access from the 
Agraulium to the platform of the citadel ^ which 
might be convenient both to the hierarchy and to 
the military government. Probably the great cavern 
at the eastern end of the Acropolis, and the enclosure 
of the Eleusinium in front of it» constituted an out- 
work of the same kind. The greater distance of this 
position, from Enneacrunus than that of any of the 
other sanctuaries in this quarter, may be the reason 
why Thucydides has not named the Eleusinium, 
though he has probably alluded to it in the words 
aXXa upa apj^ata ravrp * : it was not SO distant, how- 
ever, from the fountain, that there would have been 
any inconvenience in its having been supplied with 
water from thence for sacred purposes. 

And this situation of the Eleusinium would suffi- 
ciently explain the course of the quadrennial pro- 
cession of the great Panatheneea, when it was the 
custom to display the peplus of Minerva as a sail 
upon a chariot, formed like a ship, which filled 
with sacerdotal persons of both sexes splendidly 
decorated, and of noble families (Eupatridse), was 
conveyed through the city, accompanied by a chorus 
of citizens chanting hymns. The ship entered the 
city at Dipylum, proceeded through the Cerameicus 
and Agora to the Eleusinium, made the circuit of 

■ See above, p. 266. 269. The cave of Pan also, if we may judge 
from the Lysistrata of Aristophanes, (see below, p. 805, n. 1.) bad 
an opening in or adjacent to it, which led into the Acropolis. 

* See above, p. 1 73. 


that sanctuary, and returned by the Pelasgicum to 
the Pythium ^ This Pythium, it seems evident, was 
the temple of Apollo Patrous in or near the ancient 
Agora', and not the Pythium near the temple of Jupi- 
ter Olympius ; since Pausanias observes that the place 
where the ship was deposited, was near the Areio- 
pagus, which was not far from the temple of Apollo 
Patrons. The Pelasgicum was a space of consecrated 
ground below the north eastern angle of the Acropolis, 
as will be shown more particularly hereafter. Placing 
the Eleusinium therefore at the eastern end of the 
Acropolis, we shall have a very natural course for 
the procession, of which the object appears to have 
been that of exhibiting the pageant through all the 
most frequented and illustrious parts of Athens^ 
in making the tour of the Acropolis'. The same 
position of the Eleusinium explains also a part of 
the course recommended by Xenophon, to be fol- 
lowed by the Athenian horsemen on days of parade. 
In the third chapter of his Hipparchicus, he insists 
upon three things, as necessary to be observed by 
the hipparchus, or commander of the Athenian 
cavalry : namely, to propitiate the gods in their 
favour ; to make the processions of the sacred 
festivals worthy of being seen ; and to render as 
beautiful as possible the exercises which it was 
the duty of the hipparchus to exhibit to the city in 
the Academy, in the Lyceium, at Phalerum, and in 

1 Philost. Sophist 2, 1. § 5. Himer. Orat. 3, 12. p. 445, 

' See aboye, p. 113, n. 5. 

' For some further remarks on the Panathenaic ship, see 
Appendix XVI. 

300 ELEUSINIUM. [sect. VII. 

the Hippodrome. Xenophon then states how each 
of these things may be best performed. *^ The sacred 
processions (he observes) Tvill be most grateful to 
the gods, as well as to spectators, if the hippar- 
chus make a circuit of the Agora, beginning at the 
Hermse, and visiting in their course all the temples 
and statues of the gods. On returning to the Hermse, 
at the end of this circuit, it would then (he adds) be 
proper for the hipparchus to urge his horses, in divi- 
sions, at a rapid pace, as far as the Eleusinium \" 

These words have been supposed to demonstrate 
that the Eleusinium was in the Agora, and that it was 
probably the same temple of Ceres and Proserpine 
which Pausanias describes, soon after having entered 
Athens : but an opposite conclusion may also be de- 
duced from them ; that is to say, that the Eleusinium 
was in a part of the city distant from the Agora. When 
the horsemen had made the kvkXoq rriq 'Ayopac, or tour 
of the Agora, from the Hermae, back again to the 
Hermse, Xenophon recommended the hipparchus to 
proceed to the Eleusinium in a new order of march, 
or by divisions, and at an accelerated pace. The 
circuit of the Agora was a slow and solemn move- 
ment, in honour of the gods, whose temples the 
horsemen passed, and it probably comprehended the 
entire circuit of the hill of Areiopagus : the quick 

' Tac f(C^ oZy irofiirdQ oiofiai ay sac toiq Ocoic KixapifffUvvrdraQ 
Kol roTc OtaraiQ clvai, ct, ocnav Upa ical ^yoX^ara cv rj ityop^ 
coTif ravraf apiafievoi iiwo r&v 'Epfiuy^ kvkX^ irepl rqy iiyopay koI 

ra iipa irepceXavyoccK, rifi&yrsc rove Ocovc *]£,ir€iBay 

3c iraXiy irpoQ role 'Ef>paic yiytayrai repicXiyXarfSrcCt tyrevOtP 
KaK6y fioi doKti tlyai Kara ^vXac etc ra\ot ayuyai rove tinrovc 
fii'Xpt, rov ^Ekevtriyiou, Hipparch. 3. For the situation of the 
HermaB, see above, p. 253. 


times indicate a different purpose, and show tbe 
subsequent point of destination to have been com- 
paratively distant. This part of the advice of Xeno- 
phon seems also to have been in the sense of 
another of his previous recommendations; namely, 
in order to exhibit the cavalry to the city, as 
they passed through the whole length of its most 
frequented quarters. 

There remains to be ascertained, if possible, the Temples of 
position of the sanctuaries of Themis, of Venus, aud Themis^ 
of Tellus, which, according to Pausanias, occurred 
successively to the traveller, in ascending from the 
Asclepieium to the Propylsea^ The proximity of 
the tomb of Hippolytus to the temple of Themis is 
explained by the story of Phsedra and Hippolytus, 
according to which the death of Hippolytus was 
caused by the imprecations of his father Theseus, 
which it was the office of Themis to execute. Pau- 
sanias alludes to this circumstance, when, after no- 
ticing the position of the tomb of Hippolytus in 
front of the temple of Themis, he adds, that ^^ the 
death of Hippolytus was said to have been caused by 
imprecations {U Karapw)^ The temple of Venus 
was equally connected with the story of Hippolytus, 
and hence was often called the Hippolyteium ^ 
having, according to the Athenian mythus, as deve- 
loped in the tragedy of Euripides, been founded by 

' Attic. 22, 1. 2. 3. See above, p. 141. 

' See above, p. 141, n. 4, 5* In the opening speech of the 
Hippolytus of Enripides, Venus threatens vengeance against 
Hippolytus for his neglect of her, and his preference of 
Diana, and proposes to effect it by the imprecations of his own 


Pbsedra herself K Probably, therefore, both these tem- 
ples, as well as the monument of Hippolytos, stood 
within one and the same sacred inclosure. The word 
Ki\(UHrrai, which Pausanias applies to the monument^ 
seems to imply that it was a tumulus, or at least of 
a pyramidal form. The situation of these structures 
may be very nearly determined by the fact of their 
having been not far from the entrance of the Acro- 
polis at the utmost bounds of the ancient Agora 
eastward * ; but still more exactly, if we can ascer- 
tain the situation of the temple of Tellus Curotropha 
and Ceres Chloe, that of iEsculapius being determined 
by the fountain; since it would appear, from the 
order of names in Pausanias, that the temple of 
Venus stood between the Asclepieium and the 
temple of Tellus and Ceres. 
Temple of Of the latter sanctuary, a part perhaps is still in 
Si^ *"** existence. Between fifty and sixty feet in front of 
the southern wing of the Propylsea, we find a very 
solid Hellenic wall of regular masonry, constructed 

* Kal xpiv fiiy eXdely riivZt yijy Tpoil^riviay 
nirpay wap* avrijy noXXd^Ct Karoif«OF 
File iifff&, yaoy Kwrpiioc lyKo&iearo 
'^pHa* ipkfT txlrffwy' 'IirxoXvrw 2* twi 
To XoiiroK ity6fjia($y iBpvffdai Otay, 

Euripid. Hippolyt. 29. 
ifaiipa Bia to koXXoc ipo.ffdtl9a ahrov, T6rt fiiy AxcXOdyroc, 
i^pvaoTO Upoy 'A^^d/nyc irapa rriy *Acp<$iroXiF, odty fy JcaOopftK 
Tf^y TpocC^ya. Diodor. 4, 62. 

There may be some doubt whether Troezen is visible from the 
site of the temple of Venus, but it may be seen from the platform 
of the Acropolis, which is perhaps as much as the words of 
Euripides require. 
' See above, p. 215. 



of the same kind of limestone as the Cimonian wall 
of the Acropolis, with the western extremity of 
which it forms a right angle. It supported the 
platform of the temple of Victory without Wings, 
and, together with another similar wall, forming an 
obtuse angle with its northern end, it served as a 
termination to the southern defences of the Acro- 
polis, and their connexion with those of the western 
entranced There can be little doubt that the 
approach to the Propylsea from the southward, by 
which Pausanias conducts his reader to the Acropolis 
from the Lenieum, passed along this wall, or parallel 
to it, at no great distance, and that a little farther it 
joined the direct access to the Acropolis. At the 
foot of the wall are two doors, coeval with the wall, 
and conducting into a small grotto, or excavated 
chamber. This chamber is probably the Adytum 
of Ceres and Tellus : L Because the worship of 
the Earth in this place was very ancient, having, 
it is said, been established by Erichthonius * ; and 
we find in the case of other sanctuaries — for exam- 
ple, those of the Eumenides, of Apollo, of Agraulus, 
and possibly of Ceres Eleusinia, that the caverns 
of Athens were among the most ancient places 
of worship. 2. Because the two doors are well 
appropriated to the two deities, and equally so the 
{dngle subterraneous Adytum into which they led, 

' For some farther remarks on these ancient works, see 
Appendix XV. 

' Kovporpo^C r^* ravrfi ii Ovcrai i^erl ro wp^ov *Epix06yu}v Iv 
*AcporoXfc Kol fikfftoy iipveoffdat, xaptr iLWoitBovra r^ T^ rHy 
rpoftitav' Karaoriiaai it vofAifwy tovq dvoyrac riyt Off ravTfj irpo* 
Bvur. Suidas in Kovporpo^c- 


for these two deities were no more than persona- 
tions of the same terrene essence, Ceres having been 
here in her capacity of a x^^vcoc Ococ ^ The Ady- 
tum is divided into two portions of unequal depth, in 
each of which there was probably an altar, for we find 
mention made of an altar of Tellus Curotropha', and a 
fragment of a comedy of Eupolis alludes to the sacri- 
fice of a ram to Ceres Chloe '\ 3. The position near 
the right hand of the traveller, on his way from the 
Asclepieium, not long before he began the direct 
ascent to the Propylsea, accords exactly with that 
given to the temple of Ceres and Tellus by Pausanias, 
who treats of it as the last object before he arrives 
at the Propyleea. It was thus very conveniently 
placed for receiving the preparatory offerings of those 
who were about to sacrifice to the greater deities 
of the Acropolis ^. One of the writers just cited, 
speaks of the temple as having been at the Acropolis 

* y. Aristopl). Thesm. 101. et Schol. ^tifi^rtip is indeed 
nothing more tluin F^ f^^rifp, Mother-Earth. Oc Awpicic ri)K 

yfiy idv \iyovffi. Etym. M. in 'AXevd^a. Chrysippus 

disputat Terrain earn esse quae Ceres diceretur. Cicero de Nat 
Deor. 1» 15. For a description of some monumental illustra- 
tions of this suhject see Appendix VI. 

* Suid. 1. 1. 

' EirxXoov A^/ifjrpoc lepoy kori irpot rj *AicpoiroXci. Ka\ EviroXic 

'AXX' ehOif lIoXcwc c^^' ^^^^ V^P /^ ^c< 
Kptdv XXofi A^fifirpi, 
Schol. in Sophoc. Colon. (Edip. 1600. The Scholiast has 
confounded the temple of Ceres Chloe, intended by Eupolis* 
with that of Ceres Euchlous, mentioned by Sophocles, which was 
near Colonus. 
« Suid. 1. 1. 


{irpog ry 'AicpoiroXci), and another as having been in 
the Acropolis (ev r^ 'Ak^ottoXh). Placed, indeed, as 
it was within a wall, which was one of the defences 
of the western end of the citadel, this cayem might 
almost be described as a part of it, though the situa- 
tion accords still better with an allusion made to the 
temple in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes, where the 
Athenian women being in possession of the citadel, 
Lysistrata is represented as suddenly alarmed at the 
approach of a man, whom, when he has arrived at 
the sanctuary of Ceres Chloe, Myrrhina, one of the 
women, distinguishes to be her husband Cinesias \ 

At the second or principal gate of a succession of ^^!^l 
modem defences on the approach to the citadel of li""*- 
Athens, are two inscribed marbles, still serving their 
original purpose of architraves : though the gate at 
which they are found is a modern structure, and one 
of the inscriptions is reversed. This latter testifies 
the presentation of gates to the Polis (Acropolis) by 
a Roman flamen, named Flavins Septimius MarceU 

' AY. 'low, ioVf yvvaiX€Q .... 

" AvZpf &yhp* opa vpoviovra .... 
FY. TLov ^ Effrly otmq iffTi ; AY. Ilapa' to ttjq XXoiyc* 
FY. *€l yii At' £otJ diiTa. tic Kaariv -kotz ; 
AY. 'Opare, yiyuttrKii tic vfiwy ; MYP. N^ A/a 
"Eyftiyc* Katrriv ohfioc &Ki)p Kiyri<riac» 

Aristoph. Lysist. 829. 
\\6ii — j^ ^rifjifiTrjp irSiTiKQc Schol. in v. 835. 
Immediately after this scene follows the dialogue between 
Cinesias and Myrrhina at the gate, where he proposes that they 
shonld retire to the grotto of Pan, and wash in the Clepsydra. 
There appears, therefore, to have been an access from the citadel 
to the cave of Pan, as well as to the Clepsydra. 



linus ' ; the other, which is of much earlier date, re- 
cords a dedication to Demeter and Core K As it is 
evident that a road from the southward, forming a 
lateral junction with the direct access to the Pro- 
pylsea, Hirould have required a gate in an exterior 
inclosure of the western defences of the hill, this 
inscription may relate to gates which stood very near, 
if not exactly upon, the spot where it is now found. 
The dedication to Ceres and Proserpine belonged 
probably to some monument erected near the temple 
of Ceres and Tellus, and perhaps within its inclosure. 

' ^X. 2csT//iiioc MopiceXXcivoc ^Xa/x(4y) koI diro dyoii^oOcrfiiF, 
(jc Twy i^ibtVf rove irvXwvaQ r^ v6\ei. 

The form of the characters, as well as the names Flavius Sep- 
timius, seem to indicate the heginning of the second century of 
the Christian aera, as the date of this monument. 

* Mvi|ffa'X^C 'EiTiKparov Of Fafoc, * A^iTpmnfieyf ^iifinrp*^ 

Kat Kdpp aviOffKay, 


Fifih and last Part of the Description ofPausanias. — 
The Acropolis^ Areiopagus^ and Academy. 

So many of the most interesting oTidences of Athe^ 
nian history were contained idthin the walls of the 
Cecropian fortress; and it still possesses so many 
of the sunriving antiquities of Athens, that this divi- 
sion of the city must ever demand the largest share 
of attention from the archaeologist as well as from 
the artist and topographer. 

By the diligence of Stuart and Revett, who first 
gave the public a correct idea of the invaluable 
specimens of Grecian art, contained in the Athenian 
Acropolis, together with more recent operations of 
the same kind, which have added many important 
additions and amendments to the work of Stuart ^ 
we are at length arrived, after a gradual approxima- 
tion to the truth from the middle of the seventeenth 
century, at a correct knowledge of those magnificent 
buildings which adorned the citadel of Athens ; not 
that many curious discoveries upon the monuments 
of the Acropolis may not still be made ; but that in 

' Among those which have been published, may be particu- 
larly mentioned the notes to the second volume of the new edition 
of Stuart's Antiquities of Athens by Mr. W. Kinnard. 


308 ACROPOLIS. [sect. VIII. 

regard to the three great buildings, the Propylaea, 
Erechtheium, and Parthenon, it is probable that 
little remains to be done. 

Nothing in ancient Greece or Italy could be com- 
pared with the Acropolis of Athens, in its combina- 
tion of beauty and grandeur, surrounded as it was 
by temples and theatres among its rocks, and encir- 
cled by a city abounding with monuments, some of 
^vhich rivalled those of the Acropolis K 

Its platform formed one great sanctuary \ parti- 
tioned only by the boundaries of the nfiivri or sacred 
portions. We cannot, therefore, admit the suggestion 
of Chandler, that, in addition to the temples and other 
monuments on the summit, there were houses divided 

^ Scarcely any Greek city besides Athens had an Acropolis, 
surrounded on every side by the city. Hence Aristeides, the 
rhetorician, has fancifully compared it to the central orb, or inner- 
most of the five concentric circles of a shield, of which the oater 
four were the city, Attica, Greece, and the world : irept^avi^c i^ 
aval ^(d fiifrriQ r^c v6\£bfQf ^ vaXai fity ir6\iQ rvv ^e 'AcporoXic 

Kopvip^ irapairXtitrluc daKep yap Iw* iiffiriBog KVKXtay etc 

AXX^Xovc IfifiefiriKOTUfyf irifiirTOC eiQ 6fi6a\6y nXripoi ha iravr^y 6 
KaWitrroQ' iirrep ^ /icv 'EWac f^y fxifn^ r^c rrdtnig yfjg' ff Bi 
*AttiktI riJQ 'EXXaioc* r^c ^c X^P^^ ^ irokiC r^c ^ a^ woXitt i 
bfiofyvfioQ (Panath. I. p. 99, Jebb). 

The following fragment of Pindar . . • Beoi 
froXvjJaToy otr* aartoq ofJU^aXoy Bvotyra 
ky race (cpaic *A64>'aic 
oi-^ytiT€f (III. p. 67, Heyne,) 
seems to show that the idea of the sophist was not entirely 

' . . . . /icyaXoTTcrpoK, &/3aroK dcpoToXtK, 'Icpov re/icFoc. 
Aristoph. Lysist. 482. oXiyc ouffiyc wpac t^c 'AifporoAe«c- 
Demosth. de f. leg. p. 428. Reiske. ky 'AicpoirdXti /xeV y«p ry 
^Adfiyfitny ot re ayZpiayriQ Koi on6(ia fiXXo, ra iraira itrrlv 
ofioiufc iivadiifiaTa, Pausan. Eliac. pr. 21, 1. 


into, regular streets*. This would not have been 
consonant either with the customs or the good 
taste of the Athenians. When the people of Attica 
crowded into Athens at the beginning of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war, and religious prejudices gave way, in 
every possible case, to the necessities of the occa- 
sion, even then the Acropolis remained uninha- 
bited ^. In order, therefore, to form a due concep- 
tion of the effect of this storehouse of the arts, and 
to do justice to Athenian taste, we must imagine 
the platform of the hill cleared of every thing, but 
the temples and a few buildings necessary for their 
administration, and thus forming one vast compo- 
sition of architecture and sculpture ; or, to use the 
words of a Greek rhetorician, a single monument 
or dedication to the gods '. 

When the Tyrrheni Pelasgi undertook to fortify the 
Acropolis for the Athenians, and constructed the cele- 
Intited TvpativCjv rst^Kr^a TlBXapyiKov \ they began by 
levelling the summit, and then built a wall around 
it'. Its precipitous rocks rendered a single inclo- 
sure sufficient in every place except at the western 

* Travels in Greece, 11. * Thucyd. 2, 17. 

' if iroKie n)v *AKp&Ko\iv KaT£K6<rfififfe roic tQp 

tpy^y virofiyiifiain' koi rf r^c ^vflrewc icaXXei to irapa tov 
w\ovTov Kol Tfji Ti\vric i^fJuXKov vpoffiOfiKiy^ dar* clvai 
waeray hvT* iivaBiifiaTot, fidWov le &it' AyaX^aroc. Aristid. 
Panath. p. 149. 

* Callimach. ap. Sch. Aristoph. Av. 832. See Herodotus, 
6, 137. Hecataeus, ibid. 

* roi iffri^i^oy (Pelasgi so.) r^v *Ai:p(^oXiv, 7repu(iaXKoy de 
iyysdmfXoy to UeXaayiKoy, Clidemus ap. Suid. in awiBa, 
'iwi^ioy, Phavorin. in ^viEiCoy. 

Myrsilus cited by Dionysius of Ilalicarnassus (Ant. Rom. 1, 28) 
shows that the Pelasgic fortress inclosed the whole Acropolis. 


extremity where alone there is an ascent hy a 
slope, and where it appears that the PeliMgic eiH 
gineers constraoted an elaborate system of woika, 
comprehending no less than nine gates. In 
manner the Acro-Corinthus, which doubtless 
similarly fortified, continues to the pre^nt day to 
be surrounded by a single wall, except at the 
western end, where the approach is defended by 
the manifold inclosures, and costly fortifications 
constructed by the Venetians, partly perhaps upon 
ancient foundations. 

Although the Peisistratidse were able to defend 
the Pelasgic fortress against the Spartans \ a people 
unskilled in poliorcetics, it was not in a condition, 
about eighty years later, to oppose any great resist- 
ance to the Persian host, when all the Athenians had 
retired to Salamis, with the exception of those who 
dissented irom the interpretation which Themiato- 
cles had given of the oracle \ and who made a vaia 
attempt to protect the weak points by palisades^ 
and other works constructed of wood '. Herodotus 
relates, that the Persians, when they surprised the 

(rove Tv^pijvovc . . . Toie ^ABijvcuoic to ruxos ro ir«pi ri^y 'Arpd- 
iroXiy TO HtXaeyiKoy KoXovjievoVf tovtovc nspifidKeiv). 

And the same may be inferred irom Herodotna (5, 640 ^ho 
relates that the Peisistratidie were blockaded by Cleomenta 
king of Sparta in the Pelasgic fortress (cv rf XUXacyuff rdx^i^ 
Tl€\affyu:6v' Tti\Lov ovtu kv 'AO^vaic KoKovfityoy^ Tvfipi^yAy 
KTiffavTuv, Hesych. in v. 

' Herodot. 5, 65. 

' Tct^oc Tpcroycve? ^vXirov SiBol titpvowa Zevc 
Movvov &ir6pdtiToy TtXiOeiy. Ap. Herodot. 7f 141. 

' Herodot. 7, 142 ; 8, 52. We find in Greek history that 
wooden works were very commonly used in the field, as well as 
in fortresses, for occasional protection in moments of danger. 


fortress, at the time of their first occupation of 
Athens, plundered the t^nple and set fire' to the 
buildings of the Acropolis ^ and that, at their 
second visitation, they oyertumed every thing that 
lemained of the waUs, or houses, or temples of 
Athens \ Little, therefore, could have subsisted after 
this time, of the nine-gated entrance ; though a smaU 
part of the Pelasgic inclosure of the citadel seems 
to have ousted at a much later period, when it is 
described as the Pelasgic or Pelargic wall '. Such is 
die height and solidity of the walls of the citadel of 
Athens, that although in great measure composed of 
the successive reparations of ages, they may still 
consist in many parts of ancient masonry, especially 
towards the foundations. 

According to Pausanias, all the circumference of 
the hill was fortified by the Pelasgi except the 
southern side, where the :^1L was built by Cimon ^. 
We have seen, however, D'om other authorities, 
that the Pelasgi enclosed the entire hill ; the wall 
of Cimon, therefore, was probably no more than 

* TO ipov truXiiaamQf lrlirpTi<ray vdaav r^v ^AicpoToXiv. He- 
rodot. 8, 53. 

' ifiTpfiityac t€ tclq 'Adriract Kai cl kov ti OfSov ^v tAp rttyitav 
If rmv olKTffiartiv If rwv Ipwv, nayra icarafiaXi^y Ktd irvy^kurac* 
Herodot. 9, 13. 

* T/c ^ ^y KaBiUi r^c iroXcwc ^6 UiXcLpyiKoy, 

Aristoph. Av. 832. 
OTi *Adiiyri<n to TltXapyiKoy Tiixog iy TJ 'AjcpcwroXci. 

Scbol. ibid. 
V. Hesych., Etym. M. in TltXapyiKSy. This play upon llc- 
XaayiKoy alluded to the Tyrrhenian migrations, which resem- 
bled those of storks (vtXapyol). Myrsilus ap. Dionys. Ant* 
Roman. 1,28. Atthidis auth. ap. Strabo, p. 221. 

* Attic. 28, 3. See above, p. 159. 

312 PELASOIGUM. [sect. VIIL 

an extensive repair or reconstruction on tbe old 
foundations, in that part of the citadel where it was 
most wanted ; and the remark of Pausanias per- 
haps may be taken merely to indicate, that in his 
time, the southern wall was called the Cimonium, 
and the northern the Pelasgicum. In the middle of 
the northern side, the body of the work, though 
not modem, is evidently less ancient than the 
Pelasgic fortress. Entire courses of masonry are 
here formed of pieces of Doric colmnns, which 
were almost as large as those of tbe Parthenon, 
and there are other courses consisting of the compo- 
nent blocks of a Doric entablature of corresponding 
dimensions. These perhaps are portions of the wall, 
as it was rebuilt after the Persian war, when (as 
Thucydides informs us), the ruins of former build- 
ings were much employed for this purpose ^ the 
devastations of the Persians having left an abun- 
dance of materials of this kind. Thucydides, it is 
true, alludes more particularly to the peribolus of the 
Asty, as having been thus hastily constructed, during 
the intentional delays of the embassy of Themisto- 
cles to Sparta ; but we can hardly doubt that about 
this time, the northern wall of the Acropolis was 
repaired, since it is not to be supposed that when 
the Cimonian or southern wall was rebuilt twelve 
years after the retreat of the Persians *, any other 

^ BifXri fi oiKoBofiia en icat vvy iarlv ori Kara oirovdijv cyeVcro' 
01 yap OefiiXioi iravroiutv \lBu>v hTdKnyrai Koi oh ^vyEipyatrfiipMy 
itniv ^, aXX* iiQ eKatrroi won. vpoai^poV iroXKal re crr^Xac dro 
(rrifjiaTUfy koI \idot etpyavfiiyoi lyKarikiyriaay, Thucyd. 1, 93. 

' Plutarch, Cim. 13. Corn. Nep. Cim. 2. Pausan. Att. 


part of the Acropolis was more in need of repa- 
ration. If then the Pelasgic wall of later times 
uras neither on the southern nor on the northern 
side, the north western angle near the grotto of 
Pan was probably its situation. In fact, the sub- 
struction of the northern wing of the. Propylsea 
has some appearance of being a part of the old 
Pelasgic wall ; for its direction being more westerly 
than that of the wall which stands upon it, we may 
infer that it belonged to a different and more 
ancient system of works ^ 

The word Pelasgicum was applied not only to a 
part of the wall of the Acropolis, but also to a 
space of ground below the rocks of the Acropolis. 
According to an Athenian tradition, it was the 
place granted to the Pelasgi for their residence 
when they undertook to fortify the Cecropian hill, 
and from which they were expelled because they 
conspired against the Athenians ^. That it was an 
inclosed space, and not merely a wall, is proved 
from the oracle and the law which forbade its being 
inhabited or cultivated, and from its having been 
allotted, notwithstanding this sacred impediment^ 
for the habitation of a part of the Attic population^ 
it^hen they retired into Athens at the beginning of 
the Peloponnesian war '. Thucydides describes it as 
the Pelasgicum below the Acropolis, as if to distin- 
giiish it from the Pelasgic wall on the summit ; and 

' Antiquities of Athens, II. p. 105, new edition. 
' Pausan. Att. 28, 3. Scbol. Thucyd. 2, 17. Philochorus 
ap. Schol. Ludan. Catapl. 1. 

* To r€ ReXacyucov KoXovfieyoy to vwo t^v *Afff>oxoXii'i o Kai 


its gitoation ^ith respect to the dt&del is equally 
marked by Luciaii, who, in his dialogue ^ the 
Fishennau,'' represents Parrhesiades sitting upon the 
top of the wall of the Acropolifl» and letting down 
his hook baited with gold and figs, to angle for 
philosophers in the Pelasgicnm. Upon dragging one 
of them up, he exclaims, ** so, I have caught yoo, my 
honest friend, feeding delidously among the rocks, 
where you hoped to lie hid in safety \" Its exact 
situation seems therefore to have been at the foot of 
the north-western angle of the hill, forming a sort 
of outwork on that side at the foot of the approach 
to the Propytea. No place could have been more 
convenient as a residence for the engineers of the 

iirapardv re ^v /u^ oIkeiv xal n icai Ilvdarov fiarrelov drporcXev- 
Tioy roidy^e BukuXv€ \iyov &c — to UtXaoyiKor kpyov &ft€ivoy' 
Sfitit {nro Tfic mpaxp^fio hyayKtic ^^Kvfiti. Thucyd. 2, 17* 

Hapeipot irape^vXarroK fi^ric ciroc rov HtXa&yucov Keipei rac 
Kara wXioy e£opvrrei jcal Tf "Apxorri irapeiiioaaw, 

J. PoU. 8, 102. 

' ^lA. Ti irparrciv &i^p jtavoclrai ; 

lEF. AcXeacrac to AyKivrpoy IvxaBi teal \pviri^f KaOt^o/uyot 
M TO &Kpoy rov TtixioVf KaOfiKty cc n)v ir6\iy. 

^lA. Ti ravraf i Ila/Spi^eria^iy, iroucc; ^ovTOvcXiSovc dXccv- 
oMiy dccyvwcac er rov IlcXa^urov ; 

flAPP. SiMnyrav, i ^iXooo^ia, ro2 r^r Aypnv wtptfuyt 

aXX* 6p6 riva Xa/3poica cir/icyeOif, /ioXXov Ik xp^fn^p^^* 

EAET. OvK* &XXa yaXtoc itrri* npooip^trai ^c ry> aynWpy 
jcej^pvwc" off^ora* row ')^valov — irXija/ov ^iri imiy — tyffavmy — 
tiXtfiTTai — 6. yatnrawfiey, 

nAPP. Ka2 aiff i "EXeyxCi yvy {vvexiXajSov r^c opfudc — ayw 
C9r2 — ^£p* idftf Wc cTf ^ filXrurre i^iwy ; ic^wi' oSroc yc, 'HpcCcXeic, 
rirv ^6vrb>K— r/ rovro, i9 yiyyai&rart ; ciXiyif^i Xi)(yfUMy rep) roc 
Wrpoc, iySa X^aciv IjiXiriffac viro^r^vrwc, &XXa yvv erjy ^Kcpoc 
Axaffiv, &c. Lttcian* Piseator. 47. 

>. i. 

SECT. Yin.] PROPYLiEA. 315 

Pebsgic fortress and we may obBerve that the 
Pelasgicum, thus situated, completes the chain of 
positions aronnd the western end of the Acropolis, 
which Lncian, as before observed, seems to hare 
intended to enumerate in iinother part of the 
same dialogue \ Probably, therefore, the Pelaifpc 
wall and the Pelasgic inclosure were contiguous, 
the one aboTe the other \ 

The western end of the Acropolis, which fiir-PropyiM. 
nished the only access to the summit of the hill, 
was one hundred and sixty-eight feet in breadth, an 
opening so narrow, that it appeared practicable tQ 
the artists of Pericles to fill up the space with a 
aingle building, which should serve the purpose of 
a gateway to the citadel, as well as of a suitable 
entrance to that glorious display of architecture and 
sculpture which was within the inclosure'. This 
work, the greatest production of civil architecture 
in Athens, which rivalled the Parthenon in felicity 
of execution, surpassed it in boldness and originality 

* See above, p. 267. 

' In another dialogue (Bis Accus. 9), Lucian, according to 
the present reading, represents Pan as residing a little below the 
Pelasgieam(ri)F Wo rp *Aqww4k9i trr^Xvyya ravniv dufoXafi^iuvo^f 
oitcti fiurpoy Wo TQv IlcXacryuroS), but seyeral considerations in- 
duce the belief that the second inra in this place is an error for 
vwipi — 1. It is not likely that the author having desoibed the 
cavern as below the Acropolis, shquld hsve repeated the same 
idea by means of a synonym. 2. It is scarcely conceivable that 
he should have intended a different Pelasgieum from that aUuded 
to in the ** Ksherman.*' 3. To UtkaayMv is employed by Thu- 
cydides, Philostratos, and other authors, not for the Pelasgic 
wall, but for the Pelasgic inclosure. 4. ^iro requires the third 
or fourth case of the noun, not the second. 

' Alluded to in the following lines of Aristophanes, written 

316 PROPYLiEA. [sect. VIII. 

of design, and was often mentioned as if conferring 
equal glory upon its founder', was begun in the 
archonship of Euthymenes in the year before Christ 
437, under the direction of the architect Mnesicles, 
who completed it in five years. 

It may be defined as a wall pierced with five 
doors, before which on both sides were Doric 
hexastyle porticoes. Of these, the western formed 
a deep vestibule, which had a roof supported by a 
double row of three Ionic columns^ and two unequal 
projecting wings, each of which was fronted with three 
Doric columns of smaller dimensions, and communi- 
cated with the adjoining angle of the great vestibule. 

Of the five doors, the central, equal in breadth to 
the space between the two central columns of the 
Doric portico in front, as well as to the space between 
the two rows of Ionic columns in the vestibule, 

when the great works of Pericles were in all the freshness of 

"Oyj^etrOe hi' koX yap avoiyyvfiiyu^y i//o^c 4^1 f*^^ TlpoirvXaimv. 
"AXX' oXoXv^aTe ^ivoiuvaitnv rate apyaiaiviv^Adriym,^^ 
Kai QavfiaaraiQ KaX froXvvfiyoiQ, Iv 6 kXtiyo^ Afjfios iyoucti, 

£q. 1326. 

* TltpiKXti fiey UponvXaia irpoc i^tXorifJilay Hpxei koI HapdtyQv* 
Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. 2, 5. See the same words in Himerius 
ap. Phot. Myriobibl. p. 1139. 

oi TO, npoirvXaia, koI tov UtipOtywya oixohofiiiffayreQ eiccTyoc, koI 
raXXo vdyra iuro ruty fiapfiapwy Upa KoaynttrayrtQ^ &c. Demosth. 
c. Androt. p. 597. ed. Reiske. 

We may cite also the favourite npoirvXaia ravra of the same 
orator, pointing from the Pnyx to the Propylsea, and the assertion 
of iBschines (de f. legat. p. 279» Reiske), that Epaminondas 
once declared to the assembled Thebans, that the Propylsea of 
Athens ought to be removed to the entrance of the Cadmeia of 

SBcrr. vin.] pROPYLiEA. 317 

might serve for the admission of carriages and borse^ 
men : the doors on either side of the central door 
i^ere of a diminished height and breadth, and the two 
beyond these were still smaller in both dimensions. 

The doors and the eastern portico of the Propylsea 
"were raised about thirty-five feet above that part of 
the Agora where stood the statues of Harmodius and 
Aristogeiton. This height was attdned (at least, in 
part, for the lower part of the ascent still remains 
to be excavated) by steps of the entire breadth of the 
great portico, having an inclined plane up the middle 
for the use of cars and horses, and terminating in 
a platform from which there was an ascent of four or 
five steps to the main portico, as well as laterally, 
into the vnngs ; at the end of the western Propyteum 
there was an ascent of five steps to the doors. 

The wings of the Propylsea presented in front a 
-wall adorned only with a frieze of triglyphs above, and 
-with antse at the extremities. This simplicity was 
characteristic of the work of defence, of which the 
livings formed an important part, and the purposes of 
-which regulated in great measure tlieir construction ; 
£or we must not lose sight of the fact that the Acro- 
polis was a fortress as well as a great sanctuary, that 
it was required on several occasions in Attic history 
to exclude an enemy, or to sustain a siege : and 
consequently that the Propylaea, although con- 
structed with all the splendour which art could 
devise for the entrance of a sacred inclosure, was 
designed also to defend the only access to the citadel 
of Athens. 

In the northern wing a porch of twelve feet in 
depth conducted into a chamber of thirty-five feet 

t318 PBOFYL^SA. [sect. VIII. 

by thirty, the porch and chamber thus occupying 
the entire space lying behind the vestem wail 
of that wing. The southern wing consisted only 
of a porch or open gallery of twenty-six feet 
by seventeen, which on the eastern and southern 
sides was formed by a wall, connected, and of the 
same thickness, with the lateral wall of the Propy- 
Ileum; that this wing did not conduct into any 
chamber at the back has been proved by an accurate 
eiaminatiou of the south-eastern angle, which shows 
that it was not connected with any other wall. 

Of the nature of the Pelasgic works, which pro- 
tected the western end of the Acropolis, we can judge 
only from the name 'EwciirvXov, which the Athe*> 
nians applied to them, and from the examples still 
extant of fortresses in Greece and Italy, which may 
be attributed to the Pelasgi or their Hellenic 
pupils in military architecture, and in which we 
generally find the access to the innermost keep 
strengthened by means of numerous inclosures with 
avenues, constructed on the principle of obUging 
the assailant to expose his right or unshielded ade 
to the enemy K The nine gates of the Pelasgicum, 
therefore^ were probably the openings of a succession 
of inclosures and winding approaches to a main gate 
on the summit. But such a mode of access to the 
Acropolis would have been inconsistent with that 
decoration, which was the object of Phidias and his 

' Carandumque maxime videtur, ut hon fiicilis sit aditus ad 
oppugnandum muram, sed ita drcumdandum ad loca prsecipida 
et excogitandum, uti portaram itinera non sint directa sed scaeva : 
namqne cum ita factum fuerit, tunc dextrum latus accedentibus, 
quod scuto non erit tectum, proximnm erit muio. Vitruv. 1, 5. 


SECT. Vin.] PROPYLiEA. 319 

colleagues in planning the Propjlasa, and which le- 
quired a direct approach to give it effect : its 
strength, therefore^ was obtained bj throwing back 
the gates between fifkj and sixty feet behind the 
natural entrance, which had the effect likewise of 
diminishing the angle of ascent, and by placing 
before the gates a vestibule, flanked with places of 
arms. There appears, at the same time, to have been 
a carriage-way from the southward, which entered 
an exterior iudosure at, or near, the gate of Marcelr 
linus (the modem gate), and thus passed before the 
sanctuary of Tellus and Ceres, where an enemy would 
be entirely commanded, as well as exposed on his 
unshielded side, from the platform of the temple of 
Victory K 

About twenty centuries after the Pelasgi had for-- 
tified the western end of the Cecropian hill, the 
inYontion of fire-«rms produced that system of de- 
fence which has remained to the present time. The 
intervals between the columns of the Propyleea and 
of its wings were filled up and converted into Walls ; 
thus leaving no entrance into the fortress but be- 
tween the southern wing and the main inclosure 
of the hill. Here, as long as the Propylasa protected 
the entrance, there had probably been a postern 
gate ; for it is obvious that, both as the gate of a 
citadel and as the chief entrance of a great inclosure, 
the Propyhea would have been incomplete without a 
postern. The summit of the great western vestibule 
vras converted into a battery of cannon, two other 

' There is some reason to believe that there was a footway 
on the northern side, which entered the direct access between 
the northern wing and the pedestal of Agrippa. 


tiers of guns below it crossed and encumbered with 
their ramparts the direct access to the Propylsea^ and 
the only entrance to these works was on the southern 
side, where different routes uniting near the modem 
gate conducted from thence by a winding path round 
the middle battery to the summit. Three successive 
gates in the outworks below the principal gate, and 
three more within it, gave, together with the winding 
avenues, some resemblance to that which may be 
conceived of the old Eni^eapylum. It is curious also 
that the Turkish outwork, on the north-west, com- 
prehended within it the ancient Pelasgicum below 
the Acropolis, which served probably, like the inclo- 
sures of the cavern-temples, as a sort of outwork to 
the Hellenic defences. Two ancient monuments, 
situated a little below the Propylsea, were made sub- 
servient to the Turkish fortifications, namely, the 
Temple of Victory and the Pedestal of Agrippa. 
Temple of We leam from Spon and Wheler that in the year 
1676 there stood, in front of the southern wing of 
the Propylsea, a small Ionic temple. The following 
are the words of Spon relating to it : " Ce temple est 
d'ordre lonique, avec de petites colonnes canelees, et 
la frise chargee d'un has relief de petites figures d'assez 
bonne main, dont il y a une assise et neuf ou dix 
debout devant et demiere. II n'a qu*environ quinze 
pieds de largCy et 11 sert maintenant aux Turcs de 
magasin a poudre *." Wheler adds, that it was " built 
of white marble, with one end near the wall ;" and he 
asserts that it was ^^ not above fifteen feet long, and 
about eight or nine feet broad *." Of the time and 

* IL p. 80. 

' P. 358. Stuart has justly remarked that Wheler improperly 


manner of the destruction of the temple we have no 
positive evidence. In the year 1751 nothing re- 
mained of it except a few fragments, sufficient to 
show the order and its proportions, and in a neigh- 
bouring wall four pieces of a sculptured frieze ; the 
dimensions of which having been found to corres- 
pond to those of the columns, left no doubt that it 
was a part of the same frieze which Spon and Wheler 
described as existing on the temple ^ These four 
marbles were removed, about the year 1804, by the 
agents of the Earl of Elgin, from their exposed situa- 
tioiiy in which they had already suffered great mutila- 
tion, and are now in the British Museum \ 

The front of the Propylsea having been already 
closed by a modern wall when Spon and Wheler 
arrived at Athens, it was very natural for them, in 
such a cursory visit to the Acropolis as they made ^ 

the columns as of the Doric order, and the figures in 
relief as adorning the architraye instead of the frieze. 

We now know [1837] that he was equally mistaken in de- 
scribing the temple as fifteen feet long by eight or nine broad, the 
dimensions on the stylobate being twenty-seven feet by eighteen 
feet and a half; Spon, therefore, in saying that it was about 
** qainze pieds de large," really meant the breadth, and not the 
length, as might be suspected from Wheler, who now appears to 
bave been entirely in error. 

^ For a description of the recent discoveries relating to this 
temple, as well as for its architectural details, see ** Acropolis 
iron Athen* erste abth." by MM. Ross, Schaubert and Hansen, 
also some remarks, supplementary to the present, in Appendix XV. 
— Note of 1839. 

' Numbered 158. 159. 160, 161. 

' They went only once to the Acropolis, when they hastened past 
the Propylaea to see the Parthenon. *' Nous nous hitames d'aller 
voir la grande roosquee, qui etoit autrefois le temple de Minerve, 

Y H- 


to suppose, after having passed through two gates of 
the modem citadel within the principal one» that they 
had passed the Propylsea, and were within the ancient 
Acropolis, when in reality they were proceeding by a 
road parallel to the front of the Propylssa. Here, 
observing a small temple on their right, they thonght 
that its position agreed exactly with the words of 
Pausanias, and concluded that it was the temple of 

There can be little doubt that they were right in 
their conclusion, though certainly not for the reasons 
they have given ; but as this question has been, and 
still continues to be disputed ^ we may be justified 
perhaps in examining it more fully. Pausanias 
observes that on the right of the Propylssa stood the 
temple of Victory without Wings (Niiciic airrlpov vaoc), 
and on the left of the Propylsea a building which con- 
tained paintings (oijciffca c^ov ypw^ao)^. Chandler, 

comme la plus considerable pi^e de la dtadelle." Spon II. 
p. 82. 

* Spon supposed that the Propylsum, or great gateway, had 
entirely disappeared, and that the buildings to the right and left 
of it only remained ; that the temple on his right was the temple 
of Victory, and that the great building on his left was the oimf^a 
txov ypa^ac, or temple (as he interpreted the word ocici|/ia), con- 
taining pictures. Wheler (p. 359), with better judgment, thought 
that a large building with two wings could not be a temple or a 
picture-chamber, and suspected the truth, that it was the Pro- 
pylssa itself. 

* Stuart and Chandler believed the northern wing of the Pro* 
pylsea to have been the temple of Victory. Reyett sided with 
Spon and Wheler. See the edition of Chandler's Travels, with 
Revett's notes. In 1837 Mr. Wilkins still questioned whether 
the site of the temple of Victory had yet been discovered. Pro- 
lusiones Aichitectonicas, p. 96. 

' Pansan. Attic. 22, 4. 6. See above, p. 143. 


applying the expressioDs iv &^cf and iv a^Kcrrepfi not to 
the route of the traveller, but to the fronting of the 
Propylaea, supposed the northern wing of the Propylsea 
to have been the temple of Victory, and the southern 
the picture-house ; and undoubtedly he might fairly 
presume, from the words of Pausanias, that if one of 
the wings of the Propylsea was the temple, the other 
was the chamber of paintings ; since it was diflScult to 
conceive that Pausanias, in describing buildings on 
the right and left of the Propylsea, intended in the 
one instance a portion of the Propylaea itself, and in 
the other a building entirely separate from it. And 
yet this seems to have been his intention ; and it 
shows, in a remarkable instance, the difficulty which 
occurs in understanding the topographical descriptions 
of this author without the assistance of local illus- 
tration. If the temple seen by Spon and Wheler 
was not that of Victory, it was that of Tellus and 
Ceres, or, assuming Chandler's interpretation of the 
words right and left, it was the picture-house. But 
there are strong objections to both these suppositions. 
We have the best evidence that the picture-house 
was a part of the Propylaea itself. The work of 
Polemon on these paintings was entitled irepl rutv iv 
rocc IlpoirvXaioic mvaKwv (on the paintings in the Pro- 
pylxea)': the northern wing ofthe Propylsea therefore 
was either the temple of Victory or the picture-house ; 
and there can be little hesitation in deciding upon the 
latter, its construction showing clearly that it was not 
the vaoc of a deity, but an oiici|/ua. The temple of 
Victory, moreover, was evidently not on the northern 

^ Harpocr. in Aa/iirac. 
Y 2 


but on the southern side of the entrance ; for Pausa- 
nias, in reference to the story of .^eus, who threw 
himself over the rock, expressly states that the site of 
the temple commanded a view of the sea ; meaning 
the sea, in the direction of Crete, from whence the 
ship was coming. The southern wing of the Pro- 
pylffia was indeed not far from the southern preci- 
pices, but it was closed on that side by a wall ; and, 
in fact, no part of the Propylsea, except the front of 
the great vestibule, commanded a view of the sea, 
which even from thence was visible only towards 
Salamis or Corinth, being the reverse of the direc- 
tion in which Theseus was returning to Athens. 
The platform of the Ionic temple, on the contrary, 
commanded an extensive view of the Saronic Gul^ 
including Cape Scyllseum, in the direction of Crete. 
With regard to the southern wing of the Propyls^ 
we may farther remark, that being an open portico 
without any closed chamber, it was adapted neither 
to a temple nor a picture-chamber : evidently, there- 
fore, the northern wing of the Propylaea, and the 
temple described by Spon and Wheler, were the two 
buildings on the right and left of the Propylaea 
intended by Pausanias. And this conclusion is in 
agreement with the ordinary meaning of Pausanias 
in employing the words iv &$if, iv apump^i that 
is to say, that he generally intends to describe the 
right or left hand of the traveller according to the 
direction which he is pursuing *. 

* Thus, in entering Thebes (Boeot. 10, 2), he says, tffri 5c 
XoipOQ iv ^E^iq, Tuiv nvXwv cepoc ^AiroXAiiii^c' tcaXtirai Si 6 re 
\(^C f^t 6 Oeoq *I<r/i^rioc, vapafipioyroQ rov trorafiov ravrp rov 


But, independently of these considerations, it 
would be difficult to believe that Victory Aptenis, a 
goddess whose worship was connected with the ear-* 
liest history of Athens, should have been lodged in 
any part of a building which was not of very early 
date, and the several parts of which were combined 
to form an entire work, designed for civil or military, 
and not for sacred purposes. For although the tem- 
ple of Victory, seen by Pausanias, may not have been 

*lerfAriyiov» Here we are sure, from the uDcLoubted positions of 
Plataea and the river Ismenus, that the latter must have been 
on the right of the road entering Thebes from Platsea* In like 
manner^ in proceeding from Thebes to Chalcis, he describes 
(19, 2) the ruins of GHsas as Tevfiritraov iv iipiaTepd ; and having 
arrived at the Euripus, the temple of Ceres Mycalessia and Aulis 
as on the right, and Mount Messapius and Anthedon as on the 
left, (rfle ^(ifiriTpoc to upoy kv Be^iy. TiJQ MvKaXrierfflag Kal oXiyov 
ax' aWov irpoeX0o>Ti iarlv AvXic ; • . • . r^c Boto^rcac ra iv iLpitrrepf 
Tov Rhpiwov "NLttrtrawiov opoc Ka\ovfu>oy icac vt' ahrf 3oiiarQy lirl 
Bakatrcntg w6\iq itrrly 'AyOTihuty. Bceot. 19, 5. 22, 5.) In all 
these instances, the known situations of the places leave not a 
doubt that the words right and iefi were applied to the right and 
left hand of the traveller. Upon similar occasions, frequently 
occurring in Pausanias, he generally employs Iwy and eX0^v, or 
their compounds with cxc, di^d, iiraydy irpo, irp6t ; to which is 
added, iarly iy 3c&9, or iy iipiffrepf, either with or without the 
words rjfc o&>v, or r^c Xtw^pov ; but often the participle is left 
out, and he proceeds with the name only of the place or monu- 
ment added to iy ^e^i^, or ev hpitrrtpq.* Two instances may in- 
deed be mentioned, and others perhaps may be found, where 
these words have relation, not to the right and left of the tra- 
veller's route, but to the yron/tng of the place which Pausanias is 
describing : the one is at the temple of Despoena, near Mega- 
lopolis (Arcad. 38, 2), the other at Phigaleia (41, 5); but in 
these instances the progress of his narrative had been interrupted 
by a description of the places. 


much older than the Propylsea, it stood doubtless on 
the site of a more ancient temple or altar of Victory, 
on the identical spot where tradition reported .^Igeus 
to have looked out for his son's return ^ 

Pausanias, therefore, as it appears, confined the 
name Propylea to the gates opening into the Acro- 
polis with their vestibules, although, in truth, the 
wings were cotemporary buildings and component 
parts of the Propyleca * ; and he omitted all notice of 
the southern wing of the Propylsea : a neglect which, 
according to the usual method of this author, was 
justified by the inferior importance of that wing, 
which seems to have been little more than a place 
of arms for the use of the persons entrusted with 
the custody of the great gates, as well as of the 
passage leading to the postern '. The portico of the 

^ In like manner the Olympieium of Athens, finished by Ha- 
drian, stood on the site of a temple begun originally by Peisis- 
tratuB ; the Erechtheium upon the foundations of the old building 
which covered the oliye-tree and salt-wall ; the Panhellenium of 
^gina, on the site of the temple or altar dedicated by iBacus. 

' Though the perfect similarity of style and execution are alone 
almost sufficient on this question, it is satisfactory to refer to the 
proofii, which the masonry supplies of the same fact. See Stuart's 
Ant. of Ath. new edit II. p. 105. 

' Chandler is singularly unfortunate in his remarks (c. 9) upon 
the Propylaea, haying misapprehended his predecessors, Spon 
and Wheler, in almost every particular. Intending to follow 
their information, he observes, that the northern wing (which he 
supposes to have been the temple of Victory) was blown up about 
the year 1656; Spon and Wheler, however, in mentioning this 
explosion, were not speaking of the northern wing, but of the 
Propylaeum, or great vestibule itself. The small Ionic temple, 
not the southern wing of the Propylaea, as Chandler imagined, 
then became the magazine, in which state Spon and Wheler found 

SEcrr. viu.] pedesttal of agbippa. 327 

Dorthem wing might serve for a similar purpose, the 
chamber of pictures having been an interior apart- 
ment behind the portico. 

On the steepest part of the ascent towards thePropy- Pedestal of 
Isea, at a distance of eighteen feet in front of the south- 
western angle of the northern vring of the Propylsea, 
and forty-three feet from the nearest point of the great 
colonnade, stands a lofty pedestal, about twelve feet 
square, and twenty-seven high ' ; upon the summit of 
which some holes for stanchions show that it formerly 
supported some figure or figures, which we may judge, 
firom the height and dimensions of the pedestal, to 
have been colossal or equestrian: a statue, twelve 
feet in height, placed upon this basis, would rise to a 
level with the capitals of the great columns. The 
masonry of the pedestal is peculiar ', and similar to 

it in 1676. Again, Chandler conceived that the columns of 
the small Ionic temple and its frieze, representing a battle of 
Greeks and Persians (he calls them Amazons, and takes no notice 
of the battle of Greeks against Greeks), belonged to the southern 
wing of the Propylaea, which is in direct contradiction to Spon 
and Wheler, who clearly describe both the frieze and columns as 
belonging to the small detached temple, which was on their right 
hand in entering the citadel.' Chandler then remarks, that the 
pediment of the northern^ unng was standing in 1676; whereas 
Spon and Wheler only say, that the pediment of the Propylaeum 
itself was then standing. He copies Wheler's mistake, of sup- 
posing the front of the Propylaeum to have consisted of four 
Dorie columns instead of six, 'and its roof to have been sup- 
ported by four Ionic columns instead of six : and in one place 
he describes the columns of the northern wing as Ionic, and in 
another as Doric. 

^ This monument was not observed by Spon and Wheler. 

' Mr. Kinnard remarks (Stuart's Ant. of Ath. new ed. II. 
p. 108) that *' the die of the pedestal, which is slightly diminished, 
is divided into eight larger courses and seven smaller ones, which 


that of a ruined wall not far from the Theseiam, 
which is supposed to have formed part of the gym- 
nasium of Ptolemy Philadelphus : it resembles also 
some walls at the Peirseeus, which are probably of a 
date long posterior to the original fortifications of 
that place. 

The presumption which this similarity gives as to 
the date of the pedestal is in some degree supported 
by Pausanias, who, after having stated that the Acro^ 
polis had but one entrance, which introduces his 
remark in praise of the ceiling of the Propylssa, 
alludes in a mysterious manner to the statues of cer- 
tain horsemen, concerning which be was uncertain 
whether they represented the sons of Xenophon, or 
were made only for the sake of ornament or pro- 
priety (e'c ivirpiirHav^). In the next clause he de- 
scribes the temple of Victory, on the right of the 
Propylsea, connecting it with the clause relating to 

are about one third of the height of the larger. The vertical 
joints do not correspond with each other, as shown in the engray- 
ing (Revett's), the blocks being irregular in width. The marble is 
of a different quality from that of the Propylseuro in general ; the 
joints are without cement, and exceedingly well executed." 

The middle part of the inscription was already obliterated in 
the time of Chandler, but the name of Agrippa was dear, and 
comparing the remaining letters with other similar documents, 
there could be no doubt that the whole was as follows : 'O ^ijfiOQ 
MoKfMu 'Aypiinrav Aeviclov vidv, rplc vxaroK, rdy kavnv evcpycniK. 

Pouqueville (Voyage en Grdce, V. p. 125, 2dme ed.) reports 
the following inscription as having been found in the embrasure 
of the rampart near the temple of Erechtheus : 'O BrjfMOQ l^tpAya 
KXavoiov Tipeplov vlov Apoverov Toy kavrov cirepyerqv. Chandler, 
therefore, was undoubtedly wrong in reading Katov instead of 

' Possibly Pausanias may have meant by this word ** loyalty, 
or a due deference to the Roman government.*' 


the statues, in such a manner as leads to the per- 
suasion that the horsemen stood opposite to the 
temple of Victory, and were similarly placed with 
regard to the Propylsea \ 

The doubt expressed by Pausanias, as to the per- 
sons for whom the equestrian statues were intended, 
could not have been sincere ; and, judging from his 
manner on other similar occasions, we can scarcely 
hesitate in believing that equestrian statues of Gryl- 
lus and Diodoms, the two sons of Xenophon, who were 
sometimes complimented with the surname of the Di- 
oscuri ^ had been converted, by means of new inscrip- 
tions, into those of two Romans, whom, Pausanias has 
not named ^ An inscription, however, upon the pedes- 

* The clauses are connected by fiev and ^e. See aboye, p. 143. 

' Diogen. Laert. 2, 52. Eustath. ad Od. A. 299. 

' In like manner Pausanias has left us ignorant to whom the 
statue of Neptune, near the Peiraic gate, had been newly inscribed, 
and those of Mildades and Themistocles in the Prytaneium. 

Dion Chrysostom, in his Rhodiac oration, forcibly exposes the 
custom common among the Rhodians, of altering the names of 
the statues with which that city abounded, and he gives some 
instances of the same practice among the Athenians. At Athens 
it had existed long before the time of Dion ; there colossal statues 
of Attains and Eumenes had been inscribed to M. Antonius^ 
(Plutarch. M. Ant. 60) ; and Cicero alludes to it as a common 
custom, in a letter to his fnend Atticus (6, 1), wherein he ex«-> 
presses his wish of having a statue erected to him by the Athe- 
nians. Equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo : volo esse aUquod 
monimentum ; odi falsas inscriptiones statuamm alienarum. We 
can hardly doubt that this contemptible practice originated among 
the Athenians, whose meanness and base flattery was not less 
followed by the rest of Crreece than their example in learning, 
art, and every elegant invention, had been in better times. 

An illustration of these conversions has recently been observed 
near the pedestal of Agrippa, where a marble has been found bear- 
ing the following : 'O i^fioQ Tvaloy *AK£^wyioy Qp^icXoi' ayOvra^ 


taly preserves one of the Roman names, that of Agrippa, 
and as it shows that he was then in his third consul- 
ship ^ ; the other son of Xenophon may have been 
converted into Caius Caesar Octavianus, who was the 
colleague of Agrippa in his third consulship, and who 
had arrived in that year at such a degree of power 
that he was made consul for the seventh time, and 
was dignified with the title of Augustus. In the 
Propylaeum of the New Agora, which was erected 
out of the donations of Augustus, adorned with a 
statue of Julia, and surmounted by another of Lucius, 
son of Agrippa, and grandson of Augustus, we have 
already seen other instances, though somewhat pos- 
terior in date, of the favours granted by Augustus to 
the Athenians, and of their gratitude or flattery 
towards his family. That Agrippa should have had 
the high honour of an equal association with the 
emperor in the dedications at the entrance of the 
citadel, might be accounted for by the family alliance 
which already existed between him and Augustus, 
and by his having been a personal benefactor to 
Athens. A theatre in the Cerameicus, named the 
Agrippeium ', was so called doubtless as having been 
built, partly at least, at his expense. 

Tov r^c cic iavr6v ehvoiag xal aiitfiovlae evcicei', and below in 
more ancient characters the words Upa^ireXiyc exocci, showing that 
the name of some Greek who had been honoured with a statue 
by Praxiteles, possibly by the celebrated sculptor himself, had 
been erased to make way for that of a Roman proconsul, who had 
himself perhaps robbed Athens of the original statue. — ^Note of 

' It was in the same year that Agrippa built the Pantheon (or 
its portico) at Rome. 

3 See above, p. 163. 

The reconstruction of the temple of Victory has proved that the 


It is remarkable that the pedestal of Agrippa does 
not stand parallel to the front of the Propylsea, its 
western hce being slightly turned to the north ^ 

The gates of the Propjlsea and its eastern ves- PiAtfonns 
tibule were elevated a step or two above the adjacent AcropoUs. 
platform at the western end of the Acropolis. Bnt 
the carriage way, which ascended by an inclined 
plane from the ancient Agora to the western entrance 
of the Propylsea, was continued through that building, 
and was prolonged beyond it in the direction of the 
interval between the two temples of Minerva, as hr 
as the highest natural level of the hUl. On either 
side of this main route the surface of the Acropolis 
appears to have been divided into platforms, com- 
municating with one another by steps. Upon these 
platforms stood the temples, sanctuaries, or monu- 
ments, which occupied all the summit. 

The temple of Minerva, called o 'Eicaro/iTrcSoc vca»c Parthenon. 

(the temple of one hundred feet), or o TlapOBvwv (the 
viigin's house), was constructed entirely of Pentelic 
marble, including a stylobate five feet and a half in 
height, which was composed of four steps, and rested 
upon a rustic basement of ordinary limestone ^. Thus 

pedestal of Agrippa could not have had any corresponding pe- 
destal on the opposite side of the ascent, which Pausanias, by 
alluding to two equestrian statues, formerly gave reason to pre- 
sume. We are reduced, therefore, to the inference that they stood 
on the same pedestal. — Note of 1837. 

* Mr. Kinnard (in the new edition of Stuart's Athens, note 
p. 106) conjectures that it may have been built in this manner 
for the sake of an ancient substruction, which, like that of the 
northern wing of the Propylasa, was not exactly parallel to the 
front of that building. 

* This rustic basement varied in height according to the level 
of the rock, upon which the several parts of it were founded. It 


raised, the temple was so much elevated above the 
entrance of the Acropolis, that the pavement of its 
peristyle was nearly on a level with the summit of 
the Propylaea K 

The Parthenon, on the upper step of the stylobate, 
was 227 feet seven inches in length, and 101 feet 
two inches in breadth. It consisted of a aiijcocy or 
cella, surrounded by a peristyle, which had eight 
Doric columns in the fronts, and seventeen on the 
sides. These forty-six columns were six feet two 
inches in diameter at the base, and thirty-four feet 
in height. Within the peristyle, at either end, 

was crowned with a cornice of analogous character, and, by its 
contrast with the splendid and finished work which it supported, 
was admirably suited to be the basement of such a building. On 
the eastern and southern sides of the temple there was a narrow 
platform between the foot of the marble stylobate and the edge of 
the basement, eight feet wide on the former side, and fourteen 
feet on the latter. Note of 1840. 

* Recent observations are said to have ascertained that the base 
of the stylobate of the temple of Polias, which consisted of four 
steps, but less lofty than those of the Parthenon, is seven feet 
and a half lower than the corresponding base of the latter tem- 
ple ; and that the pavement at the base of the columns of the 
eastern entrance of the Fropylsea is forty-three feet nine inches 
below the corresponding pavement in the Parthenon. The arti- 
ficial elevation given to the Parthenon is consistent with a general 
rule, which seems to have prevailed in regard to the Doric order, 
namely, that it should be above the eye of the spectator, in every 
part of bis approach. Hence the order was well adapted to the 
lofty situations, generally chosen by the early people of European 
Grreece, and which in later times were their citadels. In the 
Ionic order the reverse is observable. Its most remarkable ex- 
amples, such as those of Samus, Sardeis, Branchids, Magnesia, 
and Ephesus, were situated in places, where they could never be 
seen from a much lower level than the bases of the columns. 


there was an intmor range of six columns, of 
five feet and a half in diameter, standing before 
the end of the cella, and forming, together with 
the prolonged walls of the cella, a prothyrseum or 
apartment before the door : there was an ascent of 
two steps into these divisions of the building, from 
the peristyle. The cella, the breadth of which within 
was sixty-two feet and a half, was divided into two 
unequal chambers, of which the western was forty- 
three feet ten inches long within, and the eastern 
ninety-eight feet seven inches. The former was the 
Opisthodomus, which was employed as the public 
treasury ; the latter was the Parthenon, or Heca- 
tompedum, specifically so called. The ceiling of the 
former was supported by four columns, of about four 
feet in diameter at the base \ and that of the latter 
by sixteen columns, of three feet and a half. 

It is not certainly known of what order were the 
interior columns of either chamber ; but as those of 
the western apartment were thirty-six feet in height, 

' This is the measurement of Mr. Cockerell (ap. Bronsted, Y. 
et R. dans la Grece, II. p. 290); but Mr. Kinnard makes them 
seven inches greater (Stuart's Ant. of Ath. new ed. II. p. 39, note d). 
Spon and Wheler relate that there was a gallery and twenty- 
two small columns in the lower tier, and twenty-three in the 
upper. Stuart and Revett have marked twenty-six in their 
plan of the temple ; but these, it is now supposed, could not 
have belonged to the original building. In the conversion of 
the temple into a Greek church, or in its repairs as such, or as a 
Turkish mosque, great alterations were made in the interior, so 
that it is difficult to form any idea of its ancient state from the 
descriptions of Spon and Wheler. But more recent examinations 
leave little doubt as to the interior plan. See Bronsted, pi. 
xxxviii.— Note of 1832. 


and their proportions nearly the same as those of the 
Ionic columns of the vestibule of the Propylaea, it i8 
highly probable that the same order was used in both 
instances. In the eastern chamber of the Parthenon 
a Corinthian capital has been found of such dimen- 
sions as leads to the belief that the columns were of 
that order \ The smallness of their diameter leaves 
little doubt that there was an upper range as de- 
scribed by Pausanias at Olympia, and as still exem- 
plified in one of the temples at Psestum. 

Such was the simple construction of this magni- 
ficent buildings which, by its united excellences of 
materials S design, and decorations, was the most 
perfect ever executed. Its dimensions of two hun- 
dred and twenty-eight feet by a hundred and two^ 
with a height of sixty-six feet to the top of the pe- 
diment, were sufficiently great to give an impression 
of grandeur and sublimity ; and this impression was 
not disturbed by any obtrusive subdivision of parts, 

' In the interior of the temple at Phigaleia are two new varie- 
ties of the Ionic order ; one of which, hy its helices and leaves 
of acanthus, must be considered as belonging to the order after- 
wards called Corinthian. It proves, therefore, that this order was 
employed in the time of Pericles. In fact, Vitnivius gives the 
honour of its invention to Callimachus, who lived about that rime, 
and who made the golden lamp and brazen palm-tree in the tem- 
ple of Minerva Polias. 

' The beautiful marble with which nature furnished the Athe- 
nians, was one of the great concurring causes leading to their 
unrivalled pre-eminence in architecture and decorative sculpture. 
Admitting as fine a surfue, and presenting as beautiful a colour, 
as ivory, with a still sharper edge, it assisted in encouraging the 
successive efforts of artists studying to excel their predecessors, 
or rivals, in the effects produced by means of such a material. 


such as is foand to diminish the effects of many larger 
modem buildings, where the same singleness of design 
IS not apparent. In the Parthenon there was nothing 
to divert the spectator's contemplation from the sim- 
plicity and majesty of mass and outline, which forms 
the first and most remarkable object of admiration 
in a Greek temple ; for the statues of the pediments, 
the only decoration which was very conspicuous by 
its magnitude and position, having been inclosed 
within frames which formed an essential part of the 
design of either front, had no more obtrusive effect 
than an ornamented capital to an unadorned column. 
In the hands of Phidias and his polleagues, the gravity 
of the Doric order imposed no limit to the decoration 
i^plicaUe to the upper parts of the edifice: and 
hence (as we find proofs in many traces still existing 
in the marble) the statues and relieis, as well as the 
members of architecture, were enriched with various 
colours, rendering them pictures, as well as groups of 
statuary, and producing to the spectator, on his near 
approach, a new and increasing source of admiration. 
The adornment of the upper part of the building 
was continued to the roof, where the acroteria of the 
pediments and the extremities of the spouts and 
ridge-tiles were decorated with sculpture. New 
enrichments might be added, though the edifice was 
complete without them ; such were the gilded shields, 
which, long after the building of the temple, w;ere 
placed upon the architraves of the two fronts. 

This capability of receiving ornament was in part 
devised, by those under whose directing genius the 
Parthenon rose, for the purpose of furnishing employ- 
ment in every branch of art to those excellent artists 



\dth whom Athens then abounded, and probably no 
Greek temple of any order was ever so lavishly adorned 
with sculpture as the Parthenon ^ In the eastern, or 
main apartment of the cella, was the colossal figure of 
the invincible virgin goddess^from whom this chamber 
in particular, and the building in general, received 
the name of Parthenon, and which was an example 
of chryselephantine sculpture, having but one rival 
in Greece, and that by the same master : in the aeti, 
or pediments, were two compositions, near eighty feet 
in length, each consisting of about twenty-four entire 
statues of supernatural dimensions ; the eastern repre- 
senting the birth of Minerva, the western the contest 
of Neptune and Minerva for the Attic land : under 
the exterior cornice, in harmony with the projecting 
features of that part of the building, were ninety-two 
groups, raised in high relief from tablets four feet 
three inches square, relating to a variety of actions of 
the goddess herself, or in which her favoured cham- 
pions had prevailed by means of her influence : and, 

' In the temple of Theseus, out of sixty-eight metopes, no more 
than eighteen had reliefs on them, and one pediment only was 
filled with statues. At ^gina, Sunium, Nemea, Bassae, there 
were no sculptured metopes. In the great temple of Selinus, 
the largest Doric building with which we are acquainted, the 
metopes in the two fronts were alone sculptured. In the middle 
eastern temple at the same place, those of the eastern front 
only. At Olympia the pediments and hyperthyra alone seem, 
from Pausanias, to have been decorated with sculpture, and 
even, if the exterior metopes had been adorned with reliefs like 
those of the Parthenon, they would have been very inferior in 
number, as this temple, as well as that of Delphi, was a hexastyle. 
Of the latter building, we may infer from Euripides (Ion 190), 
that some at least of the metopes were sculptured, but we have 
no farther information concerning it. 


lastlj, along the outside of the cella and vestibules 
reigned a frieze of three feet four inches in height, and 
520 feet in length ; to which a relief, slightly raised 
above the surface of the naked wall which it crowned, 
was considered most applicable, as it was seen from 
a nearer distance than any of the other sculptures, 
and by a reflected light. This great work represented 
the procession on the quadrennial festival of the 
Panathensea, when the new peplus of Minerva was 
carried through the Cerameicus, and from thence to 
the Acropolis. 

That which chiefly excites our wonder in these 
beautiful works of sculpture is, that their execu- 
tion is such as in almost every part to admit of 
minute inspection, although the nearest of them 
were not seen at a smaller distance than forty feet. 
We cannot have a stronger^ proof that considerations 
of economy entered very little into the calculations 
of Pericles, and that the Athenian artists aimed at 
nothing short of perfection in their productions, and 
at glory for their highest reward. Having formed 
the conception of a finished and perfect work, Phi- 
dias and his scholars could not be contented with 
any thing short of its execution. Satisfied with its 
being for a short time submitted to the near inspec- 
tion of the public, they thought it could receive no 
greater honour than that of contributing to adorn the 
temple of the protecting goddess, of being^consigned 
to her care, and of becoming the object*^ of a small 
share of the veneration paid to her. They felt as- 
sured that, although the generality of spectators 
might view it at too great a distance to appreciate 
all its merits, those whose superior taste and know- 




ledge rendered their admiration the chief object 
of the artist's ambition, would find the means of 
obtaining a nearer view ; for it cannot be doubted 
that fecilities were given to artists, and to curious 
natives and strangers, to mount to the summit of the 
temple, for the purpose of obtaining a close inspection 
of the pediments, metopes, and frieze K 
^^^' The extreme brevity of Pausanias in noticing the 

Propylsea and the Parthenon, has at least the advan- 
tage of not misleading his reader in any essential 
particular. In describing the Erechtheium at greater 
length, his want of method and perspicuity is such 
that it is only by comparing his testimony with that 
of some other authors, and with the existing ruins, 
that his account of this building becomes intelligi- 
ble. After having remarked that the Erechtheium 
was a double building (SiirXovv oucfifta) which had a 
well of salt-water within it, Pausanias proceeds to 
give a description of the temple of Minerva Polias 
and its contents, and then adds some observations 
upon the sacred olive-tree, in which, although be 
does not assert that the tree was in the temple of 
Polias, that impression is inevitably left on the 
reader's mind. Of the temple of Pandrosus, he 
observes, only, that it was contiguous (<n;v€xnc) to 

* It is probable that the following observations by 
on the interior constraction of the temple of Jupiter, at Olympia* 
were nearly, if not exactly, applicable to the Parthenon : €9r4ca.«r& 
Be icai ivTOQ tov vaov Kloreg^ roi moal re evBov wrepfoc kox wp6o^oc 
di' airr&y eiri to AyaXfia ifrri' treToirfrai Be xal AvoBoc ixl ro^ 
6po(^y ffKoXia, Eliac. pr. 10, 3. It would seem, from these 
words, that the winding stair was behind the statue, where it 
would be concealed from view. 


that of Polias \ so that Herodotus and other authors 
having made mention of a temple of Erechtheus, 
it was a natural conclusion of Stuart and others, that 
there were three temples, all comprehended in that 
compound, irregular, and very beautiful structure 
which stands to the north of the Parthenon, near 
the northern wall of the Acropolis. 

There are some passages, however, in ancient his- 
tory, which, when compared with Pausanias and with 
the existing remains, serve sufficiently to explain 
the original intention of the building, and to show 
that it consisted, not of three, but of two temples. 
By Herodotus we are informed that the temple of 
Erechtheus contained both the well and the olive- 
tree ^ and by two other authors that the olive-tree 
stood in the temple of Pandrosus '. On comparing 
these testimonies, therefore, with that of Pausanias, we 

' Pausan. Att. 27, 3. 

' "Em kv rfj *AicpoiroXi ravrrji ^'EpiyOrjos: tov yiyycvcoc X£yo- 
fuvov flvai yi}Oc» iv rf IXairf re ical Bdkaatra cvi* ra \6yog wapa 
'AOi^yoiwv TIoffBiiiiavd re koI 'AOirva/iyv, epi o'avrac ^epi r^c X^P^^* 
fioprvpia Biadat, Herodot. S, 55. 

' *Hcev aly wpwro^ TLofftiBQy M n^v 'Arrcc^v iccu irX^^ac rj 
Tptaiyy Kara fiiativ r^v ^AxpiwoXiv ayifTjve OdXaaaay, fjy vvv 
*Epiyfi^i^a KokovtrC fura H TOVTOVf {rev *AOi}va xal woifitrafUyri 
r$c roraX^if^e»c Kexpoira fAaprvpaf e^vrevoiv eXaiav, fj vvv iv rf 
liavlpotrlf ItUwrai, Apollod. 3, 14, § I. 

KuwK etc TOV r^c TLoKiMoq veitv elveXOovtra Koi ivtra etc to 
Tlayip6inoy, itri rov fiwfwv Lvafiaaa tov 'Epicelov Aioc tov viro 
r^ tXai^f KaTiKtiTO' waTpioy 3* iini toIq *AOi}va/o<c Kvva fifi 
iiyafitUytir etc *AKp6woXiv, Philochorus ap. Dionys. de - Di- 
narch. 3. 

The following lines, part of an Attic song, seem to show 

z 2 


may conclude that the whole building, which accord- 
ing to the Athenian traditions was founded by Erech- 
theus and became the place of his interment, was 
named Erechtheium ; and that the Pandroseium was 
one of its two component parts, the temple of Polias 
having been the other. It does not appear that 
Erechtheus had any separate chamber or shrine 
sacred to him« but only an altar common to him and 
Neptune, with whom he was often identified in 
Athenian mythology'. Considerable ambiguity in 
regard to the edifice, has arisen from the circum- 
stance of the entire structure having often been 
called the temple of Minerva Polias, as well as the 
Erechtheium ; a custom easily understood, when 
we consider that the temple of Polias was the most 
important part of the building ; that the statue of 
the goddess here worshipped, was the most ancient 
and sacred in Attica, and that it peculiarly repre- 
sented the goddess in her capacity of protectress of 

that the olive garland of Victory was gathered in the temple 
of PandrosuB : 

^'Evucfiaafiev lac ifiov\6fitaBa 

Koi viKfiv thooav o( dioi ipipoyrec 

Trapd Tlay^poeroVf wc ^tXi^y 'Adfivav, 

1k6\iov ap. Athen. 15, 14 (50). 
^ 'EpeX^cvc' UotrtiBiav cv 'AOijvacc. Hesych. in v. A sophist 
of the time of the Emperor Julian, says, 6 UoXtd^oc veitg sal ro 
'jrXriffiov rov UoffeiBCJvoc rifityos. Himerius ap. Phot. Myriobibl. 
p. 1104. But Plutarch more accurately, iyravOa yovv koI riiic 
Koivtity£i fitra rfjQ *Adfiydc, tv ^ koX fiutfidg itmy AijOi^c l^pvfiiv^^* 
The temple of Neptune was identical with that of Polias, and 
contained altars of Neptune Erechtheus, and of Oblivion (with 
reference to the Content). Sympos. 9, 6. 


the citadel: in an inscription, however, which re* 
lates to this building, and is coeval with its recon* 
struction, it is not designated by either of the 
names above mentioned, but only as the temple 
which contained the ancient statue (o v&vq iv ^ to 

apyaiov ayaXfxa ^). 

The space of sixty-two feet in length from east 
to west, and of thirty-three in breadth from north to 
south, which formed the interior of the main build- 
ing, was divided into three apartments by two trans- 
verse walls, leaving to the eastern and middle apart- 
ments about twenty-four feet each from east to 
west, and to the western nine feet. The inscription 

' This very curioas inscription is the record of a public report 
made by a commission appointed by the people of Athens, to 
take and state an account of the unfinished parts of the building. 
The commission consisted of two inspectors (iviardTai), an 
architect (&p\iT£Kriav) named Philocles, and a scribe {ypajJifiaTevi). 
The report is dated in the archonship of Diodes, who held that 
office in the fourth year of the 92d Olympiad (b. c. 409-S). 
Greek literature is indebted for this important document to 
Dr. Chandler, and his employers the Society of Dilettanti, who 
presented the marble to the British Museum. Chandler failed in 
the reading and interpretation of some parts of the inscription. 
Stuart supposed it to refer not to the ruins now existing, but to 
a temple more ancient. Mr. Wilkins confuted this opinion, and 
explained many of the terms of art employed in it. It has 
since exercised the learned ingenuity of se?eral other persons, 
particularly of Pr. K. O. Miiller of Gottingen (Minervae Pol. 
4lo, Gott. 1820), of Pr. Aug. Boeckh of Berlin, (C. Ins. Gr. 
No. 160), of the Re?. H. J. Rose (Inscr. Gr. Vet. p. 145), and 
of Mr. Wilkins, a second time, in his Prolusiones Architectonics, 
part I. For a copy of the inscription, and some further remarks 
on the Erechtheium, see Appendix XVII. 


above mentioned, notices three vpoaraaug^ which 
were obviously the three projections on the east, 
north, and south of the main walls, and which may 
be distinguished as the eastern, the northern, and the 
southern prostasis or portico. The two former con- 
sist of six Ionic columns each, but differently disposed, 
those of the eastern prostasis standing in a single line 
before the wall of the cella, the extremities of which 
are adorned with antse opposite to the extreme 
columns, whereas the northern prostasis has four 
columns in front, and one in each flank, before a 
corresponding anta in the wall on either side of the 
door before which this portico is constructed. Its 
columns are of the same order as those of the eastern 
prostasis, but they are near six inches greater in 
diameter, and proportionally more lofty than the 
former, which measure two feet three inches and 
eight-tenths at the base. Of the southern prostasis 
the roof was supported by six Caryatides or columns, 
of which the shafts represented women in long dra- 
pery ' : of these, four still remain ' standing upon a 

' Mr. Wilkins supposes them to have been Hydriaphons, and 
that each had a water-jar in one hand. This conjecture is, 
in some degree, supported by the consideration that daughters 
of the Metoeci carried water -jars (v^pcTa), and parasols (<rria^€ta)i 
in the sacred processions (J. Poll. 4, 55. Demetrius ap. Harpocr., 
ap. Phot. Lex. in Sica^i^^c^poc. Hesych. in ead. v.), and t&at it 
was perfectly consonant with the pride of Attic citizens to repre- 
sent Metoeci, as Caryatides supporting a roof. 

' A fifth has since been found in an excavation near the 
spot where it had stood. That which is in the British Mu- 
seum, therefore, is the only one now wanting. — Note of 


podium and basement eight feet above the exterior 
level, and about fifteen feet above the floor of the 
building. In the inscription already referred to, 
these statues are designated by the term ai Kopac 
(the young women). 

The eastern and northern porticoes were evidently 
the prothyrous porches of the two temples which 
formed the ^^ double edifice," as the dimensions, 
magnificence, and elaborate ornaments of the two 
doors, before which they stand, abundantly confirm. 
These doors very much resemble each other, but the 
northern is about three feet: higher than the eastern, 
this difference being nearly the same as that in the 
height of the columns of the two porticoes. The 
third or southern projection, although styled in the 
inscription a Trpocrracnc or portico like the others, was 
totally different from them. The Caryatides, indeed, 
were disposed like the columns of the northern por- 
tico, four in firont, and one in either flank before an 
anta ; and there were intercolumniations between the 
statues, equally open to the air : but the roof was flat, 
and when viewed from the exterior level on the 
south, reached to little more than half the height of 
the pitched roof of the temple. This prostasis was 
entered by a small door in the southern wall of the 
building (the ru^og Trpoc vorov of the inscription), and 
thus it was by its general construction, not so much a 
portico as an adjunct or chapel of the western temple. 
Both in itself and as a portion of another building, 
it was an anomaly in Greek architecture obviously 
intended for some particular purpose, apparently 
that of inclosing some sacred object which was 


immovable, and to which there was access from the 
western temple \ 

That object could hardly have been any other 
than the sacred olive, which received a suflSciency of 
air and light through the intervals between the 
Corse, while its trunk was protected by the podium 
upon which they stood. The same apartment was 
probably the Cecropium, so called as having been 
traditionally the place of interment of Cecrops *. 

Of the two temples we may be assured that the 
eastern was that of Minerva Polias, from its eastern 
fronting alone, such having been the usual aspect of 
temples of the principal deities, as a variety of 
examples still prove \ On the other hand, the situ- 
ation of the northern door and portico near the edge 

* An excavation made by tbe artists employed by Lord Elgio, 
brought to ligbt some steps descending into this prostasis from the 
upper level by a small door in its eastern wall, between the 
south-eastern Caryatis and the adjacent anta. The steps abutted 
on the southern wall of the temple, and terminated at the door 
^hich opened into the western apartment of the Pandroseiam. 
It is difficult to conceive that these steps could have been 
coeval with the building. 

' See some further remarks on the Cecropium in Appendix 

' IIpoc €w rwv iipHv fiXendpTittv. Plutarch. Nnma, 14. It 
appears that this practice of the time of Numa was afterwards 
reversed by the Romans : for Vitruvius says, ** Signam, quod 
erit in cell& collocatum, spectet ad vespertinam coeli regionem, 
uti qui adierint ad aram, immolantes aut sacrificia fadentes, spec- 
tent ad partem cceli orientis et simulacrum, quod erit in^aede." 
— Vitruv. 4, 5. 

Dion Cassius relates a prodigy which happened at Athens in 
the reign of Augustus. The statue of Minerva in the Aero- 


of the precipices above the Agraulium^ agrees with 
the mythuSy according to which Herse and Agraulus 
threw themselves over the rocks ; while Pandrosus 
remained faithful to her trust, and hence received 
divine honours on the summit of the hill, under the 
same roof with the goddess K 

We may now endeavour to ascertain, if possible, 
the situation of the other monuments of the Acro- 
polis, which have been noticed by Pausanias K A 
little within the vestibule of the Propylaea, near 
the landing from the great western stairs, stood 
the Mercury Propylseus, and three Graces by So- 
crates. The sanctuary of Venus Lesena, which con- Temple of 
tained a statue of the goddess by Calamis, and a brazen Leeil 
lioness by Iphicrates, is shewn to have been within 
the Propylsea by Plutarch, who describes the lioness 
as having stood iv rai^ vvXai^. And we may pre- 
sume that the brazen Minerva Hygieia dedicated by 
Pericles, was within the Propylsea, as it was intended 
to commemorate the cure of a &vourite workman 
who had been injured by a fall, when employed in 
the construction of this building by Mnesicles. In 
this case, if we trust in the order of the narrative of 

polls, which before faced the east, was found turned towards the 

TO Tf riit 'AOiyvac iiyaXfiari <rvfiPav • . , ey yap r^ drpcnrdXec 
vpoc iiyaToX&y ISpvfuvoy, irpo^ re. ra^ Bvtrfioi fumrrpatjiri xal al/Lia 
iivivrvaty, Dion Cass. 54, 7. 

* It was customary, whenever a heifer was sacrificed to 
Minerva Polias, to immolate a sheep to Pandrosus. Philo- 
chorus ap. Harpocr. in 'Et/jSoiov. See Meursius, Attic. Lect. 
3, 22. 

' Attic. 23 et seq. See above, p. 144 et seq. 


PausaniaSy the brazen Diitrephes pierced with arrows* 
and the Hygieia daughter of .^^ulapius, were also 
within the Propylsea '. From a comparison of the 
words of Pausanias with those of the author of the 
Lives of the Ten Orators in the Life of Isocrates, it 
appears that between the Diitrephes and the two Hy- 
gieiffi, were statues of Isocrates, of his father, and of 
two of his female relatives ^ The next monument 
mentioned, namely, the small stone upon which Sile- 
nus was said to have reposed, when Bacchus visited 
the earth, seems to have been a little beyond the 
eastern portico of the Propylaea : 1. Because it was 
a monument relating to a remote tradition, and had 
probably existed long before the erection of the 
Propylsea ; and 2, Because Pausanias introduces his 
mention of the next monuments, namely, the Asper- 
gillifer of Lycius, and the Perseus of Myron, by the 

words KOI aWa €v rp aicpo?roXci Otaaitfuvog otSa : as if 

these had not been the first objects beyond the gates. 
From the Propylsea he appears to have turned to 
the right, directing his course by a natural process 
upon the Parthenon, as the principal monument of 

^ The inscribed basis of the statue of Diitrephes (see above, 
p. 145, n. 4) was not found on the site of the Propylaea, but 
incased in the wall of a great cistern near the western face of the 
Parthenon. But this is no proof that it did not stand oiiginaUy 
in the Propylaea. — ^Note of 1839. 

' That of Isocrates probably no longer remained in the time of 
Pausanias, who would not have included it among the cuc^i^ec 
kf^avtaripai (Attic. 23, 5. See above, p. 145). That of one of 
the women had been removed in the time of the biographer of the 
Ten Orators; and the name of the other had been changed 



the citadel. In the interval he passed the temple Temple of 
of Diana Brauronia, the colossal brazen figure of the BnuuonuL 
Trojan horse Durius\ the statues of Epicharinus^ 
(Enobius, Hermolycus, and Phormio, Minerva punish- 
ing Marsjas, Theseus contending with the Minotaur^ 
Phrixus sacrificing the ram, Hercules strangling the 
serpents, Minerva rising from the head of Jupiter, 
the bull dedicated by the Areiopagus, the temple of 
the Grod of (the Jews ?), the warrior with silver nails 
by Cleoetas, Earth praying to Jupiter for rain, statues 
of Conon and his son Timotheus, the Procne and 
Itys of Alcamenes, Minerva producing the olive-tree 
while Neptune raises the waves, and finally two 
statues of Jupiter, one by Leochares, the other sur- 
named Polieus. Pausanias then proceeds to describe 
the Parthenon : whence it appears that one of these 
Jupiters was the statue alluded to by Aristophanes, 
in proposing to substitute Plutus for Jupiter Soter 
as a sentinel over the goddess's treasury*. There 
was a temple, which contained probably both the 

' To the testimony of Aristophanes (Av. 11 2S) as to the mag- 
nitade of this statue (see ahove, p. 146, n. 3) we may add that of 
Hesychius in Kp/oc A^eXy^Kcpwc. (See helow, p. 864, n. 1.) 

' The hasis of this statue has hitely heen discovered in siiu 
between the Propyleea and the Parthenon (see ahove, p. 146, 
n. 4), the situation being precisely that which might have been 
presumed from the narrative of Pausanias. — Note of 1889. 

* XPEMYA02. edfi^EC iraXaic e<rrai yap, Tiv Otdc OiXji' 
'O Zcvc o 'Zntrilp yap irapttmv ivBdii, 
AMfAaroc iJKwy, IEPEY2. iravr* iiyaOa roiyvv Xcycic. 
XP. 'lipvo6fJL€ff cvv ahrlxa fiaX*, &XXa Ttplfuvti 


statues of Jupiter, and which was called the Disote- 

rium ^ 

The subsequent course of Pausanias may be 
deduced from the relatiye situations of the Parthe- 
non, the Erechtheium, and three other monuments, 
which no longer exist, but the positions of which 
are known from a comparison of other authorities 
with that of Pausanias. These monuments are: 
I. The Gigantomachia, or battle of the gods and 
giants, dedicated by Attalua. 2. The brazen colossal 
statue of Minerva, by Phidias, dedicated from the 
tenth of the spoils of Marathon. 3. The brazen 
chariot with four horses, dedicated from the tenth of 
the spoils of the battle of Chalcis. 
<^^to- 1. Pausanias informs us that the Gisfantomachia 
stood upon the wall of the Acropolis, called Notium^ 
which was near the Dionysiac theatre * ; and Plu* 
tarch relates, that a violent wind which, at the time 
of the battle of Actium, threw down two colossal 

Toy nXovrov, ovwep irp6r€poy ^v iBpvfiiyog' 
Toy *Ovi<r06Bofioy del ^^vXarrtity rfJQ Gcov. 

Aristoph. Plut. 1188. Schol. ibid. 

' ^laiariipioy KoXovtriy 'AB^rriin roy yaov tov trforijpoi Acop* 
Bekker Anecd. Gr. I. p. 91. 

ovre r^v *AKp6iro\iy xal to iipoy rov Atoc tov Sctfr^poc <ca< r^c 
'A6i}vac TTJt Siiirc/pacy a<^p&y koi jrpo^iBovnj e^oj3//Oi7. Lycarg. 
cont Leocrat. p. 148, Reiske. It appears from the same ora- 
tion of Lycurgus (p. 231) that the temple once contained a 
statue of the father of Leocrates. And here also were statues 
of Conon, and of Evagoras king of Cyprus (Isocrat. Evagor. 
p. 200, Steph.). 

' Attic. 21, 4. 25, 2. See above, p. 140. 151. 


statues of M. Antonius at Athens, precipitated also 
into the theatre a Bacchus, which was one of the 
figures of the Gigantomachia ^ Hence it clearly 
appears that this composition stood upon the wall 
overhanging the theatre ; that is to say, upon 
the southern wall, towards the eastern end. The 
three other dedications of Attains, namely, the 
contest of the Athenians with the Amazons, the 
battle of Marathon, and the destruction of the 
Gauls in Mysia, were probably ranged in a similar 
manner on the summit of the Cimonian wall, and 
may thus have reached perhaps, as far as opposite 
the Parthenon. 

2. The brazen colossus of Minerva, by Phidias, Minerva 
was distinguished from the two other celebrated 
statues of Minerva in the Acropolis, those of the 
Parthenon and Erechtheium, by the epithet of Pro- 
machus S as being armed and in the attitude of one 

* T^c 'Ad^Fijo'i T ly avTOftaylaQ vro wvevfidrwv 6 ^i6yv<roc 
tKffiiaOel^ etc to diarpoy KaTriyi\dri, Plutarch. Anton. 60. 

' See above, p. 158. n. 3, and the description of the three 
statues of Minerva in the Acropolis, by the Scholiast of De^ 
mosthenes (c. Androt. p. 597, Reiske). 

The three Minervas are alluded to in the following remarkable 
passage of the Knights of Aristophanes, pointed out by Mr. 
Wordsworth (Athens and Attica, p. 128), where the statue of 
the Parthenon is recognized by its ivory hands, the Minerva 
Promachus by its colossal dimensions, its brazen shield, and 
its spear, and the wooden Polias by the peplus which 
covered it. 

KA£ON. *liov tpipu <roi r^v^e fiaZltncriy iyn) 

U rciy 6\uy r&y Ik UvXov fiifiayiJiiyriy, 
AAAANT0nQAH2. 'Ey^li hi fAvarikac fisfiitrrvXtifiiyat 

tnro TTJc deov rfi X**P^ HjXifavriyri. 


ready for immediate combat. From an ancient coin 
of Athens, already referred to ', we obtain not only 
the attitude and proportions of this gigantic figure, 
but its position also, which, to a spectator on the 
northern side of the Acropolis, was between the 
Parthenon and the Propylaea, but much nearer to 
the former. We perceive, from the same testimony, 
that it faced the west, as if guarding the entrance of 
the Acropolis through the Propylsea, and hence it is 
alluded to by Aristophanes as ii IlaXXac n Tlv\aifAa\oQ. 
We may presume, therefore, that it was nearly oppo- 
site the centre of the Propylsea ; and this is confirmed 
by Pausanias, who remarks that the crest of its hel- 
met, and the point of its spear, were visible to those 
who were off the promontory Sunium, sailing towards 
Athens ; for not these extremities only, but the whole 
statue would have been seen, when the Acropolis 
first became visible to vessels sailing up the Saronic 
Gulf, had it not, standing opposite to the Propylsea, 
been concealed by the Parthenon. And further, 

AHM02. 'Oc fiiyav d[p* elx^Cf ^ v&rvia^ toy SdcryXoy. 
KA. 'Eycif S' crvoc ye icltnvov itf^tav rai KaXi^v* 

tTOffvvt ^ avff ii IlaXXoc 4 IlvXa/fiaxoc* 
A A. ^O A^^*, ivapy&Q ^ di6t a enierKoireif 

jcai yuy virepi^si <rov \VTpay ((afwv TrXeav. 
AH. out yap o2jcei(r6' hy in riivSe n^v trdXiy, 

ei fjLfi f^ayepQc itfiwy virepeix^ ^^^ xvrpay ; 
KA. TovtI Tifia\6Q <r* ov^toxty fi 4fofie<nfrrpdrfi. 
A A. 'H ^' ^OPpifjunrdrpa y' kfdoy Ik (uffAov Kpiac 

Kal ^(pXiKOt ifyvffTpov re rat ycurrpoQ rdfwy, 
AH. KaXwc y' ItrolriffE rov xiirXov fjLefjLyrifUyri. 

Aristoph. £q. 1163. 

^ See plate I, fig. 1. 


although standing opposite to the centre of the 
Propylsea, it would not have been intercepted from 
view by the Parthenon, when the latter first ceases 
to be hidden from ships in the Gulf, by the southern 
part of Mount Hymettus, had it stood many feet to 
the westward of a line produced from the western 
face of the Parthenon. The same words of Pausa- 
Dias supply the means of forming an estimate of its 
height, which could not have been less than seventy- 
five feet, the roof of the temple having been about 
seventy feet higher than the platform of the statue. 
If we suppose the pedestal to have been about 
twenty feet, the statue itself was fifty-five feet high> 
or fifteen feet taller than the Minerva of the Par- 

3. A third monument of which the situation is Brazen 


well defined, was the brazen quadriga dedicated 
from the spoils of Chalcis, having horses probably 
of the natural size ^ This, Herodotus informs us, 
was on the left hand of those who entered the Acro- 
polis through the Propylsea *. 

Having fixed these three points, we shall find that 
the position of them all is exactly conformable with 
the order in which the monuments of the Acropolis 
occur in the narrative of Pausanias, if we conceive 
him to have turned to the right, after having entered 

* tQv \vrpiav r^y ^iKarvfy dvcOiyrav, icoiriadfitvoi ridpiiriroy 
ydXxtov' TO Zk dpcffrep^c Xt-poQ etnriKe irpQror iaiovri cc rd 
OpoirvXaia ra kv rp *AKpvtr6\i, Herodot. 5, 77- 

' Pausanias notices a chariot only : possibly the horses may 
have been already carried away. 


through the Propylsea ; and thus to have advanced 
upon the Parthenon : after passing that building, to 
have described the objects at the eastern end of the 
citadel; and to have completed the circuit by returning 
to the Propylsea along the northern side of the citadel, 
including in that part of his course and narrative, the 
Erechtheium and the statue of Minerva Promachus. 
Some of the details of his description corroborate 
this supposition as to his route K For instance, he 
treats of the temple of Minerva Polias, or the eastern 
division of the Erechtheium, before the Pandroseium 
or western : after describing the monuments in the 
temenus of Minerva Polias, he mentions the sta- 
tue of Minerva Promachus, which appears to have 
stood on the higher level, not &r from the 
peribolus of that temenus : he then adverts to the 
brazen chariot, and after the latter monument 
describes only two statues; concluding his descrip- 
tion of the Acropolis, by noticing the Pelasgic wall, 
which appellation seems in his days to have been 
particularly applied to the part of the northern wall 
adjoining to the Propylsea: thus the situation of 
the brazen tethrippus, as deduced from Pausa- 
nias, agrees perfectly with the description of He- 

Following, therefore, the narrative of Pausanias^ 
after he has described the Parthenon, we may infer 

* The discovery of the base of the statae of Epicharinus has 
already been mentioned as corroborating the order of the first 
part of his route. — Note of 1889. See above, p. 347, n. 2. 


that not &r from the eastern front of that temple, 
stood the Apollo Pamopius by Phidias, and then, in 
the direction of that part of the southern wall 
Trhich overhangs the Dionysiac theatre, the statae 
of Xanthippus father of Pericles, (that of Pericles 
himself was near the brazen chariot^), then the 
Anacreon, and the statues by Deinomenes, of lo 
and Callisto. The Olympiodorus, which was very 
near the part of the wall jnst mentioned, was pro- 
bably towards the Erechtheium, as well as the 
Diana Leucophryene, dedicated by the sons of The^ 
mistocles, and the ancient statue of Minerva by 

Among the monuments of the Acropolis not 
noticed by Pausanias, may be mentioned as the 
most remarkable: — 1. A brazen ram of colossal 
dimensions ^ 2. The temple of Rome and Au-,j, j^^^ 
rastus', situated about ninety feet in front of?«™«*"^<* 


the eastern face of the Parthenon. From a portion 

* See above, p. 151. 159. 

This was perhaps the Pericles alluded to by Pliny. Ctesilaus 
(fedt) Olympiam Periclem, dignum cognomine. Plin. H. N. 
34, 8. (19. § 14.) 

' J(k cv rj *Affpoir<$Xcc xpiot iivaKUiiivoQ fiiyaQ ^oKkovq' AveXyi^- 
wi^v 3e ahrov utrt UXdruiv 6 Kai/ickoc, hid tq fiiyav clyat, koI 
vnyapidfui aWip rov Aovpioy cirirov. Hesych. in Rpioc dffcXyo- 


' The following inscription is in five lines upon this mar- 

'O ZfiitoQ 6c9 'Pw^[7 Ko^ ^fiafXT^ Kaivapi, arpaTfiyovyroc Iwl 
Tovc owXlra^ Uafifxivovc rov ZfivwyoQ Mapadutvlov, lipiutQ deac 
*Pw/ij}C Ka\ 2c/3a(rrov Zwiifpoc ex' 'ArpoiroXci* eirl Uptlac 'AOi^i^dc 
OoXcaloc Mey/ffn^c r^c *AaK\riwidiov 'AXaiCf^c dvyarpoc iwl 
Apxovroc 'Ap^ov Tov 'M.iaptwoe UaiaytitaQ, 

Augustus forbade the provinces to raise any temple to him, 
except in conjunction with Rome. Sueton. August. 52. 

A a -f- 


of its architrave still in existence, we may infer 
that it was circular, twenty three feet in diameter, 
of the Ionic or Corinthian order, and about fifty 
feet in height, exclusive of a basement, upon which 
undoubtedly it was raised. 

Diogenes Laertius remarks that, of all the statues 
(300, according to Plutarch) which were erected at 
Athens, in honour of Demetrius of Phalerum, one 
alone, standing in the Acropolis, was allowed to re- 
main ^ and even of this Pausanias makes no mention. 
We find the following also noticed, as having been in 
the Acropolis. A Mercury, sumamed *A/ivi|roc, or 
the uninitiated'; a gilded Minerva dedicated by 
Nicias, which in the time of Plutarch had lost its 
gilding ' ; an ox presented by Lysias, and much ad- 
mired^; a' man standing by a horse, dedicated by 
Anthemion, son of Diphilus, lipon the occasion of his 
being made a Roman knight \ These, or any others, 
which we may find recorded in ancient history, are 
either to be numbered among the cikovcc atpaviaripaij 
or portraits of persons of little consequence, which 
Pausani^ purposely passes by in silence, or among 
those which had been carried away by the plunderers 
who had despoiled Athens before his time. 

Pausanias has admitted only of one exception, to 

* Diogen. Laert. 5, 75. Plutarch. Praecept. Polit. 27. 

" Hesych. in 'Epfifjs itfiiftiroi. Clero. Alexand. Protrept. 
p. 2S, Sylb. 

* iitniiKii .... Kaff ^fi&c t6 t€ ndXXaiioy kv *AKpoir6\ei Tijr 
XpvtruKny dirofitfiXfiKoc Plutarch. Nic. 3. 

* Prov. Graec. p. 263, Schott. 

* For the inscription on this monument see J. Pollux, 8, 131. 
Hesych. in *Ayd£fiiwy. Hesychius describes Anthemion as a 
place, (roToc *Adviyj^<ny iy rj 'AicpoirdXei). 


his exclusion of Roman names in enumerating the 
monuments of the Acropolis. This was in favour 
of the emperor Hadrian, whom he takes every 
opportunity of distinguishing for his munificence 
towards Greece, and whom alone he seems to have 
acknowledged a fit companion for the illustrious men 
of former ages. But the Athenians had not failed 
to crowd the citadel, as well as every part of the 
town, with statues of powerful Romans. A few of 
their dedicatory inscriptions have been discovered 
and reported by modern travellers '. 

An inscription copied by Chandler, alludes to a Temple of 
sanctuary of Pandion, which, if we may be allowed *" 
to draw any inference from the situation in which 
the marble was found, stood near the eastern extre- 
mity of the Acropolis '. 

' In the Inscriptiones Antiquae of Chandler are several dedica- 
tions to RomaDS, found in the Acropolis ; among these are, one 
in honour of Nero Claudius Drusus, son of the emperor Tiherius 
(Boeekh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 317)f another to L. Egnatius Victor 
Lollianus (ibid. No. 377) ; which monument had afterwards 
been converted into that of a Roman proconsul Rufius Festus, 
whose title of Comes shows that he lived in or after the time 
of Constantine (ibid. No. 372). The Lollianus thus displaced 
for a proconsul, had in the reign of Hadrian enjoyed a high repu- 
tation as a sophist and rhetorician. He was the first who filled 
a 6^voc in this capacity : to this dignity he added that of 
crpartfydQ iirl rHv 8w\<ay ; and having as such acquired great 
distinction by the supply of provisions to Athens, a statue was 
erected to him in the Agora, and another in a small grove 
planted by himself. The words, Ktihfioyiae TiSy *ABrivCiy, rov 
p^Topa^ at the end of the inscription No. d77f prove this Lol- 
lianus to have been the same Ephesian whose life was written 
by PhOostratus (Sophist. 1, 23). 

* Chandler, Inscr. Ant. p. 49. Boeekh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 213. 

A a2 


In descending from the Propylfleum, in the direc- 
tion of the outer Cerameicus and the Academy, 
Pausanias describes the cavern of Pan and the Areio- 
pagus, both these having been nearly in his route, 
and not having yet been noticed by him. They are 
two of the natural features of Athens, which afford the 
surest guidance in its topography. An observation 
has already been made that the Areiopagus, or hill so 
called, is to be distinguished from the court of that 
name \ which occupied the summit of the easteni 
extremity, where a flight of sixteen steps ascends 
from the southward to an artificial platform, around 
which may still be distinguished some remains of 
seats cut in the rock. These appearances correspond 
with that simplicity which is remarkable in all tbe 
most ancient establishments of the Athenians, whe- 
ther civil or sacred ; as well as with the fact that the 
judgments of the court were given in the open air*. 
As the Areopagitse formed a council (jSovX^), as well 
as a court (Siicaar^pcov), the building described by 
Vitruvius as having a roof of clay ' may have served 
for their use in the latter capacity. 

Below the opposite or northern end of the eastern 
extremity of the hill of Mars, forty-five or fifty yards 
distant from the steps, is a deep fissure in the low 
precipices which border the height ; within these is 
a source of water. This seems to be the situation of 
the sanctuary of the Erinnyes, or Furies, commonly 
called by the Athenians ai aefival Gcal, which some 

^ See above, p. 243. 
* wratdptoi iBiKa^ovTo. J. Poll. 8, 118. 
^ Athenifl Areopagi antiquitatis exemplar ad hoc tempus luto 
tectum. Vitruv. 2, 1. 


incidents in^^chylusS and Euripides ^ as well as 
more direct testimony, show to have been near the 
court of Areiopagus *. The cavern probably was the 
adytum of the temple, a subterraneous sanctuary 
being plainly alluded to in the Eumenides of iE^chy- 
lus, and Euripides indicating still more clearly a chasm 
in the Areiopagus *. On this supposition there was 

* AGHNH. Xa/pcrc x' v/itic* irporipay li /ic ^pfi 
^Td\€iy daXdfWVQ airo^ci^vaay. 
TlpoQ <pioQ itpoVf Tdv^t irpoirofiirCJVf 
"It if KOI ff<payiiay TUtyS* viro aefiywy 
Kara yfj^ trvfiEyatf rd fiey drtipioy 
Xiupac fcare)^C(v, to Be KepSakioy 
nifiTciy woXeiac im Kiviy 

• • • . • • 

Bar' EK Bofiuy fxeydXai ^i\oTlfxov 
Nvin-oc TcaiBiQ axac^eci 
"X-K evdvi^poyi iro/iir^. 
Ev^a^clrc ^c* \ktptiTt 
Fac yifo Kivdiaiy wyvyioi<n, 

• . • • a • 

"IXaoi dc Kal ihOlMppoyiQ y^f 
Aevp* irc ^e/xral, Trvpi^dmif 
XafjLwdSi TtpTrSfityai, Eumen. 1001. 

' Eurip. Iph. in Taur. 962. Orest. 1665. 
' iKiutpKriKufQ Tag 2c/ivac Geac iy 'Ape/^ Ilay^. Diuarch. c. 
Demosth. p. 35, Reiske. 

^pd(io S* " hpii6y T£ Tfdyoy fiuffiovQ re OviiBeig 
Ev/icW^iuy, 00c )(p^ AoKt^aifioylovQ a* iKiTivaai 
Aovpi wuiofiiyovc' tovq (jl^ <rv KTeJye <nZ{\ptf 
M^3' iKtTaq aliKiiv' iwrac ^ Itpol te koI ayvoi. 

Orac. Dodon. ap. Pausan. Achaic. 25, I. 
Pausan. Att. 28, 6. See above, p. 160. 

^ Trdyoy trap' avroy xdafia Bvaoyrai ^dovoc, Eurip. Elect. 


These F^c te koi vkotov Kopaij as they are designated by So 


probably an artificial construction in front of the 
cavern. Here, or in the ca?em itself, were six sta- 
tues of the Furies, and three of the terrene deities 
{\6ovioi Beol). In an exterior inclosure was the monu- 
ment of (Edipus ^ 

Between the temple of the Semnae and the lowest 
gate of the Acropolis stood the heroum of Hesychus, 
whose descendants were priests of those goddesses. 
Here also was the monument of Cylon ^ erected in 
the place where he had been slain '. 

phocles (CBd. Col. 40, vide et 107), having usually been con- 
sidered the daughters of Uranus and Euonyme, or the Earth 
(Hesiod. Theogon. 185. Istrus ap. Sch. Soph. (Ed. Col. 42), had 
very naturally a subterraneous ffijicoct ^^^ that of their mother 
Earth, on the ascent of the Acropolis : and hence also the em- 
ployment of torches in their ceremonies. 

^ Pausan. Attic. 28, 7. See above, p. 161. 

' Prior to the sacrifice made to the Eumenides, a ram was 
immolated to Hesychus, oi to Up6y itrri irapa ro KvXwviov cicroc 
TtHv Ivvia vvX&y, Poleraon ap. Schol. Soph. CEd. Col. 489, on 
which see the remarks of K. O. Mueller in his Eumenides, p. 179, 
and in the notes to Rienacker*s translation of the first edition of 
the present work. Polerao probably designated the entrance of 
the Acropolis as the *'Nine Gates", because, iu the time of 
Cylon, the old Pelasgic works remained, and the Cylonium was 
a little without the position of the lower gate. 

' It was in the time of Solon, or about 600 b.c. that Cylon, in 
attempting to maintain his usurpation of the sovereign power, was 
blockaded in the Acropolis, and was obliged to surrender, together 
with his adherents, on condition that they should be allowed to 
justify themselves in the court of Areiopagus (according to Thucy- 
dides, Cylon and his brother had previously escaped). In order to 
secure themselves from their enemies while proceeding fix>m under 
the protection of Minerva to that of the Eumenides, the Cylonii 
tied a rope to the statue of Polias, and with the other end of it 
had arrived very near the sanctuary of the Furies, when the rope 


The remarks of Pausanias on the Areiopagus lead 
him to enumerate the other courts of justice at 
Athens ^ ; and with these he closes his description of 
the city, with the sole exception of the few words 
which he bestows on the ship employed in the Pana- 
thenaic procession to which I have already adverted ^ 
As he mentions ten courts, including the Areiopagus, 
we may be persuaded that these were the ten prin- 
cipal courts which were distinguished by the ten 
initial letters of the Attic alphabet, beginning with 
the Areiopagus ^ Two of his names, however, Ba- 
tracbius and Phoenicius, are not found in any other 
author : but, as we know that some of the courts 
were distinguished by colours^ as well as letters, 
there is reason to believe, that, in the instance of 
those two courts, the names derived from their colours 

broke. They were then considered as abandoned by Minerva ; 
those who were outside the sanctuary were stoned to death, and 
those who fled to the altar of the Semnse were there slaughtered. 
A plague ensued : Epimenides was sent for from Crete : his expi- 
ations were successful, and he would receive no other reward for 
his services than a treaty of alliance between the Cnossii and the 
Athenians, or, according to Plutarch, a sprig of the sacred olive- 
tree. Herodot. 5, 71. Thucyd. 1, 126. Plutarch. Solon. 12. 
PrsecepL Polit. 27^ Diogen. Laert. 1, 109. Suid. in *£}ri/i€v/^i|c« 
Pansan. Attic. 28. See above, p. 157. 
' See above, p. 161. 

* See above, p. 298. 

' Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 277. In the Ecclesiazusse (677) 
Praxagora alludes to this custom when she declares her intention 
of issuing tickets, marked with the letters of the alphabet from 
A to K, entitling the bearer to a supper in one of the Stoae, and 
sending the last to a Stoa in Peirseeus. 

* Aristot. de republ. Athen. ap. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 278. 
Bekker Anecd. 6r. I. p. 220. Suid. in Baicrripia koi cvfxIioXoy. 
Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1105. 


— ^grass green and scarlet — ^had superseded, in com- 
mon use, their other appellations. They were pro- 
bably the same as the Epilycum and the Metichium : 
1. Because the two latter names are the ninth and 
tenth in the enumeration of Julius Pollux \ whose 
eleventh, the Ardettus, had ceased to be a court at a 
very early period. 2. Because the Metichium was 
evidently one of the ten, being described as a fiiya 
Siicacrr^piov ; and, 3, Because the other eight, enu- 
merated by Julius, are the same which, together 
with the Batrachius and Phoenicius, make up the ten 
named by Pausanias. 

In regard to the situation of these courts of justice, 
that of four of them has already been indicated, 
namely, of the Areiopagus, Palladium, Prytaneium, 
and Delphinium ^ The Bucoleium was near the 
Prytaneium ' : the Phreattys was on the shore of one 
of the harbours of Peirseeus *. The Parabystum, or 
court of the Eleven, is placed by Pausanias in an 
obscure part of the city ; from which, and from the 
court taking cognizance of matters of small import- 
ance, he derives the name. But others give a diffe- 
rent interpretation of the word \ The Helisea, the 
greatest of the Athenian judicatures, and commonly 

> J. Poll. 8, 121. 

For the functions of the principal courts of justice, see De- 
niosth. c. Aristoc. p. 645, Reiske. Lex. Rhet. ap. Bekker, 
Anecd. Gr. I. p. 262, 310. Meurs. Areop. 11. 

^ See above, p. 165. 233. 269. 273. 

' Suid. in "Apx^v. 

^ Pausan. Attic. 28, 12. See above, p. 162, and below, in 
Section IX. 

' Etym. M. in v. Bekker, Anecd. Gr. I. p. 292. Uapafivvroy^ 
according to these authorities, meant o \aOpa eicpiviy. 


called ro piiya SiKaarripiovy in which 1500 were some- 
times assembled, we may conceive to have been in or 
near the most ancient part of the Agora, as it was at 
least coeval with Solon ; it was perhaps the iwoKarti 
Sucaar^piov, or lower court, as contrasted with the 
Areiopagus, which was called the avu j3ovXti from its 
lofty situation, as well as its precedence in the state K 
If this conjecture be well founded, the Helisea proba- 
bly occupied a situation in the valley to the south of 
the Areiopagus and south-westward of the Acropolis ; 
for on every other side the former height appears to 
have been surrounded by archeia, temples, stoae, and 
other monuments. The situation alluded to was very 
near the most ancient Agora. 

Having finished his description of the city, Pausa- 
nias proceeds from Dipylum to the Academy, in 
descending to which he describes a Peribolus of 
Diana or Hecate, containing wooden statues of " the 
best and fairest of goddesses \^ and a small temple 
of Bacchus; to which, on stated days, the statue of 
Bacchus, which had originally been transferred from 
Eleutherse to the Lenaeum, was brought from the 
latter place '. On either side of the road through 

* See above, p. 243. 

The Heliaea is supposed by some (Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 863, 
£q. 255, Yesp. 88, 769) to have derived its name from ^Xtoc, 
because the court assembled in the open air: by others from 
a\i(iaBai, to congregate (Etym. M. in 'HXia/a). 

* (6aya *Apifrrric i^ol KaXKlartic' oic fCF lyu BoKUf, koI ofwXoyel 
TO. €xa rd Sair^vci rife ^Apri^t^OQ eiaiv citikX^o'cic avrai. Pausan. 
Attic. 29, 2. KaXX«ffri7* t} iv t^ Kepa/jLeiK^ i^pv fiiyti 'Eicari;, fjy 
lyufi "ApTifjuv Xiyovaiy. Hesych. in v. 

' Pausan. Attic. 20, 2. 29, 2. 38, 8. 


the outer Cerameicus to the Academy were sepulchral 
monuments of Athenians who had been slain in hat- 
tie, with the exception only of those who fell at Ma- 
rathon, and who were buried on the spot ^ 

' For some remarks on the outer Cerameicus and Academy, 
sec Appendix XVIII. 


Of Marithne Athens y and its divisions ^ Peirceetts^ 
Munychia, and Phalerum. — Their harbour $y monu- 
mentSy and fortifications. 

The singularity and local advantages of the site of 
Athens consist not more in its natural fortress, the 
Acropolis, than in the peculiar formation of its sea- 
coast. While the Cecropian hill gave protection to 
the early cultivators of the plain against invaders 
both by sea and land, and was the primary cause 
of the importance of Athens among the states 
of Greece, the indented coast and the peninsular 
form of Attica were the gifts of nature, to which 
may be traced that extensive commerce, and that 
dominion over the Grecian seas which Athens so 
long retained. The security of the Athenian har- 
bours, and their different capacities, well propor- 
tioned to the several stages of the naval power 
of Athens, conspired with the position of Attica 
relatively to the surrounding coasts of Greece and 
Asia, with the richness of the Attic silver-mines, 
and even with the general poverty of the Attic 
soil, to produce a combination of circumstances 
peculiarly adapted to encourage the development of 

364 PEiRJEEus. [sect. IX. 

commercial industry, and of nautical skill and enter- 

Strabo has left us the following description of the 
maritime quarters of Athens ' : 

" Above the shore (of the strait of Salamis) is the 
mountain Corydalus and the demus Coiydalenses ; 
then the port Phoron ; Psyttalia, a small uninhabited 
rocky island, by some called the eye-sore of Pei- 
raeeus ' ; near it Atalante, an island of the same name 
as that between Euboea and the Locri, and another 
small island of the same nature as Psyttalia. Then 
occurs Peiraeeus, which is reckoned among the demi, 
and Munychia*. 

" Munychia is a peninsula connected by a narrow 
isthmus with the mainland. It is fiill of natural 
hollows and excavations in the rock, and is naturally 
well adapted to the reception of dwelling-houses. 
Below it are three harbours *. Anciently Munychia 
resembled the city of the Rhodii, being well inha- 
bited in every part, and surrounded by a wall, which 

* Page 395. 

' T^v XiifAfiv rov ReipaiQc This expression was more com- 
monly applied to iSgina. Aristot Rhet. 3, 10. Demades ap. 
Athen. 3, 21 (55). Plutarch. Pericl. 8. Demosth. 1. 

* cid* 6 Ucipaicvc, fcai a vroc iy rdig BijfwiQ TarrdfAevogf Koi ii Mov- 
vvxia. According to Uellanicus, the name was derived from Many- 
chus, son of Panteucles, king of Athens ; and the place was first 
inhabited by Miuyae of Orchomenus, who obtained a refuge 
here on being driven out of Boeotia by the Thracians. Hellan. 
ap. Schol. Demosth. p. 148, Reiske. Diodor. iragm. 7. Har- 
pocrat., Suid. in Mouvvx^a. 

^ Ao^oc 2* karlv // Movvv^^ca \t^^yritna((itv Koi KciiXog ecu vard- 
vofjLoc iroXv fJiipog, tpvtrti re koI C7r/ri|^cc wot' oliciitrug ^ixiaSai^ 
OTOfiit^ ^e fJiifcpf rily ettrodov e')(wy' vircnrcirrovflri S* aifrf XifUvec 
Tpilg. p. 157. 


comprehended, within the same inclosure, Peirseeus, 
and the ports fall of places for the construction of 
ships, among which was the armoury of Philo'. Tlie 
harbours were sufficiently capacious to afford anchor- 
age to four hundred ships ; for the Athenian navy 
consisted of no fewer. These fortifications were 
joined to the Long Walls, which were forty stades 
in length, and united the Peiraeeus to the city*. 
But the many wars in which Athens has been 
engaged have caused the destruction of the walls of 
Peiraeeus, and of the fortress of Munychia', and 
have reduced Peiraeeus to a small village, situated 
around the ports and the temple of Jupiter Soter, in 
the open court {vnaiOpov) of which are still seen some 
statues, and in its portico some admirable pictures, 
the works of celebrated artists. The Long Walls 
were ruined by the Lacedaemonians, and again by 
the Romans, when Sylla besieged and took both 
Peiraeeus and Athens. The city consists of habita^ 
tions surrounding a rock in the plain. On the sum- 
mit of the rock is the temple of Minerva, &c. * : on 
the shore adjacent to Peiraeeus is the demus of the 
Phalerenses : then the Halimusii, ^xonenses, &c. 

' According to Pliny (H. N. 7, 37 (38)), this armoury was 
adapted to the supply of a thousand ships. Philo wrote a treatise 
upon this his celehrated work in Peiraeeus, and another upon 
the symmetry of temples (Vitruv. 7, in Praef.). He was an 
orator (Cic. de Orat. 1,14), as well as an architect. 

* T^ ie rc/^cc rovr^ ervvrJTrrt ra tcadtiXKvafJtiya tov "Aorfog 
ffxiXri' Tavhi ^ rfv fAaxpa relj^rit TirrapaKoyra oradiiMtv to firJKOc, 
ovvaiTTOvTa to htnv r^ TLeipaiu. 

* TO Tilxos Kariiptiypay koI to rrjc yiovyv^iac epvfia, 

* To ^ "Atrrv auro virpa ktrrty kv vtlitf vepioiKOVfJiiyri kvkX^* 
cTi ie rp TtTp^ to rfjg 'AOrivag lepov, &c. p. 396. 

366 PEiR^SEUs. [sect. IX. 

These are the names of the demi which border the 
coast as &r as the promontory Sunium." 

Pausanias describes the maritime demi and ports 
of Athens in the following terms ^ : 

^^ The Peirseeus was a demus from early times ; 
but it was not a port for ships until Themistocles 
administered the affairs of the Athenians. Before 
that time the harbour of Athens was at Phalerum, 
where the sea-shore is nearest to the city. It was 
from Phalerum that Menestheus set sail for Troy ; 
and still more anciently Theseus, when he went to 
satisfy the vengeance of Minos for the death of 
Androgens ^. But Themistocles, when he held the 
government, perceiving that the harbour of Peineeus 
was more commodiously situated for navigation, and 
that it possessed three ports, whereas Phalerum ' had 
only one, formed it into a receptacle for ships : and 
to the present time the buildings for containing ships 
remain, and' the sepulchre of Themistocles on the 
shore of the largest of the three ports * ; for it is said 

* Attic. 1, 2. 3. 

' Minos accused the Athenians of having treacherously slain 
his son Androgens. For the different legends of the expedition 
of Theseus, and his contest with the Cretan Taurus, or the 
poetical Minotaur, see Plutarch (Thes. 15 et seq.), who cites 
Philochorus, Aristotle, Demon, Pherecydes, Hellanicu8,Cleidemus, 
and others. See also Pausanias (Attic. 27, 9), and Apollodorus, 
3, 15, 5 S. 

' Pausanias seems here to have had in view the words of Thu- 

cydides (1, 93). Gc^ioroirXifc vofil^iav t6 re yjupiov koKov 

cTvoi, Xc/icVac i\ov rptiQ ahro^vuc* Thucyd. 1, 93. V. Com. 
Nep. Themist. 6. 

^ KoX veiMtg Kai ig kfit ^aav olicoc, koI irpog rip fuyivrf Xifurt 
ra^C OifiitTTOKXiovQ. 



that the Athenians repented of their conduct to 
Themistocles, and that his bones were brought hither 
by his descendants from Magnesia. 

^ The most remarkable object in Peirseeus is the 
sacred inclosure of Minerva and Jupiter ^ containing 
brazen statues of the two deities ; the Jupiter having * 
in his hands a sceptre and a victory, and the Minerva 
a spear *. Here also is a picture by Arcesilaus of 
Leosthenes and his children'. The Macra Stoa 

* There can be no doubt that this temenns of Jupiter and 
Minerva was the same as the Up6v rov ^i6q tov ^urfjpoc^ or sanc- 
tuary of Jupiter Soter, noticed by Livy (31, 30), Strabo(p. 396), 
Pliny (H. N. 34, 8 (19, § 14) ), and Plutarch (Demosth. 27). 
It was probably a foundation coeval with the birth of Athenian 
navigation, and which received additions at various times in 
buildings, altars, and statues. Pliny describes the statue of Mi- 
nerva and the altar of Jupiter in the following terms : " Cephi- 
sodoms, Minervam mirabilem in portu Atheniensium et aram ad 
templum Jovis Servatoris in eodem portu, quibus pauca com- 
parantnr." The artist's name, however, was not Cephisodorus, 
but Cephisodotus, whose sister was married to Phocion (Plutarch. 
Phodon. 19), who made the statue of Peace bearing Plutus, in the 
Cerameicus (Pausan. Boeot. 16, 1), and who was the joint artist of 
three statues in the temple of Jupiter Soter at Megalopolis (Pausan. 
Arcad. 30, 5). The Athenians relieved Demosthenes from his 
fine by granting him the amount of it for the purpose of raising 
and adorning an altar in this temple, for the festival of the god. 
Plutarch. Demosth. 27* Vit X. Rhet. in Demosth. An altar of 
Japiter Ctesins, alluded to by Andphon (in Nover. p. 612. 614, 
Rciske), was probably within the sanctuary of J. Soter. 

' When the Athenians were meditating a war with Macedonia, 
Leosthenes sailed to Asia with the Athenian fleet, and conveyed 
to G^reece the Greek mercenaries of the Persian satraps whom 
Alexander wished to detain in Asia. In the Lamiac war, which 
broke out on the death of Alexander, Leosthenes commanded the 
Athenians, and gained two victories; one at Plataea over the 

368 PEiB.£Eus. [sect. IX. 

(long portico) senres as a market-place for those who 
dwell near the sea ; but there is another agora for such 
as live at a distance from the shore ^ Behind the 
Macra Stoa are statues of Jupiter, and of Demus (the 
people), the works of Leochares. On the sea-side is 
a temple of Venus, built bj Conon after his victory' 
over the Lacedaemonian triremes near Cnidus, in the 
Carian Chersonese : for the Cnidii particularly wor- 
ship Venus, and have three temples of the goddess ^ 
** The Athenians have also a port at M unychia» 
where is a temple of Diana Munychia, and another 
harbour at Phalerum', where is a sanctuary of 
Ceres ^. Here is likewise a temple of Minerva 

combined forces of the Macedonians and Boeotians ; the other at 
Thermopylae over Antipater. The Macedonians were then shut 
up and besieged in Lamia, and Leosthenes fell in the siege. 
Pausan. Attic. 25, 4. Arcad. 52, 2. Diodor. IS, 9 seq. 

^ This was the agora Hippodameia, or Hippodameias, as dearij 
appears from Xenophon (Uellen. 2, 4. See below, p. 3S6); and 
which is mentioned by Demosthenes (in Timoth. p. 1190, Reiske), 
and Andocides (de Myster. p. 23). 

' Themistocles was said to have erected a temple to Venus 
Aparchus in Peiraseus (*Airapxov 'A^poSlrric Up^y iBpvffaro iv Uei- 
paul)i because a dove perched upon his trireme during the battle. 
Ammonius Lamptrieus, iv rf ircpl (ittfiHv, ap. Schol. Hermogen. 
Ttpl IBeQy in cap. irepl yXvrvrijroc Rhet. Graec. II. p. 407» Aid. 

It is not unlikely that the dedications of Themistocles and 
Conon were both within the temenus of a more ancient sanctuary 
of Venus ; for the name Aphrodisium, by which the great Peiraie 
harbour was distinguished firom the two others, was probably 
older than the time of Themistocles. 

* "Etrri ie koI aXXoc 'A6i|va/o<c & litv if^ "NLovwxi^ Xifi^r koI 
Movvv\(a^ yaoc 'AprifAtBoi' o Be M ifaXiip^ icaOa ical wpinrtpov 
gipffral fioi rai rpoc aWf il^firfrpoc Upov, 

^ In the Phocica (85, 2), Pausanias describes this sanctuary as 
a vaoc, and adds, that, like a temple of Juno in the Phaleric road, 

SECT. IX.] P£IR££US. 369 

Sciras \ and somewhat farther a temple of Jupiter : 
there are altars also sacred to the gods, called the 

Unknown', to the heroes to the sons of 

Theseus, to Phalerus ^ who is reported by the Athe« 
nians to have sailed to Chalcis with Jason, and to 
Androgens, son of Minos, who is worshipped under 
the name of " the Hero.'* 

** Twenty stades from Phalerum is the promontory 
Colias, where the fleet of the Modes was driven by 
the waves after its destruction (at Salamis).'* 

It had remained ruinous and half burnt from the time of the 
Persian invasion. 

' Called by Plutarch (Thes. 17) the temple of Scirus. Scirus 
was a Dodonsean prophet, who came to Athens in the reign of 
Erechthens the second. Pausan. Att. 36, 3. 

' Altars to the unknown gods were said to have been first 
raised both at Athens and in the demi, as early as the forty-sixth 
Olympiad, by the advice of Epimenides, on the occasion already 
mentioned. See above, p. 358, n. 3. 

' fi^fnoi a deHy re ovoftal^ofiiytay dyyinrrmy koi iipmwy (n;/3epvY|-' 
rwv) Kal fraiiiay r&y Offintac koI ^oX^pov. We leam from Philo- 
choms (ap. Plutarch. Thes. 17) that near the temple of Scirus 
stood heroic monuments of Nausithous and Phseax, two men of 
Salamis ; whom, at the request of Theseus, Scirus had sent from 
thence to assist him in his navigation to Crete, the Athenians 
being then very unskilled in naval affairs, and Menesthes, one of 
the young Athenians destined for Crete, having been a grandson 
of Scirus. Nausithous was the KvfiepyiirriQ or steersman, Phaeax 
the xptfpevc who looked out ahead, and in honour of these heroes 
there was a festival at Phalerum, called the Kv^^pytivia^ It 
appears from Clemens of Alexandria that they were represented 
standing, the one by the prow, the other by the stem of a vessel ; 
for Clemens evidently refers to Phssax in the words rifiarat ii 
Ttf ^aXnpoi Kard nrpv/iyay ^pwc Protrept. p. 12, Sylb. Hence 
it is not improbable that Pausanias wrote fipuftay Kv^pyiiTdy^ 

Bb -*- 

370 PEIRiEEUS. [sect. IX. 

To tbe reader who has compared the preceding 
descriptions, with the plan of maritime Athens, it 
would be superfluous to state any thing further in 
proof of the fact that the demus of Peireeeus was 
adjacent to the largest of the three existing Athe- 
nian ports ; that Phalerum, being the easternmost of 
the three demi, and the nearest to the city, bordered 
the small oval basin, of which the modem name is 
Porto Fanari ; and consequently that the port of 
Munychia was the circular harbour now called 


The great harbour of Peiraeeus, although subject 
to some inconveniences from the difficulty which 
ships occasionally experience in entering and sailing 
out, is still an excellent port for vessels as large as 
frigates. The two smaller ports, although not well 
adapted to modem navigation by their dimensions, 
are safe receptacles for that class of vessels which 
will always be numerous among the islands and 
winding coasts of Greece. The modem names of 
Phalemm and Munychia indicate perhaps that under 
the Byzantine emperors a light was exhibited at the 
former, and that the latter was the military station. 
Of the Peiraic harbour the vulgar Greek name is 
Dhrako (Apaicwv) ' ; whence the Turkish Asian Li- 

* ^pdKiav is one of those words, which, in the coarse of the 
corruption of the Greek language, have been converted from spe- 
cifics into generics, or from particular objects to all objects pos- 
sessing similar qualities. Thus BpaKuv, instead of meaning, as 
among the anciente, a serpent only, is now applicable to a monster 
of any kind, and was thus applied to the marble lion of the 

SECT. IX.] PEIR.£BUS. 371 

man], and the Italian Porto Leone : all derived from 
a colossal lion of white marble which Spon and 
Wheler observed upon the beach at the head of the 
harbour, when they visited Athens ^ This fine mo- 
nument of early Athenian art» which represents the 
animal as seated on its hind quarters, with its fore- 
legs vertical and its head erect, was removed to 
Venice, when Athens was taken by the Venetians 
in 1687*. 

It was not until the third year of the Pelopon- 
nesian war, when maritime Athens was in danger of 
being surprised by the enemy's fleet, that the Athe- 
nians saw the necessity of fortifying the PeirsseuQ in 
the manner customary among the Greeks '• The 

^ Spon, II. p. 110. Wheler, p. 418. 

' On the same occasion a couchant lion, of nearly the same 
xnagnitade, was removed firom the Sacred Way near the Aca« 
demy, and was placed, together with the former, at the gate 
of the arsenal of Venice. Adjacent to the conchant figure, 
which is to the right in entering, are two other lions of the 
same material, but of smaller dimensions ; on the basis of one 
of which the inscription '' £x Atticis " shows that it was brought 
from Attica, together with the two larger. The fourth, which 
is larger than that just mentioned, represents the animal as 
erect on its forelegs, and raising its hinder, as if in the act of 
rising. On the base is inscribed ** Anno Corcyrae liberatae,'* 
showing that it was obtained in the year 1716. It is said to have 
been brought from Corinth, and differs in style from the Attic 
figures. I was mistaken in supposing (in the former edition of 
this work, p. 310) that any of these statues had been carried 
to Paris by the conquerors of Italy. — Note at Venice, May 

* Xi/ievmy rt KXelva koI tj &XX?} ciri^eXcc^. Thucyd. 2, 94. 

Mention is often made of KXeitrrot' Xifievec in ancient histoi^, 

Bb 2 

372 PEiEJKEUS. [sect. IX. 

maritime city having in other respects been well 
fortified, little more was required than a prolongation 
of the inclosure at the entrance of the ports, with 
towers at the termination of the moles, from which 
chains might be extended across the harbour's mouth. 
Remains of the xiiXai, or moles, still exemplify the 
manner in which the object was effected. At the 
entrance of Phalerum are vestiges of a very massive 
construction of this kind ; a part of which vras built 

and many examples of them still exist on the sites of the 
maritime cities of Grreece, where small land-locked basins were 
inclosed, as Strabo has described the Athenian ports, within the 
circuit of the town walls ; that is to say, that the city walls 
having been carried down to either side of the harbour's mouth, 
were prolonged from thence across the mouth by means of moles 
founded generally upon rocky shoals, which left only a passage 
in the middle for two or three triremes abreast between two towers, 
the opening of which might be farther protected by a chain. 
Sometimes sufficient shelter was obtained by a single mole, it 
was at Athens and ^gina, the two chief maritime states on the 
eastern coast of Greece, that nature and art had particularly com- 
bined in the formation of closed parts : for we still trace the 
remains of four or five at Athens and of three at .£gina. The 
walls thus embracing the harbours were called xv^^» ^^ ciaws, the 
port having been likened to a crab, which it often resembled in 
form. This kind of harbour was not out of use in the Levant 
seas, as long as the Armata Sottile, as the Venetians called that 
part of their navy which consisted of galleys and galliots, con* 
tinned to be an object of importance among them, and to have 
opponents of the same kind among the Turks, and other 
naval powers of the Mediterranean, where the narrow seas, 
the intricate and rocky coasts, the numerous small ports, the 
sudden changes of weather, and the frequent calms, are all in 
&vour of vessels which draw little water, and depend chiefly 
upon oars for their swiftness. 


upon a small island at the entrance. Of Miinjchia* 
the eastern chde in part remains ; and at the entrance 
of Port Dhrako the moles still form two reeis, which 
leave only an opening of sixty yards, indicated by 
two masses of masonry, but where doubtless in 
ancient times stood two handsome towers. At the 
head of the same bay, other remains of moles clearly 
prove that the shallow basin beyond them was one 
of the three ports into which, as we learn from some 
of the grammarians, the harbour of Peineeus was 
anciently divided ; although neglect, the low situa- 
ation of this creek, and the alluvial depositions of a 
torrent running into it, have now rendered it a mere 
lagoon, unfit even to receive the small vessels in use 
among the modem Greeks. It seems of necessity to 
follow that the third Peiraic port was the exterior 
haven, the entrance of which is indicated by some 
vestiges of a mole which there connected a small 
island with a point on the northern shore of the 
peninsula of Munychia. 

The three subdivisions of the harbour of Peirseeus Harbours 
were named Cantharus, Aphrodisium, and Zea ^ ; but 


^ *£y Hupaiii iii Tovari KavOopov Xt/Jitiy. — Aristoph. Pa. 144. 

neifxiievc \i/ui^c rpete ^xci, wayrac rXccffrovc* elc fi^Vf 6 
KavOapov Xifiiiy* ovria KaXovfiivo^ iiir6 nyoQ ijpuoc Kardapov* iv 
^ rd Kcwpia* eira ro 'A^po^iffuty' elra KvicXf rov Xi/uVoc ^oal 
Tcrrc. Schol. ibid. KayOapiay' Xi/i^v ovru KaXiirai iy Qfipaici. 
Hesyeh. in v. 

KdyOapo^* to (Qoy' icai ovo/ia Xc/icVoc 'AO/irp^i. Suid. in ▼• 
Zea, // '£rdri| irapd *A6i}vaioic Kal elc rdy ly Ilccpaui Xifiiyuy, 
«vrii» KoXovfuyoQ diro rov Kaprrov rQc (tw* ^X^^ ^£ o Ilcipacevc, 
Xifuyac tpilt icXfiffrovc. Hesyeh. in v. 


although we are furnished with their names^ and 
the remains of the ancient works give us nearly their 
limits, there is some difficulty in applying the re- 
spective appellations. If Aphrodisium was so called 
from the temple of Venus on the shore of PeiraeeoSy 
mentioned by Pausanias, we may presume the middle 
or great port to have been Aphrodisium; for the 
general aspect of the place as well as the situation 
of the Peiraic theatre, leave no doubt as to the cen* 
tral part of the demus of Peirseeus, where stood the 
temples of Jupiter Soter and of Venus, and where 
the shore was bordered by the Macra Stoa* 

If the middle or great harbour was Aphrodisium, 
it is probable that Cantharus was the inner basin, 
and Zea the outer port. Cantharus was noted for 
containing the naval arsenaP, and it is consistent 
with reason and experience to suppose that such 
works were in the most sheltered, defensible, and 
retired part of the Peiraic harbours. The name of 
Zea, on the other hand, having been derived from 

' Tbe words of the Scholiast iy f rd ribtpta (p. 373. n. 1.) 
seem to imply that all the naval establishments were in Can- 
tharus, but some inscriptions recently discovered, (see below, 
p. 400.) prove that the harbours Munychia and Zea were also 
subservient to the uses of the Athenian navy. The shores of 
Cantharus, therefore, may have been totally, and the two other 
harbours not more than partially devoted to those purposes. — 
Note of 1840. 

ra vewpia comprehended the naval arsenal generaUy, ot 
vtuKroiKoi were dry docks for the reception of the triremes, and 
were covered probably with roofs. NcMiroucoi* raraywyca (oidi/iara 
Phot. Lex in N.) Inl r^ OaXarnic ^xo^o^tifUya clc vwiAfxiv tUv 
KCtfv, on jjirl OaKamuouv* ra ytupta Si ^ Twy oXuy ircpi/SoXii. 
Bekker, Anecd. Gr. I. p. 282. 


the ships which supplied Athens with com, and 
which navigated to the Black Sea and other distant 
places, corresponds better with the exterior divi- 
sion; where the depth of water was greater, and 
where those vessels being the largest and strongest 
which the Athenians possessed, might find sufficient 
protection from the weather. 

We find a strong confirmation of this opinion 
in the situation of Phreattys, a court of justice for 
the trial of homicides, who were already in a state 
of exile on account of a prior ofience of the same 
kind, and which was situated so near the margin of 
the sea, that the accused pleaded from a ship while 
his judges sat on shore. This court was called 
indifl&rently iv Zif or iv ^bptarroV^ and it is described 
as being on the outside of Peirseeus '. An accident, 
which happened in Port Cantharus, and which Plu- 
tarch has recorded, because it was considered a pro- 
digy, which had reference to the recent occupation 
of the maritime city by a Macedonian garrison \ 

I »i 

*E,y Tilq, ri^oc ktrrX irapaXioc* ivravBa Kpiverai 6 iir' iiKovaif 
fuv ^dyy f^vytavy airioK it. ij^tay e^* tKovalta i^ovi^, 

'£f ^piarroV ol lir* dKovffiy ijtdy^ ^evyovrcCt cir* aWy ^e nvi 
Kpiyofuyot' 01 Iwl frXol^ effTwrtQ diroXoyovyrat, Bekker, Anec. 
Gr. I. p. 311. J.Poll. 8, 120. 

' riraprvv ro iv ^ptarroV h iiKal^ti rov '^6vov fiiy nya 
i^vyovra l^fp^oy, alrlay ii Tp6Ttpov i^oyra <^6yoy' oc koI Kptyofteyoc 
iwl rifoc iinitOiy rov Jlitpai&Q cVoXoyov/icvoc ayxvpay JcaOici, Btiri 
o yofwc airroy obK iSHov Tfjc yfj^ eiri/J^i^ac. Helladius ap. Phot. 
Mjriobibl. p. 1594. 

* A mysta preparing for initiation in the mysteries of Bacchus, 
was washing a pig intended for sacrifice in the port named 
Cantharus, when a kvitoq (a shark ?) bit off all the lower part of 
the man's body. As the theatre still extant marks the situation 


becomes highly improbable on the supposition that 
Cantharus was the outermost harbour. 
Maritime There is reason to believe that the whole of mari- 


time Athens was divided into the two demi of 
Peirseeus (oi nccpauic) and Phalerum, (ot ^aXfipik)^ 
and that the peninsula, as well as the harbour of 
Munychia, was included in the former \ for thus 
alone is it easy to understand Thucydides, who, 
making no mention of port Munychia by name^ 
remarks that Peirseeus contained three harbours and 
Phalerum one ', whence it appears that he referred 
to the limits of the demus of Peirseeus, and that 
he included Munychia as one of its three natu- 
ral harbours, the two others having been Cantharus 
and Aphrodisium. The only testimony which can be 
adduced in fitvour of the opinion that Munychia was 
a demus, are the words of Strabo already cited \ but 
as he is there enumerating the places in their order 

of the Sanctuary of Bacchus, it is hardly to be supposed that the 
mysta carried the victim for the purpose of washing it, so hi 
from thence as beyond the middle port : whereas the inner bay 
was conveniently situated for his purpose. 

* Had Munychia been a demus, it is scarcely credible that no 
inscription should yet have been found, containing the name of a 
demotes of such an important place. Stephanus of Byzantium, 
who was very exact in distinguishing the demi, describes it only 
as a Xi/i^v, and the people as olir^ropec. Movyvxia' totoq tov 
lliipai&c, Etym. M. in v. 

* This harbour is not often mentioned in Athenian his- 
tory : but we have proof of its employment by the Athenians 
in an oration of Issus (De Philoctemon. haered. p- 157, 

' See above, p. 306, n. 3. 

* See above, p. 364, n. 3. 


along the coasts the passage may be differently inter- 
preted; and it seems clear that the three ports 
which he describes as lying at the foot of the 
Munychian height, were Munychia, Aphrodisium, 
and Zea. 

On one side of the entrance into the harbour of 
Peirseens, was a place named Alcimos, on the other 
was Eetioneia. Eetioneia is described by Thucydides Eetioneia. 
as a chele of Peirseeus, commanding the entrance 
into the harbour ^ In the twenty-first year of the 
Peloponnesian war, when the Athenian fleet and 
army, under Thrasybulus and Alcibiades, were at 
Samus, and when the Four Hundred were in pos- 
session of the government of Athens, the latter made 
an addition to the fortifications of this promontory, 

^ • • • • ^KoBofAovy • • • • • TO ir T^ Heriiaydif^ rc7)(pc • • • • 
)^X^ yap ioTi rov lUipaUic h 'Hcriwreia, rac irap' ahrt^v elrOvc 4 
InrXovc iarlv' krw^^iro oZv ovrw kvv r^ vponpoy irpoc iiweipop 
vTapjfpm r€<x<^ ^^re, KadiZofuywy ec ahroy iLydpwirtay oXiymK, 
ApXCiv rov ye towkov iw* airroy yap Iwl r^ aT6fiaTi rov Xt^cvoci 
oreyov o>TOf, roy trtpoy irvpyov iriKtvra' r6 rt vaXaioy to frpoc 
irupoy cal ro xaiyoy to iyroc rov rtlxovct rtv^i^oiiiyoy Tpoc 
BaXaopav' iifKol6firioay Be xal trroay^ Hirep ^y fieyitmi Koi 
lyyvrara rovrov, eirOvc kypiiiyti iy rf Ueipaul^ koi ilpx®*' airroi 
ovrqcy «C fl»' «»« roy triroy ^yay)(a(oy iroyrac roy virapxoyra re 
ixu roy ijriTXioyra e^aipiiffOai Kal roy iyrtvdiy irpoaipovyrac 
TuXtly, Thucyd. 8. 90. 

*Hcnwveia. ^Ayru^y iy rf jctpX ttiq fieratrrafftta^ — ovorwc 
€KaXiir0f H yt Tapa rov IlecpaicMC &Kpa &iro rov KaraorriirafJieyov 
ri^y y^y 'Hcr/ttfvoc, Ac iftrivi ^iXoxopoc iy rp vpot Ai^/ivKa 
ayriypa^j' fiyfifwyevei Bi rfjc 'Il€ri«V€iac Kai OovKviiBfic ir 
oyZofff Harpocrat. in *IIcnwvcia. 

See also Demosthenes (c. Tbeocrin. p. 1343, Reiske), Suidas 
and Stephanus in 'Herwyna, 



[sect. IX. 


Tomb of 

with a view to preventing the entrance of the 
Athenian fleet, which was adverse to them, and 
even to secure the admission of the Peloponnesian 
fleet, rather than to resign their power ^ Their 
works appear, from the description of Thucydides, 
to have been chiefly near the sea, but connected, 
towards the main land, with the old Peiraic for* 

As this description cannot apply to the southern 
shore of the entrance of Peirseeus, which formed 
a part of Munychia, and which, from its penin- 
sular form, and its situation with respect to Phale- 
rum and Peirseeus, could not have had any vralls 
towards the main land {wpog ^irccpov), it is obvious 
that Eetioneia was the point on the opposite 

Thucydides adds, that adjoining to their fortress 
the Four Hundred built a large stoa within the 
Peiraic harbour, in which all persons were obliged 
to deposit their corn, as well that which was already 
in port as that which was daily arriving by sea. 

Eetioneia having been on the northern side of the 
entrance of Peirseeus, Alcimus must have been on 
the opposite side. It appears to have been a quarter 
or inhabited portion of the Munychian peninsula, 
adjacent to the entrance of port Aphrodisium. 
The name occurs only in reference to the situation 
of the tomb of Themistocles, which, according to 
an author cited by Plutarch, was on a part of 
the shore sheltered from the force of the sea by a 

> Thucyd. 8. 91, 92. Demosth. 1. 1. 


projection at Alcimus'. The tomb, which is de- 
scribed as consisting of a broad basis and an altar- 
shaped monument, is stated by Pausanias to have 
stood on the shore of the principal harbour (irpoc 
ry fuytiFTff Xi^evc). If these words are decisive 
in placing the tomb within the great port, those 
of Plutarch are equally so in showing that it was 
near the opening; as may be inferred also from 
the lines of the comic poet, which describe the 

' Ato3wpoc (*HXtodiiipoc?) S* 6 TtpiriyfiriiQ kv toiq irtpX r&v 
fiytlfioTbty tiptiKtv^ cJc vicovoQv /idXXov ^ ytvwaKttyf on irepi tqv 
\tfuya rov Iltipiuwc iiird rov Kara rov "AXxifioy oKpttrtiplov 
rpOKiiTal r<c oloc &yicfe>v» icai Kafi\l/ayri rovroy cvroc, j ro virMiOy 
rfjc OaXdrrriCf KpufficiQ tarty tv^iyidrn, Kal to ircpl atrr^v fitainotiliQ^ 
Tu^^ rov OefjiiaTOKXiovi. Occrac Be Kal HXdruya roy KUffiucoy 
ovTf ixapTvptiv ky rovroiQ* 

'O 90C ^c rvfijioc iy koX^ Kt\ta<yiiiyoQ^ 
ToTc tfjnropoiQ irpoapij<ri£ emai trayra^ovj 
Tovc r' IcirXioyrag eitncXloyrdf r oyl^tratf 
XiajTOray fi^cXXa ruiy yewy, dtdaerai, 

Toic ^ awo yirovQ rov QefAitrroKXiovg Kal rifiai rtyec iy 
Mayyiici^ ^v\arr6fuyat fuj(pi r^y iifuripmy j(p6rwy ioay^ de 
Uap/wovro GcfiiffrorXvc 'A6]|vaioc» ^fimpoc ffvri^Oi|c Kal ^/Xoc 
rap* 'A^/MiWy ry ^iXo^o^ yeyofjieyoQ. Plutarch. Themist. 
c. ult. 

As we know that Heliodorus wrote a work Tcpl rHy fiyiifidrmy 
(see above, p. SS^ note 2), there is probably an error in the 
text of Plntarch of A for HA, It is not surprising that Plutarch 
ihoold have thrown doubts on the information of his author* 
by the words vwoyotiy /xaXXov if yiFwerffwy, since he was him- 
self of opinion that the real tomb was at Magnesia. His silence 
as to the monument in Peiraeeus, which his contemporary Pau- 
sanias has mentioned, may be attributed to his usual negligence 
as to topography and antiquities* 


tomb as seen by all who entered or sailed out of 

As this author wrote about sixty years after the 
death of Themistocles, the topographer cited by Plu- 
tarch about two centuries later, and Pausanias and 
Plutarch three or four centuries after his time, we 
have tolerable evidence of the existence of a monu- 
ment of Themistocles in Peirseeus throughout those 
ages, though in all probability it was nothing more 
than an honorary cenotaph, as its altar-shaped form 
seems to show. 

This situation within the town of Peirseeus, and 
near the entrance of the harbour, was well adapted 
to the monument of one, who was not only renowned 
for his naval victories, but also as the founder and 
fortifier of the maritime city ^ . 

^ It has long been customary at Athens to give the name of 
*' the tomb of Themistocles," to a monument on the extreme 
Western Cape of the Munychian peninsula, where a quadrangular 
OfiKTif or coffin hewn out of the rock was protected, by means of 
an outer case similarly formed, from the surf to which this part 
of the shore of the Munychian peninsula is exposed. Near it lies 
a sepulchral stele or short column of a common form. There ia 
no kind of evidence, however, to support this tradition, which 
seems to be more modern than the time of Spon and Wbeler, or 
even of Stuart. The exposed situation is directly contrary to the 
testimony of Diodorns (or Heliodorus). 

Numerous sepulchres somewhat similar to that in question, and 
more or less preserved, may be remarked on the shore, on either 
side of the entrance of the harbour. There is one in partiealar 
on the promontory to the westward of Eetioneia, which together 
with a creek beyond it is called Trapezona, probably an ancient 
name. This monument consists of a broad icpi|Tcc or base, with 
the fragments of a large fallen stele which stood upon it, and 


When the Athenians by the advice of Themis- 
tocles, biiilt a new town at Peirseeus, Hippodamus 
of Miletus, whom they employed for this purpose \ 
fonnd Peireeeus consisting probably of little more 
than a range of buildings around the bay. These 
by means of improvements may have become the 
five stose, which afterwards encircled all the eastern, 
and southern sides of the harbour, except where the 
sanctuary of Venus and one or two other public 
buildings occupied the shore, or where it was neces- 
sary that there should be streets or roads leading 
into the town of Peirseeus, or to the two eastern 
harbours, or to the interior of the Munychian penin- 
sula. These buildings and commencements of streets 
formed probably the separations between the Stoss* 
The words of the scholiast of Aristophanes *, com- ^ ^^^^^^^ 
pared with the locality, induce one to believe that num. 
the temple of Venus stood between port Cantharus 
and the first street, or that which conducted from 
the head of port Aphrodisium through the town of 
Peineeus to Athens. Beginning near this street, 
there occurred probably a Stoa, reaching to a temple 
or public building, of which some remains are still 
observable at the monastery of Saint Spyridion. 

would have been more worthy of being named the tomb of 
Themittocles, than that near Alcimus, if the situation could have 
been reconciled with the ancient authorities. But in truth it is 
impossible to say, in the absence of inscriptions, to whom any of 
these monuments were erected* 

Aristotle (H. Anim. 6. 15.) alludes to a Themistocleium in 
Attica, but it could hardly have been that of Peirseeus, as it stood 
near a marsh. 

' See above, p. 13. ' See above, p. 373, n. 1. 





Temple of 



The interval between this point and the beginning 
of a street, which led to port Munychia by the 
shortest line between the two shores, we may con- 
ceive to have been occupied by the Macra Stoa, 
which on this supposition would have been aboat 
300 yards in length, an extent quite sufficient to 
justify the name : while the position would have been 
central, as well with respect to the towns as to the 
harbours of Peirseeus and Munychia, and well adapted 
therefore to those purposes of a muitime Agora, to 
which the Macra Stoa was subservient. 

The Exchange, or Deigma, so called as having been 
the place of exhibition of merchandise \ formed pro- 
bably a part of the Macra Stoa. The only other 
Stoa of which we possess the name was the Alphi- 
topolis, or meal-bazlu*, said to have been erected by 
Pericles K It was probably adjacent to Zea, as this 
was the port frequented by vessels engaged in the 
com trade. 

As to the temple of Jupiter, the words both of 
Strabo and Pausanias, favour the supposition that it 

' TO Afly/ia roiroc itrriv iv [Icipauf, ivBa voWol trvvfiyoyro 
^iyoi Kol iroXirai koX IXoyorolovy, Schol. Aristopb. £q. 975. 

Aeiyfia* KvpiwQ fiiy ro Etucvvfuyoy inf!" iKaarov rwy irb»XoV'» 
fiiywy' ^dri ^c kcu ri^iroc nc iv rf *A0//V2}9iv ifxiropi^^ cic or ra 
ciiyfiara iKOfiiierOf ovrc^c eKaXttTO, Harpocrat. in Atiyiia. 

Every commercial town in Greece had a similar establishment 
(CEnese Poliorcet. 30). The deigma of Rhodes was adorned with 
statues (Polyb. 5. 88). On some of the occasions on which the 
word occurs in Attic writers, it is probable that a deigma in 
Athens was intended. But Peirseeus being the place of com- 
merce, its deigma was more celebrated. Xenoph. Hellen. 5. 1 • 
§11. Demosth. in Lacrit. p. 932, Reiske. in Polycl. p. 1214» 
Lys. 0. Tisid. ap. Dionys. irepi Aii/mxtO. ieiy6T, 11. Poly sen. 6. 2. 

' Schol. in Aristoph. Acham. 548. 


uras Dot on the sea-shore ^ but in the interior of the 
town, about midway perhaps, between the eastern 
extremity of the harbour and the gate at which the 
ancient route from thence issued from the town of 
Peirseeus, in the way to Athens. The temple occupied 
possibly one side of the interior Arora, which formed ^^^ ^'p- 
the central and most important feature of that regular 
plan on which the new town of Peirseeus was built 
under the directions of Hippodamus \ and another 

' Straboy by saying that in his time there- were no buildings 
in maritime Athens except around the ports, and around the 
temple of Jupiter Soter ; and Pausanias, by remarking, that the 
temple of Venus and the Macra Stoa were near the sea, and by 
stating only in regard to the temple of Jupiter Soter that it was 
in Peiraeeus. 

* Colonial towns are generally built upon a more regular 
plan than metropolitan, being laid down upon a single design 
at the time of the migration. The colonists of Ionia had the 
farther advantage of settling in a country where literature and 
the arts were more advanced than in European Greece. Hence 
they were able to supply the Athenians with an architect when 
the new Peiraeeus was built, and hence the plan of this town was 
uniform and rectangular, while Athens continued to be remark-i 
able for its narrow and crooked streets (icaiciJc Ifipvfiorofjiri^tvti Bia 
Tvir &pr)(ai6rfiTa, Dicaearch. vit. Graec. p. 8, Huds.) Strabo 
(p. 647) describes the ^fwrofiia kir tvdtiwv of new Smyrna, 
which was built in the reigns of Antigonus and Lysimachus. 
• Pausanias, in describing the city of Elis, contrasts the 
Ionian mode of constructing Agorae with the Tp6irog &px^i6' 
Ttpoc* Aristotle recommends for his imaginary city, a mix- 
ture of the two modes of building ; observing that the old method 
was better against an enemy, the Hippodameian for beauty : 
i ii rtiy liibfv ott:fi<n»y Biadicig ii^lnv fiiv yofiiZeraif Kal XPV" 
atfitiripa irpoc rac &XXac irpd{ec£, ay evTOfiOQ f Kara roy yiutrepoy 
Koi Toy 'IwoBafAttoy rpovoy* irpoc ^c roc 9roXe/icicac d^^oXeiac 
rovravr/ov, .«»£ (i\oy Kara Toy itp')(a'ioy xpoyoy^ ^vai^oc yap 


part of wliich plan was a broad street or road leading 
from that Agora to Port Munjchia, as appears from 
Xenophon in his relation of those memorable events, 
which led to the overthrow of the Thirty, in the year 
B. c. 403 ; and in the course of which narrative, the 
historian has thrown some light on the topography of 
maritime Athens ^ 

Thrasybulus having surprised and defeated the 
adverse party near Phyle, entered Peiraeeus in the 
night ^ where his light armed were reinforced by a 
strong body of native petroboli^ or slingers of stones'. 
The Thirty, on hearing of his movement, marched to 
Peiraeeus by the hamaxitus or carriage way (on the 
outside of the Northern Long Wall,) with a force com- 
posed of the Lacedaemonian garrison, together with the 
Athenian horsemen and hoplitse of their own party, 
amounting to about three thousand^. Thrasybulus 
thought at first of preventing them from entering 
Peiraeeus, but considering the disparity of numbers, 
and the extent of line to be defended, he commenced 

iK€lyfi rote {eyacotc» t^ol BvtreiipivniivQ rote eircnOe/i/MMC* ^ ^' 
Tovrmy it/Aforipwy iurixtiv» • • • • cal r^y luv Bkfiv /i^ Toulr 
riiy ToXiy evrofxoyp Kara fiipii Si Kai r6>irovQ* ovr^i ydp rai upoc 
iiai^Xeiay icac K69fioy £{ei raXiJc* Aristot. Polit. 7, 11* 

^ Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 4. 

' Thrasybulus is said to have been guided from Phyle to 
Munychia, the night having been very dark, by a miraculous 
light, which vanished near the spot in Munychia, where in the 
time of Clemens stood an altar of Phosphorus (6 rov ^t^afopam 
(iwfAoc). Clem. Alexand. Strom. 1. 24. 

' weXrw^poi rt Ka\ i^cXo^ hKoyrunai' kiri Zk rovrtHQ ol ircrfwjSoXou 
oirot fUvTOi ovxyol litray' xal yap ahT60ey irpomyiyoyro, Xenoph. 
Hellen. 2, 3. § 20. 

^ ra tw\a irdvriav irX^y rQy rpifr^tXiiiiy iro(>c/Xo»TO. Ibid. 


a retreat to Munychia. The Thirty then entered 
the Hippodameian Agora, and began to move for- 
ward by a street leading from thence to the temple 
of the Munychian Artemis and the Bendideium \ In 
this street they were so confined, that their hopUtse 
were compressed into a phalanx of fifty in depth : and 
in this manner they were beginning to ascend a height, 
when Thrasybulus, observing the moment &yourable 
for an attack, drew up his hoplitse, ten in depth, oppo- 
site to the enemy, and harangued his forces, explain- 
ing to them the disadvantages of the enemy's posi- 
tion, arising from their being on a level ground, 
where neither their slings nor javelins could take 
effect ', nor the rear ranks of their hoplitae could act, 
as they would be unable to launch their missiles 
with any effect over the heads of those in front of 
them. Whereas the troops of Thrasybulus, who 
were on a rising ground, would make every spear, 
and javelin, and stone effectual; and by forcing 
the enemy's hoplitae to hold their shields before 
their faces ^ would give the Thrasybulian hoplitie, 
the greatest advantage in coming to close quarters 
with them. The augur forbad the attack until some 

^ Oi fiiy &ird ^vX^c m fiiy eircxcipi^ffOK fi^ iiyUvai airrovc* 
iwtl Bi fiiyac 6 cvvXoc StP mWijc ^vXouc^c iBoKti deiffOat, owna 
woXXoif ovffif (vve^irecpaOif^ay iirl r^v Movwx^^''' ^^ ^* ^'^ ^^^ 
*AffT€oc €ic Tov 'Inro^a/Lieioy iiyopay tSddrrtff irpHroy fxey {vv- 
erdtayro Hort IfiirX^ffai ri^y o^y^ 4 ^pcc irpd^ t6 Upoy rqfc 
Movnrx/ac 'AprifAiioc icai t6 "Bty^iStioy, § 11. 

■ ohvi fuy ovT€ fidXXtiy afire iucoyrliity Wcp rwv wporeray- 
fiiymy, dia t6 wpdc opdtoy liyaif hvyairr* dy, § 15. 

' ^v\aTr6fuyoi Bi ipairinvoovfriy ^bI inro race hvwioiy. § 16. 

C c -<- 


one on the side of Thrasybulns should fall, and then 
himself rushing forward was slain. Thrasybulus upon 
this immediately became the assailant, gained an 
easy victory, and pursued the enemy as £Bir as the 
plain ^ 

Hence it appears that the Hippodameian Agora was 
eastward of the head of the harbour, and north-west- 
ward of that extremity of the hill of Phalerum \ upon 
which are found the remains of the Peiraic theatre ; 
and the last falls of which separate the level at the 
head of Port Aphrodisium from that at Port Muny- 
chia. It is evident that a direct road or street, from 
the Agora to Port Munychia crossed this rising 
ground, and that the distance must have been very 
small between the southern side of the Agora» and 
the point where the street issuing from it began to 
ascend the hill. By his promptitude and judgment 
in selecting the moment for engaging, Thrasybulus 

^ Diodorus, in relating these events (14, 83), has jnsdy 
ascribed the success of Thrasybulus m oyerthrowing the power 
of the Thirty Tyrants to the gainmg possession of Munychia, 
which he describes as a desert and strong hill (X<S^f tprifwy xal 
KapT£p6y) : but the testimony of Xenophon will not allow us to 
believe that Diodorus is accurate in saying, that the Thirty 
besieged Munychia {wpoeiliaXov rg Movwxc^ ), since it is evident 
that the action was fought in Peirsseus, to the northward of the 
Munychian peninsula, which would still have offered a retreat 
to Thrasybulus had he been defeated. 

' By the hill of Phalerum is meant that which extends from 
Port Phalerum to near the head of Port Aphrodisium, though all 
the western part of it was in the demus Peirseens. But its 
highest point, which is higher than any other in maritime Athens, 
is immediately above Port Phaleruni. 


obtained a doable advantage: the street confined 
the enemy to a front of hoplitie equal to his own, 
and the rising ground enabled him to derive useful 
assistance from the light-armed; while those of 
his opponents were not only on lower ground, but 
embarrassed by the buildings of the Agora and of 
the street issuing from it. We may infer likewise 
from the circumstances, that the road was of consi- 
derable breadth, not less perhaps than one hundred 

In the transactions which very soon followed this Theatre of 
defeat of the Thirty, mention is made by Xenophon 
of the theatre of Peirseeus, of which the remains are 
still extant. Lysander and Pausanias had now come 
to the assistance of the party in possession of Athens ; 
and Libys, brother of Lysander, closely blockaded 
Peirseeus by sea. The Peloponnesians having en- 
camped in the plain ' of Halipedum ^ Pausanias 
smnmoned the Thrasybulii to quit Peirseeus and 
diBperse; and upon receiving a refusal, made an 
assault upon the place, which was not more efTec- 

' The proportion of file in the two parties shows that the 
Thzasyhulian hoplitae were not more than one fifth of those of 
the enemy ; his number, therefore, assuming that of the Thirty 
at three thousand, was about six hundred, and sixty was the 
number in firont on both sides. This would require at least one 
hundred feet. Possibly it was an 6^6c cicaro/ixc^oc (see Tra- 
vels in Northern Grreece, IV. p. 405), for the Greeks seem to 
have considered the scale of one hundred feet as attended with 
some symmetrical or eurhythmical infiuence. See below in 
Appendix XVI. 

' ey Tf 'AXijriSf KoXovfUyf irpog rf Ucipaui. Hellen. 2, 4, 

CC 2 


tual than bis summons ; nor in fact was it intended 
to be, as Pausanias, jealous of Lysander, was desirous 
of accommodating matters between the two parties 
of Athenians. The next day, Pausanias, who com- 
manded on the right, proceeded with two Spartan 
morse, and three phylse of Athenian cavalry, for the 
purpose of ascertaining the best mode of circum- 
vallating the Peineeus, and on his return from Port 
Cophus, which had been the extent of his march, 
was disturbed by an attack from Peirseeus, which 
provoked him to send the horsemen against the 
assailants, with some of the Lacedsmonian infantry, 
while he followed with the others. Thirty of the 
enemy's light-armed were slain, and the remainder 
were driven to the theatre in Peirseeus ', where all 
the peltastffi happened to be as well as the hoplitie 
of Peirseeus. These then became the assailants, and 
annoyed the Lacedaemonians with missiles of every 
kind to such a degree, that after losing two of their 
polemarchs, they were under the necessity of giving 
way, while Thrasybulus advancing with all his hoplitse, 
eight in depth, and taking the lead of the light- 
armed, obliged Pausanias to retire four or five stades 
to a hill, from whence he sent to his camp for the 
assistance of all his forces. Then forming his army 

^ TJ varepai^, Xafiify rwv fjiey AaKiSaifioviuty Ivo fiopaCs rHy Be 
^Adriyaiiav imriiay rpeic ^vXac» wapfjXOey iwl roy Kw^y Xc/iivo, 
exoTTwy irj evairorecxicrrf^raroc iiri 6 Ueipauvtm 'Eircl Be 6.iri6yTOQ 
airrov, irpoaidioy rivcc Kal irpay/iara airnp irapeixoy, ^xOeoOccc 
irapiiyyeiKe rovQ fuy imriai Ikavyeiy tie ahrovc &v€Krac ica2 rove 
TCL BtKa d0* rjliric IvviireffOai' ivy Be role &X\oiq avroc emjKoXai^ 
dec vac afreKTeivay fAey cyyvc rpiaKoyra riav ^InXuty, tovq ^ aWovc 
xareBibflay npoQ to ey Ueipaul Qiarpoy, § 31, 32. 


in a compact order, he led them against the Thrasj- 
bulii, i¥ho stood the shock, but were defeated, 
losing one hundred and fifty killed, while some took 
to flight, and others were driven .into the marsh at 
Hals \ 

The name Halipedum' points out the plain atHaUpedam. 
the head of the baj between Phalerum and Cape 
Colias, as the place of encampment of the Pelo- 
ponnesians. The Spartan king, having been on 
the right, was conveniently situated for an exa- 
mination of that part of Peirseeus, where alone a 
circumvallation could be made, namely the north- 
western side, Peirseeus in every other quarter having 
been accessible only through Phalerum and Mu-* 
nychia. Cophus was probably the creek on thecophuB. 
exterior side of Cape Eetioneia^ for there the 
circumvallation would of necessity terminate to- 

* 'O 2c TLavoavlaCf /xoXa wuoOtlc koI itva'^wpfiaai Strov irraSia 
rtrrapa ^ icivTt irpoQ \6f^y riya, iraptiyyuXe Tolg AoKtBaifwyloic 
Koi role aXXoiQ (v/Li/iaxoic iirtxiapeiy irpoQ kavrdy. '£rei Si 
hfyrai/afuyog fiaduay iravrcXwc rv^y fdXayya ^yty ewl rove 
'AOi|yaiovc* Oi ^ ec X^lpaQ ixky ide^ayrOf cireira 2e ol fiey 
iitmoBfieay e( roy iv race 'AXalc iri/Xov, ol hi eytKXiyav' kqI 
iaroOyiifrKoveiy avrdy wq ircvr^rovra xai iicaToy, § 34. 

' 'AXiwehoy' riyeQ roy Ilccpaia ^aety* Ivri H ical Koiy&Q rdiroc, 

oc vdXai fuy i{v ddXaaaa, aSOig Se irthloy iyiytro 

cyioc li ^affiy, Sri t6 wapadaXdaatoy vehioy ovtw Xiytrat, Har- 
pocrat. in 'AXlwthoy, 

* Kw^c Xc/ii|v meant " the atill harbour/' according to Zeno- 
bins (4, 68) on the Greek proverb xia^orepoQ tov Topwyalov 
XtfiiyoQf applied to port Cophus of Torone. There was indeed 
but one wind, the south-west, that could disturb the water in 
the creek in question. 


wards the west, and there Pausanias might com- 
municate with Libys. In marching to this point 
from Halipedum and in returning from thence, Pau- 
sanias could not avoid passing near the entrance of 
Peirseeus, which placed those within in a favourable 
position for interrupting his march. The hill to 
which he retired, could scarcely have been any other 
than the summit of the Phalerlc height, which rises 
immediately above the theatre of Peirseeus, and was 
very conveniently situated for receiving succour from 
the camp in Halipedum. 

The subsequent action, therefore, probably took 
place at the foot of that height to the northward, 
and it was a very natural consequence of the result, 
that some of the defeated men on the Athenian 
Haifc left, should have been driven into the marsh at the 
north-western angle of the Phalenc bay, where may 
have stood a suburb of Phalerum called Halse, a name 
of the same origin as Halipedum, and of common 
occurrence in similar situations. It is scarcely pos- 
sible to suppose that Halse .Sxonides could have 
been intended by the historian as the distance of 
that place from the scene of action was not less than 
eight miles. 

The same transactions afford a tolerably correct 
measure of the extent to which the Lacedaemonians 
had carried their destruction of the Long Walls, 
and defences of Peirseeus in the preceding year. 
That the entrance of the Peiraeeus from Athens had 
been laid open, seems evident from the march of the 
Thirty into the Hippodameian Agora, and from the 
pursuit of the Thrasybulii by Pausanias, as far as 


the theatre : the lower or western part of the Long 
Walls appears also to have been demolished, as no 
mention of them occurs in the movement of Pausa- 
nias from Halipednm towards the western side of 
Peirseeus, or in the action in which he defeated 
Thrasybulus. On the other hand, the ramparts of 
Peirseeus seem not to have much suffered, Thrasy- 
bulus having entertained for a moment the design 
of defending the icvjcXoc against the Thirty, and 
Pansanias that of forming a circumvallation (airorei- 
^ur/ua) round the western side. As the Spartans, 
when Athens capitulated, had at first required 
the demolition of ten stades of the Long Walls \ 
this had been apparently> their primary object, and 
having accomplished thid task which destroyed the 
connexion of the Peiraic Long Walls with the 
entrance of Peiroeeus, they may not have been 
anxious to undertake the immense labour of sub- 
verting all the defences of Peirseeus, although it 
formed an article in the final treaty *. 

The theatre of Peirseeus, like that of Athens, Dionysium 

f o 

was attached to a sanctuary of Bacchus, where aneeua. 
Dionysiac festival was celebrated ^ and where music 
contests were held, in one of which Euripides is said 

^ Xenoph. 2. 2, § 15. Lys. c. Agorat. p. 451. 453, Reiske. 

' That some demolition of the Peiraic walls was executed, is 
evident from Xenophon, but he also shows that it was very 
speedily and therefore not effectually done. Oc Be rpcairovra 
ppidrioay fi€v, Iwtl Td\iaTa ra Mcucpd Tdx^ Kal rd vepi tov Uecpaia 
Ka&jfpidri. Hellen. 2. 8. § 11. 

* i) wofiiril rf Atovva^ Iv Ilcipacec. Demosth. c. Meid. p. 517t 


to have contended for the prize in the presence of 
Socrates K 
^p^!™° From an extant inscription, there appears to 
roeiis. have been a sanctuary of Theseus in Peirseeus; 
attached to it were lands and woods, situated per- 
haps in the neighbouring plain or some other part 
of Attica ^ : this Theseium was doubtless one of 
the four mentioned by Philochorus \ Another in- 
scription shows that there was a temple of Vesta in 
PeirseeuB *. 
s®?*"- Serangeium ' and Choma • (the mound) were places 


' Kai Hitpaiol ^£ hyiavil^ofiivov TOv £vpcir/&>v tcaX iKti KaTjju. 

(Socrates sc.) £lian. Var. Hist. 2, 18. 

Two interesting inscriptions regarding this theatre were 
brought to England by Chandler, and presented by the Society 
of Dilettanti to the British Museum. Boeckh. C. Ins. Gr. 
No. 101, 102. One of them confers upon Callidamas, among 
other honours, a front seat in the Peiraic theatre, whenever the 
Peirseenses should celebrate the Dionysia (vpoiiplay ev rf 
didrp^ orafA votuei Unpaitig rd Atov^ffca) : the other inscription 
records a lease of the theatre for an annual rent of 330 drachmse 
to four Attic citizens. 

' This inscription, which records the terms of a lease of lands 
granted by the Peirseenses in the archonship of Archippus (321, 
or 318, B.C.) was brought from Greece by Chandler, and pre- 
sented by the Society of Dilettanti to the British Museum. 
Boeckh, C. Ins. Gr. No. 103. 

* Ap. Plutarch. Thes. 35. 

* Boeckh. C. Ins. Gr. No. 101. 

' ^vipdyytoy' \iaplov re rov UiipaUw^ ovtwq iicaXecro. It was 
mentioned in the Fcoipyw, a lost drama of Aristophanes, and in a 
lost oration of Lysias. Harpocr. in y. Among the possessions 
of Euctemon was a bath in Serangeium. Issus de Philoctemon. 
hsered. p. 140, Reiske. Suid., Hesych. in y. 

*^ XAfia' ri ivTiv ovofia t6vov ir llitpat^* Bekker. Anecd. 
Gr. I. p. 316. 


or quarters in Peirseeus, of which little else is known. 
The name of the former ^ would induce one to look 
for it on some part of the rocky shore in Zea, or on 
the adjacent part of Aphrodisium, near the supposed 
position of the tomb of Themistocles. One autho<- 
ritj, however, mentions a sanctuary of a hero Se* 
rangus ^ 

Peirseeus appears to have had no other provision 
of water than that derived from wells, even so long 
after the establishment of the new city as the begin- 
ning of the Peloponnesian war, when the Athenians 
had already an extensive commerce ^ for Thucydides, 
in describing the plague of Athens, expressly remarks 
that there were no Kptivai^ or artificial fountains, at 
that time in Peineeus \ 

We have seen that in Munychia there was a temple Temple of 
of Diana ^ Its remains may still be observed near M^dua. 
the shore of the harbour, consisting of foundations 
of an oblong building, some fragments of Doric 
columns, about two feet and a half in diameter, 
and the trigylphs of a Doric entablature of cor- 
responding dimensions. 

cxov^a. Phot. Lex., Hesych. in v. 

' 2i|payy€iov* roiroc rov Ilecpaiwc KTiadtiQ Imb ^pdyyov rac 
tpfoy iv aWf. Phot. Lex. in y, 

' Pericles ap. Thucyd. 2, 38. 

* iyjyfhi vw aWvy its oi UeXovoyyiiffioi fapfAoxa iePifikfiKouy 
if ra ^iara* xpiiyai yap ovirfii ^aay ahT6Bi. Thucyd. 2, 48. 
It generally happens, in times of severe pestilence, that some 
class of men, odious for some reason to the ignorant multitude, 
are subject to such accusations. 

* See above, p. 385. 


Theatre of About fouT hundred yards to the south-west of 


this temple, on the isthmus between the ports of 
Munyehia and Peiraseus, stood the theatre of Ma- 
nychia, facing the entrance of the harbour, and 
about fifty yards distant from its south-western ex- 
tremity. This theatre is mentioned by Thucydides 
and LysiaSi and from both these authors we may 
deduce that it was a building of some importance. 
The orator mentions it as having been a place of 
assembly of the Athenian people ; and Thucydides^ 
who designates it as the Dionysiac theatre at Muny- 
ehia ^ relates that in the twenty-first year of the 
Peloponnesian war (b.c. 412), during the contest 
between the Four Hundred and the party of The- 
ramenes, it was taken possession of by the hoplitae^ 
who had first been employed by the Four Hundred 
to build the fortress at Eetioneia, and had after- 
wards been induced by the opposite party to destroy 
it. The hoplitse, after consulting together in the 
theatre of Munyehia, agreed to march to Athens* 
where, having taken possession of the Anaceium, the 
Four Hundred found themselves under the necessity 
of proposing a change in the government, and an 
early meeting for that purpose in the great theatre 

^ 'Eirccdi) ^£ 4 €KK\ff^ia MovyvxiiL&tv kv tf Qi&rpf kyiyytro^ &c. 
Lys. c. Agorat. p. 464. 479, Reiske. 

* , • , TO Ttpo^ T^ Movyv^i^ l^towfnoKov Qiarpoy* Thucyd. 
S, 98. 

The specific mention of the theatres at Manycfaia and 
Peirseeusy as Dionysiac theatres, seems to indicate that there 
were other theatres in the maritime city. But the extant 
remains, we may safely presume to be those of the Dionysiac^ 
as having been the principal theatres. 


of Bacchus. Before the day arrived, however, the 
appearance of the Lacedsemonian ships, the defeat 
of the Athenians by sea at Eretria, and their con- 
sequent loss of Eubcea, brought about the imme- 
diate deposition of the Four Hundred and the 
appointment of a new government ; the prudence 
and activity of which saved Athens for the moment 
from a situation of the utmost difficulty. 

Adjoining to the theatre of Munychia, and stand- Bendi- 
ing on higher ground, are considerable remains of 
a temple, or other public building, which appears 
to have been about equal in breadth to the theatre : 
we may conceive that the two formed together a 
noble object, particularly as seen irom the ships 
which entered port Munychia. This temple may 
possibly have been the Bendideium, or temple of 
the Thracian Artemis, for such a situation would 
accord with the words of Xenophon \ on the suppo- 
sition that from the route leading from the Hippo- 
dameian agora to the temple of Diana Munychia at 

^ ri^y oioVf $ flpn irpOQ to hpoy rfJQ'MiovyvxioQ^ApTifii^c icalro 
BiyH^tmiy (see above, p. 385, n. I), where apparently the last words 
were added because the Bendideium was situated either beyond 
the temple of Diana Munychia on the same line, or in a direction 
to which there was a road branching from that line. The im- 
portance of the Bendideium may have been another reason why 
the name is here introduced by Xenophon. ii BivSic aMjt Lucian. 
Jup. Trag. 8. In a lost drama of Aristophanes she was entitled 
the Great Goddess (ap. Phot. Lex., Hesych. in MiydXri Ococ), 
and the Bendideia was a noted festival, which occurred on the 
19th of Thargelion, the day before the lesser Panathensea. Plat. 
Polit. i. SchoL ibid. Proclus in Plat. Tim. 1 . Strabo, p. 471. 
Origen. c. Cels. 6. Philocal. 15. Hesych. in ^IXoyxoy. Meurs. 
Gr* feriat. in BiySiiua, 

396 PHALEBUM. [sect. IX. 

the head of the harbour^ there was a branch from 
that direct route to the Bendideiuniy and from thence 
to the centre of the Munychian peninsula. 

Tiie theatre and the temples of Diana having 
been thus situated, it is probable that around them, 
in the time of the Roman empire, was one of those 
^ villages near the ports" to which maritime Athens 
was then reduced, after having in better days almost 
entirely covered both the Phaleric height and the 
peninsula of Munychia. Of this ample evidence 
remains in numerous foundations of walls, some con- 
structed and others excavated in the rocks, as well 
as of chambers and cisterns similarly formed, and 
amidst which are some ancient quarries \ We have 
no intelligence of any building or monument in 
Munychia besides those already mentioned, except 
the altar of Phosphorus' and the monument of a 
hero called Acratopotes, or the drinker of unmixed 
Phaienim. Phalcrum having been alone employed as a har- 
bour in the early ages of Athenian history, contained 
a greater number of objects of veneration than Pei- 
rseeus or Munychia. Besides those mentioned by 
Pausanias were the sepulchre of Aristeides S a place 
called the Oschophorium ', and a fountain of brackish 

' Chandler (c. 5) supposes these to have been the qaarries 
alluded to by Xenophon (Uellen. 1, 2, § 14), from which the 
Syracusans escaped in the year 408 B.C. : but a large quarry, on 
a height to the west of Port Cophus, was more probably the place 
of their imprisonment. 

' See above, p. 384, n. 2. 

' Polemon ap. Athen. 2, 2 (9). 

* Demetrius Phalereus ap. Plutarch. Aristid. 1. 

* *Ckrxp<p6piov, roiroc *AB^vri<n ^aXripoi. Hesych. in ▼. 


water, supposed to be the same as the Clepsydra of 
tbe city^ Diogenes Laertius asserts that the se- 
pulchral monument of Musseus was at Phalerum, 
with an epigram upon it^ which he has recorded; 
but this is in contradiction with Pausanias, and with 
the name of the hill Museium in the Asty, where 
Musseus was reported to have been buried *. 

Phalerum having been the harbour nearest to the 
city, and conveniently placed on a coast abounding 
in fish, was naturally the chief fishing station of the 
Athenians \ The plain in the vicinity was equally 
adapted to market gardens S being moist, low, and 
easily irrigated from the Cephissus. 

Of the temples of Ceres, of Minerva Sciras, and of 
Jupiter, or of the other buildings and monuments of 
tbe demus, scarcely a trace remains ; and Phalerum, 
like so many other places in Greece, has preserved 
little or nothing, except a part of its works of de- 

The fortifications of all the three portions of the Fortifica- 


^ See above, p. 169. ' See above, p. 166. 

' The 'A^viy, though generally despised (the Sprat ?) was par- 
ticularly commended by the yaffrpofidpyoi, when caught near 
Phalerum, ly ihKoXiroun ^aXiipov ' Ay K&m XiiipBivff icpoici Arches- 
tratus ap. Athen. 7, 8 (22). ^aXi^plc fi xdpri, Eubulus ap. Athen. 
3, 24 (71). 'H ^c ^aXripixii JjXff d^vii Tplruvo^ Iro/pi}, Matron 
ap. Athen. 4, 5 (13). r^ fiucpa ra ^oXiypura TaS" a^v^ca, Aris- 
toph. ap. Athen. 7, 8 (23). See also Lynceus of Samus (ibid.), 
Aristophanes (Acham. 901. Av. 91), Aristotle (H. Anim. 

6, 15), and J. Pollux (6, 63). The gobius (icw/Sioc) was also a 
favourite production of the fisheries of Phalerum (Antiphanes ap. 
Athen. 7» 17 (83), and the yXavKlvKoc (Lynceus ap. Athen.) 

7, 8 (24). 

* The Phaleric fidfayoc (Jjv KoXovffl nve^ Kpdi^nv,* Aristot. 
II. An. 5, 10) was much commended. Hesych. in ^aXi^puca/. 


maritime city are still traceable in many places, and 
they serve to illustrate some of the events of Athe- 
nian history, as well as the general practice of mili- 
tary architecture among the ancients. The strength 
of the Peiraic fortifications was particularly exempli- 
fied in the siege of Athens by Sylla ; and some of the 
historians of this event remark that there were six or 
seven difierent walls or inclosures \ Their existing 
remains justify the assertion. 

The searline of maritime Athens began at a romid 
tower which overlooks the north-western angle of 
the bay of Phalerum, and followed the crest of the 
rugged shores of Phalerum and Munychia, exclud- 
ing some of the rocky points of land, and crossing 
the mouths of the harbours of Phalerum and Munj- 
chia, so as to leave only narrow entrances which 
might occasionally be closed. The sea*line termi- 
nated at the entrance of Port Aphrodisium ; and thus 
was confined to Phalerum and Munychia; while 
the land front of maritime Athens, with the excep- 
tion of the north-eastern wall of Phalerum, which is 
about 400 yards in length, belonged entirely to 
Peirseeus, properly so called, no part of which was 
adjacent to the open sea. All the north-western 
side of the hill of Phalerum was in Peireeeus, the 

^ Appian de Bell. Miihridat. 30. Plutarch. Syll. 14. Dion. 
Cass, firagm. 121. 123. 

Ita dimicavit (Sylla) at et Athenas reciperet et plurimo drca 
multiplices Piraeei munitiones labore expleto, amplias ducenta 
hostium millia interficeret. — ^Yell. Paterc. 2, 23. Mox, subnito 
Piraeei portu, sex quoque et amplius muris, &c. Flor. 3, 5. 
Orosius, a Spaniard of the fourth century, says (6, 2), Pireeum 
septemplici muro communituni. 


wall of which was a continuation of the north-eastern 
wall of Phaleraniy and is traced along the crest of the 
hill as £00* as a low projection, at which it approaches 
the road irom Athens to Port Dhrako» coinciding 
with the northern Long Wall. As all the eastern 
Ade of Peirseeus, as well as of Phalerum, was covered 
hj the Long Walls, it was on the north-western side 
that Peirseeus was most exposed, on which account, 
as well as because it contained the naval establish- 
ments of Port Cantharus, it required a strong system 
of fortifications : the extant remains near the western 
extremity of the front explain, in great measure, the 
mode in which the defence was effected. 

At the extremity already mentioned, where the 
Peiraic inclosure approaches the northern Long 
Wall or modem road, it assumed a westerly direction, 
and crossed the road at an opening between two 
low rocks, where appears to have stood the gate, at 
which Peirseeus was entered from Athens. Beyond 
this point, the Peiraic walls are scarcely traceable, 
but in proceeding a little &rther to the north-west, 
we find the foundations of the northern Long Wall, 
not exactly in its former line produced, but directed 
apparently upon the eastern mole head of Port 
Cantharus. A prolongation of the western chde 
of this port ascended the height, which rises from 
the north-western shore of port Aphrodisium, and 
there formed the northern side of a triangular inclo- 
sure which comprehended all the southern face of 
that hill, and had an entrance at the obtuse apex 
of the triangle between two round towers. The 
western wall of the triangle terminated in another 
round tower, near which a square tower formed 



the mole head of the northern chele of the great 
harbour. On the outside of the northern wall of 
the triangular inclosure, there was a ditch cut in 
the rock ' ; the corresponding defence of the western 
wall was the creek before alluded to» and supposed 
to be the ancient Cophus. On the hill which rises 
from the western side of this creek» a wall flanked 
with square towers formed a counterscarp to this 
natural ditch : the northern extremity of this ex- 
terior work was bent into angles, so as to terminate 
on the outside edge of the excavated ditch, thus 
covering the entrance between the two round 
towers. Here doubtless was an exterior gate, al- 
though no traces of it are now to be found. 
Another of the ** multiplices Peirseei munitiones** 
may be observed crossing firom port Cophus to the 
similar creek, which is situated three quarters of a 
mile to the north-westward of it, and which is now 
called Trapezona; I observed also the remains of 
walls, which seem to have inclosed the whole of 
the larger peninsula which lies seaward of the har- 
bours Dhrako and Keratzini. Not far from the 
inner shore of port Cantharus, and following appsr 
rently a direction nearly parallel to that shore, are 
the vestiges of another ancient inclosure. This prob- 
ably was part of the same line which inclosed port 
Cophus, and which formed the exterior defence of 
the triangular inclosure* 

When the Phaleric basin was the only harbour 
employed by the Athenians, and they had a rival at 

' This may perhaps be one of the ditches for the defence of 
Peirseeos, made by Demosthenes. (Vit. X. Rhet. in Demosth.) 


sea 80 near as JBgina, the protection of Phalerum 
was an object of the greatest importance. We find, 
accordingly, vestiges of an Acropolis on the summit 
of the height which rises immediately above the 
harbour, and which was the highest point in the 
maritime city. Remains are also extant of a wall, 
which, descending from the south-western side of 
the Acropolis to port Munychia, separated Phalerum 
from Peirseeus. The western inclosure of Phalerum 
then followed the shore of the Munychian bay, but 
excluded the promontory which is on the right in 
entering that harbour. From thence as far as the 
round tower above the western angle of the road- 
stead of Phalerum, it was a portion of the sea line 
as before stated. 

There are vestiges of three gates in the land 
fi*ont of maritime Athens : one already noticed on 
the modern road from Athens to Peirseeus; a 
second near the north-eastern angle of Phalerum, 
in the direct route from Athens to that demus; 
and a third which stood at two-fifths of the distance 
from the latter gate to that first mentioned. This 
intermediate gate entered the town of Peiraeeus near 
the theatre, and there may possibly have been 
another or fourth gate, more directly in the line of 
the intralongomural street. 

Little doubt can be entertained that Munychia 
had its citadel as well as Phalerum; though per- 
haps of a date less ancient, as it may not have 
been a part of the plan of Themistocles to form 
Munychia into a separate inclosure, his great object 
having been to fortify Peirseeus, and to connect it 
with Athens: in his time, as well as long after- 

Dd -^ 


wards, such was the superiority of the Athenian 
nayy to all others, that no apprehension of a siege 
could have been entertained; we know that it 
was not until the third year of the Peloponne- 
sian war that provision was made for the closure 
of the harbours. Nor are there at the present 
day, any remains of walls in the interior of the 
peninsula, except a line which descends from the 
summit of the hill in a southern direction to the 
wall encircling the cliffs: and which may have 
been a work of a later period, erected as a pro* 
tection towards the sea, when all the south-western 
part of the peninsula had become uninhabited ^ 
Nevertheless we have undoubted proof, that soon 
after the time of Alexander the Great, Munychia 
was a separate fortress : and we may conclude that 
there was an Acropolis in the centre ^ as such an 
extensive peninsula would not have been sufficiently 

* Peirseus had already, in the time of Alexander, so much 
declined, that Philiscus, the comio poet, who was a contemporary 
of Lysias (Yit. X. Rhet. in Lys.), likened it to a great empty 
walnut : 

Il£cpaccvc Kcipvov fuy eoTi irat Kipov, 

Anthol. Jacobs, XIII. p. 708. 

That 18 to say, it was depopulated, but its great walls remained. 
These indeed were still extant in the time of Sylla. Appian. de 
B. Mithrid. 30. 

' This supposition is confirmed by inscriptions of the age of 
Alexander, which have recently been brought to light on the 
southern shore of port Dhrako. Mention is. therein made of 
naval stores, deposited in the Acropolis. See Boecl^h Urkun- 
den iiber das Seewesen das Attischen States p. 472, seq. and 
the Addenda to this page at the end of the volume. — ^Note of 


fortified by merely adding a wall across the isthmus 
to the line around the cliffi. But, secured by an 
Acropolis, Munychia was admirably adapted to be 
the citadel of a maritime city, which generally had 
the command of the sea» but was sometimes inferior 
to its enemies by land ; for on this side it was sur- 
rounded by other well fortified quarters of the city, 
and could only be approached through them. Thus 
Munychia became the citadel not only of the mari- 
time town, but of Athens itself; and the Macedo- 
nians, during their occupation of it^ were generally 
content to leave the Asty, and even the ports and 
their claustra in possession of the Athenians. 

In early times Epimenides the Cretan is said 
to have had the sagacity to foresee the danger 
to which Athens would be exposed if the Muny- 
chian peninsula should fall into the hands of an 
enemy ^ ; and a Latin author remarks that the 
existence of Athens depended upon Munychia'. 

* ri^y M.ovyv)(fav iSuty koI KarafAadity xoXvy xpoyoy, siirtiy irpoc 
rove TfapoyraQ (tfc TV<pX6y itrri rou ftiXKoyroQ 6.y0pbnroi* kKt^aytiy 
yap hy *Adfivalovc rciit avrwy o^oviriy ei irpoj^Sitray Saa r^y xoXiy 
ayidffEi rd x^9^^^' Plutarch. Solon. 12. Diogen. La<Tt. 1, 114. 
J. Tzets. 5, 18. 

' Nicanor Pirfleeo est potitus sine quo Athens esse 

omnino non possunt. Com. Nep. Phocion. 2. 

The same author, in the Life of Themistocles (6), says of the 

Peiraic city hujus (Themistoclis sc.) consilio triplex Pei- 

raeei portus constitutus est isque moenihus circundatus^ ut ipsam 
nrbem dignitate aequipararet, utilitate superaret. In the most 
populous ages of Athens the great maritime supplies of com were 
aloife sufficient to make the existence of the city dependent upon 

Dd 2 


The possession of this fortress indeed was more 
important than that of the Acropolis itself; and 
whoever was master of Munychia was master of 

In the Peloponnesian war, as soon as the La- 
cedaemonians had obtained possession of the har- 
bour, the Athenians gave up all further attempts 
to resist the enemy. By seizing Munychia Thrasy- 
bulus plficed himself in a situation which led to 
the overthrow of the Thirty; and the successors 
of Alexander found the possession of Munychia 
their only security for the obedience of Athens. 
The first Macedonian garrison was placed here by 
Antipater, when the attempt of the Athenians to 
throw off the Macedonian yoke had been defeated 
at Crannon \ The Athenians then called to mind 
a Dodonaean oracle, which had recommended them 
to guard with especial care the promontories of 
Diana \ 

Supported by the Munychian garrison, Pho- 
cion governed Athens until the death of Anti- 
pater ' ; and Demetrius of Phalerum for more than 
ten years, during the reign of Cassander, the suc- 
cessor of Antipater, not less to the benefit of the 
Athenians than Phocion had done before him. 
Demetrius, son of Antigonus, was then sent from 

' B. c. 322. Potyb. 9, 29. Diodor. 18, 18. Pausan. Attic. 
25, 4. Phocic. 3, 3. Plutarch. Demosth. 28. Phocion. 28. 
Camill. 19. Diouys. de Dinarch. 9. 

Plutarch. Phocion. 28. 
• B.C. 318. 


Asia bj his &ther, with the ostensible purpose of 
liberating the cities of Greece from Cassander. By 
the siege and capture of Munychia, the Poliorcetes 
expelled the Phalerean \ and left Athens free from a 
Macedonian garrison for eight years ; during which 
the Athenians opposed Cassander for some time 
with success, but at length were obliged to submit 
again to his influence under the administration of 
their countryman Lachares. Demetrius, after the 
defeat and death of his &ther in Asia, found it 
necessary to expel Lachares by force, in order to 
regain his footing in Greece, and hoped to secure 
Athens from future defection, by placing a garrison 
in Museium as well as in Munychia ' ; but upon 
his being driven from the throne of Macedonia, 
the Athenians, under Oljrmpiodorus, assaulted and 
took Museium, and reduced the garrison in Mu- 
nychia to surrender '. Demetrius, notwithstanding 
his &llen condition, was easily persuaded to direct 
his attention to AsiaS from whence he never 

' B. c. 807. * B. c. 299. 

' B. c. 287. In the system of Athenian fortification the 
Museiam was a most important post ; the possession of which 
the Macedonians might safely prefer to that of the Acropolis 
itself. The Museium secured to them the quiet possession of 
the Long Walls, at the same time that it commanded the city. 
The Acropolis, which had no water, hut such as was supplied 
from saline springs or could he collected from the clouds, might 
he left slightly occupied, and sacred to the deities and the arts of 

* For these events see Diodorus (18, 48. 74. 20, 45), Philo- 
chorus ap. Dionys. de Dinarch. 3. Plutarch. Demetr. 8 seq. 



During the reigns of Pyrrhus, Lysimachns, Pto- 
lemy Ceraunus, and Sosthenes, when Antigonns 
Gonatas retained authority over a great part of 
Thessaly, residing in the city of Magnetis, which 
had been founded by, and named after, his father 
Demetrius, the power of Macedonia was too much 
divided to give the Athenians any great apprehen- 
sions for their independence. But when Antigo- 
nus, ten years after his expulsion, recovered Ma- 
cedonia S it was not long before the Athenians, 
having been tempted to join the alliance of Sparta 
and Egypt against him, still more quickly suffered 
for their imprudence. Areus, king of Sparta, having 
suddenly withdrawn his Lacedaemonians, left Athens 
closely invested by the land forces of Antigonus; 
the Egyptian fleet under Patroclus was unable, 
under such circumstances, to render any assist- 
ance, and the Athenians were obliged once more 
to receive Macedonians in their fortresses Museium 
and Munychia. The garrison of Museium was soon 
after voluntarily withdrawn by Antigonus*; but 
the occupation of Munychia by the Macedonians, 
and the consequent dependence of Athens upon 
them, seems to have continued without interrup- 
tion * during the long reign of Antigonus, whose 

46. Phocion, 51 seq. Pausan. Attic. 25, 5. 26, 1 seq. 29, 11. 
Diogen. Laert. 5, 75. 

* B. c. 277. * Pausan. Attic. 25, 5. 6. Lacon. 6, 3. 

* According to Eusebius, Antigonus, in the 24th year of his 
reign, once more restored liberty to the Athenians; but that he 
removed the Macedonians from Munychia is not likely, as we 
find them there in the year 229 b. c. 


power was very great in Greece \ as well as during 
the reign of his son, Demetrius the second. 

Soon after the death of the latter, the Athenians, 
by the assistance of Aratus of Sicyon, purchased 
Munychia, Peiraeeus, Sunium, and Salamis, of the 
Macedonian governor for a hundred and fifty talents, 
of which Aratus contributed a portion *. 

In the course of the ninety-seven years which 
had elapsed since the first Macedonian occupation, 
Munychia had more than once been the scene of 
transactions, which illustrate its military importance, 
and prove its existence as a fortress distinct from 
Peiraeeus, On the death of Antipater, Nicanor, 
before the event was known at Athens, entered 
Munychia for the purpose of superseding Menyllus, 
who during the administration of his friend Pho- 
cion, had commanded the Macedonians in Muny- 
chia. Here Nicanor was not only able to defend 
himself from the Athenians, but on one occasion 
surprised Peiraeeus, and drew a trench around it'. 
Soon afterwards, the people of Athens, hoping to 
regain their liberty by means of Polysperchon the 
opponent of Cassander, and supported by the 
presence of a force under Alexander, son of 
Polysperchon, required Nicanor to evacuate the 
place; but instead of complying with their in* 
junctions, or the orders which he had received 

* OZrof ioTiv b n}v 'EXXd^a ey«:parwc xcipw^rd/iCKOC* Euseb. 
Chron. I. p. 338, Aucher. 

' Plutarch, Arat. 34. Pausan. Corinth. 8, 5. 

' irpoirdywr o NiJcdywp Ik r^c ^ovwytaQ rh £firXa, roy Uecpatd 
irtpuTwppivtn. Plutarch. Phoc. 32. 


from Poljsperchon and Oljmpias, he introduced 
into Munychia by night a force sufficient to stand 
a siege ; to which, while the Athenians were con- 
sulting how best to expel him, he added a re- 
inforcement of mercenaries. He then became the 
assailant, succeeded in obtaining possession of the 
defences of Peirseeus; and thus the Athenians, as 
the historian observes, not only foiled in obtaining 
Munychia, but lost Peirseeus ^ Nicanor, by these 
means, was enabled to introduce into the harbour 
the fleet of Cassander, who had received thirty-five 
triremes, and a land-force of four thousand men 
from Antigonus, and to put Cassander in possession 
of the claustra or works which commanded the en- 
trance •. Polysperchon, with 34,000 men and 65 
elephants, then moved from Boeotia, and encamped 
near Peineeus with the intention of besieging it; 
but the strength of the place and a want of pro- 
visions soon obliged him to retire. 

Demetrius Poliorcetes was unable to besiege 
Munychia, until he had taken the quarters of the 
maritime city which covered it on the land side. 
On his arrival, he found the place occupied by 
Demetrius Phalereus, then at the head of the Athe- 
nian government \ supported by Dionysius, governor 
of the Cassandrian garrison of Munychia ^ The 

* Diodor. 18, 64. 

' KdtrffavBpOQ . • • . irpoffoexOelQ S" vwo Ncicavopoc rov ^povpdp' 
Xov, va^tiXafie toy Ilecpacd KaX rd Kktidpa rov KifAivo^' r^y ^£ 
MovKV^^^^ airroc o 'SiKavtap jcar£f^c fiey, exoiv iBiov^ arparijurtt^ 
fvavovc etc TO TTipeiv to <jtpovpioy, Diodor. 18, 68. 

^ ImfAEXriT^C ri/c ttoXcwc viro KatrtrdyBpov, I^iodor. 20, 45. 

^ o £7r( Tfjc Movyv\iac (^povpap^OQ, 


walls were well defended ' until some of the sol- 
diers of Antigonus assailed a part of them near the 
shore, and having made a lodgment within, intro- 
duced many of their comrades. The Peirseeus 
having been thus taken, Demetrius Phalereus re- 
tired to Athens, and Dionysius into Munychia'. 
Here he was besieged by Demetrius by sea and land 
with machinery, and being favoured by the natural as 
well as artificial strength of Munychia \ he held out 
valiantly for two days; but at length the superior 
forces of the enemy, and the mischief done by their 
catapeltic engines, drove the defenders from the 
walls, when Demetrius entered the fortress, Diony- 
sius was taken, and his garrison laid down their 
arms: Demetrius then destroyed the fortifications 
(probably on the northern side only) and restored 
the Athenians to liberty. 

After the establishment of the Achsean league, 
the Athenians remained free from the presence of 
foreign soldiers, until they adopted the unfortunate 
policy which brought upon them the hostility of the 
Romans, commanded by one with whom it was a 
great object of ambition to be the conqueror of 
Athens ^ On this occasion we find another example 

' aird rHy rei^iuy ^fivvovro, 

' riiv 2* 'Avrcyorov flrrpaniortaiv rtvec fiuiodfuvoif Koi caret r^v 
aKrr^y vireppavrec cvroc rov re/^^ovc, irape^c^avro irXf/ovc rUr 
tnfvay^yi(ofiiviify* rov fitv tAy Hupaia rovrov rdv rporov &KQyai 
frvvc/3i|* T&y tvioy Atorufftoc ftty 6 f povpap^oc etc ri^v Movkv* 
Xiay avyifvye' Ai|/i//rpcoc t 6 ^aXiypevc rfir£x«p>|«v elc "Aarv. 

' ovffTic Tile Movvvx^ac oxvpac ov fioyoy Ik f v^cwc aWd koI 
rate ^Ay rctx^v Karavccvaic. 

* Accfdc yap rcc a pa jcai dwapalrriroe ^^X^y ahroy cpwc tXeiy rac 
*A04vac. Plutarch. Syll. 13. 


of the military importance of Mmiychia. Appian 
informs us, that when the maritime city was besieged 
by Sylla, Archelaus» the general of Mithridates, find- 
ing himself unable to defend the whole, retreated 
into that part which was surrounded by the sea, 
where Sylla, having no ships, could not attack him \ 
that is to say, he retreated into the peninsula of 

The political influence of Athens was extinguished 
with the destruction of the maritime fortifications 
by Sylla ; but the importance of Munychia, although 
without walls, was still practically acknowledged by 
the Romans, when Athens baying espoused the cause 
of Pompey, Q. Fufius Calenus was sent by Caesar 
into Greece, and occupied the Peirseeus as prepa- 
ratory to an attack upon Athens'. He had not, 
however, begun the siege, when the news of the 
defeat of Pompey in Pharsalia, produced the im- 
mediate submission of the Athenians to Caesar, 

* *0 *Apx<^^ooc .... cicXtirev avrotc rd r€i\fi' €C ^i ri rov 
IIcfpatiDc dvihpaiitv o\vpwTaT6y re Kal OaXdtroy freptKXvaroy* 
^ yav^ oifK ex'^*' ^ ZvXXac ohh* iwixetpeiy IBvyaro. Appian. de 
Bel. Mithrid. 40. 

This was the only instance, until that of the Venetians, in 
which Athens was taken hy a regular siege. Sylla carried on 
his operations at the same time both against the city and the 
Peirseeus. The latter was by much the stronger. He took the 
city by assault: but his conquest was of the most doubtful 
kind, until Archelaus, who had abandoned the rest of the 
Peira^eus, and had retreated into Munychia, embarked firom 
thence, and thus gave up every thing to Sylla. Appian. de Bel. 
Mithrid. 41. Plutarch. Syll. 15. 

' .... Kal ilXey dWa re xdi rov Qeipaid &Te Kal drEix'^irroy 
ovTQ, Dion Cass. 42, 14. 


who pardoned the liying for the sake of the 
dead ^ 

Even as late as the seventeenth century, we find 
the Venetians converting the peninsula of Munychia 
into a fortress, by an entrenchment across the penin- 
sula, as a measure necessary to the secure possession 
of Athens. 

Of all the complicated and elaborate works which 
protected maritime Athens, little is now to be seen 
except the foundations of the walls, and of some of 
the towers which flanked them. These foundations, 
however, are traceable at intervals in so many places, 
that little doubt can exist as to the general plan. 
On the side of Munychia, towards the open sea, the 
remains are best preserved. Here three or four 
courses of masonry, both of walls and of square 
towers, are in many places to be seen ; and there 
are some situations where we still find the wall 
built in the manner described by Thucydides * ; that 
is to say, not filled up in the middle with a mixture 
of broken stones and mortar in the usual manner of 
the Greeks, but constructed, throughout the whole 
thickness, of large stones, either quadrangular or 
irregularly-sided, but fitted together without cement, 
and the exterior stones cramped together with metal. 
This we may suppose to have belonged to the ori- 
ginal work of Themistocles, which has thus survived 
the lapse of twenty-three centuries. Nor can it 

* • . ilvruy OTi voWd dfiaprdvovTeQ viro rHy vtKpHv 9v(oiVTO, 
Dion Cafts. ibid. 

' ivTO^ Ik otnt \d\ki, ovrt tt^Xoc ^v. 1, 93. 


well be doubted that the fouDdations in general are 
of that period. 

In the ports, particularly in Port Munychia, are 
traced, in several parts of the beach, the founda- 
tions of walls running into the water at right angles 
to the beach ; the remains undoubtedly of ancient 
wharves or jetties. 


Of the other military defences of Athens; namely^ the 
Long Walls and the WaUs of the Asty. Of Us 
Demi, Districts, and Gates. 

The happy position of Greece amidst the surrounding 
countries, together with the great extent of its sea- 
coast^ caused the exchange of commodities by sea to be 
one of the most common employments of the people, 
except in the central parts of Peloponnesus and the 
continent. Hence the most flourishing towns were 
in the maritime districts : but as the intricate coasts 
and numerous islands of this country have ever 
been fieivourable to piracy, the sites chosen for the 
inhabited places were generally, as Thucydides re- 
marks, not upon, but at a small distance from, the 
shore ^ It was doubly necessary, therefore, in a 
country of which the geographical conformation 
caused the people in general to be divided into 
small independent communities, living in fortresses, 
that the maritime towns should, as well as their 
harbours, be well furnished with works of defence. 
The small sheltered basins and creeks, which abound 
in Greece, were at once well adapted to ancient 
navigation, and conveniently capable of being com- 
prehended within the defences of the place. We 

* Thucyd. 1. 7. 


may infer, from existing remains, that scarcely any 
maritime town was unprovided with one or more of 
these icXci(rroc Xifi€v£c» or closed harbours, more or 
less indebted to art for shelter from the sea and for 
security from the enemy. The maritime fortress, or 
the city itself, if near enough to the shore, consisted 
of a citadel and a lower town inclosing the port. 
Both in the citadel and in the lower town there was 
often a second inclosure, and sometimes a third. In 
some cases the city itself was too distant from the 
port for any fortified communication : in others, the 
road from the main city to its maritime fortress was 
protected by two parallel walls '. Megara^ Corinth', 
and Sicyon \ were thus provided, Argos for a short 
time ^ ; and perhaps many other places, although 
neither historical testimony nor ancient vestiges are 
extant to confirm the fact. The Patrenses are men- 
tioned by Plutarch as having been advised by Alci- 
biades to construct Long Walls ^ but Patrse stood so 
near the sea, that it is rather to be considered as a 
maritime city, which had neglected the usual custom 

' The general parallelism of Long Walls, and the narrowness 
of the space between them, may be inferred from the romance of 
Heliodorus, who describing (9, 3) an imaginary doable wall, which 
he represents as extending from Syene to the Nile, compares it to 
Long Walls, having an equal space between them of Rftj feet 
through the whole length — eijcavfv ay nc /xarpoic rdxttnv rS 
yiySfUfor, tov fiiy iifiifrXidpov ro "tffoy rXaroc ^t' oXov ^vXdrroyroQ* 

» Thucyd. 1, 103. 4, 66 69. 109. Aristoph. Lys. 1 172. Plu- 
tarch. Phoc. 15. Strabo, p. 391. 

• Xenoph. Hell. 4, 4, § 7. 9. 18. Agesil. 2, § 17- 

• Diodor. 20, 102. Conf. Strabo, p. 382. Pausan. Corinth. 
7, 1. Plutarch. Demet. 25. 

• Thucyd. 5, 82. Diodor. 12, 81. Plutarch. Alcib. 15. 

• Plutarch. Alcib. 15. 


of intercepting the communication along the shore \ 
than as standing in need of Long Walls, properly so 

To which of its cities Greece was indebted for the 
first example of Long Walls, we have no means of 
knowing. It was not Athens, because the Long 
Walls of Megara were constructed by the Athenians 
before they built their own *. It is not likely, in- 
deed, that the Athenian Long Walls, which were 
longer than those of any other city, and were there- 
fore the perfection of this kind of military work, 
should have been the earliest example of it Pos- 
sibly this improvement in Greek fortification was first 
carried into execution at Corinth or Sicyon ; cities 
placed at a distance of little more than a mile from 
the sea, and in positions where such supplements to 
their defences were particularly important, not only 
as strengthening the cities, but as commanding the 
communication between Northern Greece and the 

To Athens, a naval and commercial state not 
insular, and often exposed to enemies more powerful 
than herself in land-forces. Long Walls were pecu- 
liarly usefiiL They were analogous to a line of en- 

' The generality of this practice, which was the most simple 
application of the Longomural system, and was employed in all 
the ages of Greek history, is exemplified at Nicaea in Bithynia, 
one face of which is within a short distance of the Lake Ascanius. 
Two walls, uniting the indosure of the city to the shore, inter- 
cepted aU communication along the latter. The extant walls of 
Nicaea consist indeed chiefly of repairs of the time of the 
Byzantine empire, hut they were founded prohably by some of 
the Greek kings of Bithynia. 

• Thucyd. 1, 103. 


trenchments, four miles in length, fronting towards 
Peloponnesas and Boeotia, which was the side of 
danger, and secured by a second line in the rear, and 
thus affording considerable protection to the whole 
territory behind them. To the latter purpose the 
nature of the ground to the eastward of the Asty 
powerfully contributed. Here a narrow interval 
separated the eastern walls of the city from the steep 
side of Mount Hymettus, and the pass was obstructed 
in two different places by fortified demi. It was 
scarcely possible, therefore, for an enemy to penetrate 
into the part of Attica situated to the southward and 
eastward of Athens, but by making the circuit of 
Hymettus ; a movement so hazardous with such a 
city as Athens in the rear, that only one instance of 
it occurs in history ; namely, in the second year of 
the Peloponnesian war, when the Lacedaemonians, 
having for the second time endeavoured in vain to 
draw the Athenians from the protection of their 
walls, became convinced of the determination of 
Pericles to persist in the policy of remaining within 
the city, and were tempted to overrun Attica; march- 
ing, therefore, between Pentelicum and Hymettus 
into Mesogsea, they advanced even as &r as Laurium 
in Paralia^ 

When, after the expulsion of the Persians from 
Greece, the administration of affairs fell into the 
hands of Themistocles, his first care, after having 
hastily raised the walls of the Asty during an em- 
bassy to Sparta, purposely protracted, was to inclose 
the ports of Peirseeus, and the whole maritime penin- 

' Thucyd. 2, 55. 


sula, within walls of unexampled height, in conformity 
with his advice that the Athenians should rely upon 
the sea, rather than upon the land, for their security K 
Until that time the only maritime fortress had pro- 
bably been that which protected the demus and har- 
bour of Phalerum *• But Themistocles remained in 
power no longer than was sufficient to commence his 
great works '. The glory of completing them, as well 
as of building the Long Walls, was reserved for the 
administration of Pericles. It is doubtful even whe- 
ther Themistocles ever went so far, in his views of 
connecting the Peirseeus with Athens, as to contem- 
plate such an arduous undertaking as the Long 

Two Long Walls are still traceable in the plain to 
the north-eastward of the Peiraic heights. Of the 
northern the foundations, which are about twelve feet 
in thickness, resting on the natural rock, and formed 
of large quadrangular blocks of stone, in that solid 
manner which characterized the works of Themis- 
tocles, commence from the foot of the Peiraic heights, 
at half a mile from the head of Port Peirseeus, and 
are traced in the direction of the modem road for 
more than a mile and a half towards the city, exactly 
in the direction of the entrance of the Acropolis. 

' j}y Upa troTE Kara yfjv fiiaod&ffif Karafidvrac ec avrov (rdv 
Ilcipoid) roic yavffl irpoc AwarraQ iLyOlaraffOau Thucyd. 1, 93. 

' Thucydides here remarks, that the walls of Peirseeus were 
never raised to more than half the height intended hy Themis- 
tocles ; and Appian states that they were forty peeks, or ahout 
sixty feet high. See above, p. 402, n. 1. 

' See Appendix XIX. on the date of the commencement of 
the Peiraic fortifications. 

E e 


Where they are no farther yisibley they have been 
covered probably by the alluvion of the Cephissaa, 
which river crossed the Long Walls about the middle 
of their length ^ The southern Long Wall, having 
passed through a deep vegetable soil, occupied chiefly 
by vineyards, is less easily traceable, except at its junc- 
tion with the walls of Phalerum, and for about half 
a mile from thence towards the city. Commencing 
at the round tower which is situated above the north- 
western angle of the Phaleric bay, not &r eastward 
of the gate by which the town of Phalerum was 
entered from Athens, it followed the foot of the hill, 
along the edge of the Phaleric marsh, for about 500 
yards ; then assumed, for about half that distance, a 
direction to the north-eastward, almost at a right angle 
with the preceding: from whence, as far as it is 
traceable, its course is exactly parallel to the north- 
em Long Wall, at a distance of 550 feet from it. 
There can hardly be any doubt that the Long Walls 
continued to follow the same direction throughout 
the plain, from the foot of the Phalero-Peiraic hill to 
the heights connected with the summits of Museinm 
and Pnyx, forming consequently, through the greater 
part of their extent, a wide street, which led from 
the centre of the maritime city exactly in the direc- 

^ That the river pursues its ancient course is proved by an 
inscription discovered at Athens about the jeta 1S34; see 
Appendix XX. There was always, therefore, a bridge or ford of 
the Cephissus, on the road to Athens, from the Peiraseus, and this 
probably was the iidfia<ne rov Kjii^taeoVf where, according to 
Xenophon, the heroic augur was buried, who devoted hiuself to 
death in aid of the victory of Thrasybulus over the forces of 
the Thirty in Peiraeeus. See above, p. dS6. 


tion of the Acropolis. Excavations in the alluvial 
part of the plain might possibly discover foundations 
of the Long Walls along a great part of their 

The Long Walls having been enclosed at the two 
ends by the walls of the Asty and of the Peireeeus, 
formed an inclosnre, which was one of the three great 
garrisons of Athens, and which, in this light, was some- 
times denominated the Long Fortress, to fmKpov reixoc '• 

' ... if ^i jSovX^ ii/eX&ovaa iv hwo^iiTf ovviKafitv iifxag Koi 
t^Ufftv iv Toi^ £v\oic* kvaKokioavrtc de rove orpariiyovc avtiirtiv 
ittKivvaVf ^Adijyaiktr rove ftiv iv 6.aT€i olicovvTaQ livai tlq lilv 
iiyopav ra oirXa \a(i6vTag' tovq 5* iv ftaxpip rtl\ii tic yc Qriaeiov' 
rowc ^ iy IlctpaicI cic rriy 'Iinro^a^car Lyopdv' tovq ^ UnrtiQ Iri 
ruKTOc oiy/i^vai rp aakif lyyi i^xeiv eig rd 'AvaKetov' ri^v Be (iovXify 
cic AKp6wo\iv Uyai mKei Kud€vB€iv* tovq ie TcpvTiLvtiQ iv rp OoK^, 
Andocid. de Myster. p. 22, Reiske. 

The distribution of the Athenian forces of which Andocides 
here speaks, occurred in the Feloponnesian war, when parties 
running very high between the Four Hundred and their oppo- 
nents, the Boeotians advanced to the frontiers, to take advantage 
of the confusion. The places of assembly for those who bore 
arms were, for the cavalry, the temenus of the Dioscuri, and for 
the infantry the following stations : In the Asty, the Agora ; in 
the Long Walls, the Theseium ; and in the Feiraic city, the Hip- 
podameian Agora : the senate were to pass the night in the Acro- 
polis, and the Prytanae in the Tholus. Here it may be remarked, 
1 . That the Long Walls are called the Long Fortress, rd fjiaKpdv 
rtlxoC' Livy, in like manner (31, 26), translating perhaps the 
rcT^oc of Polybius, describes it as the mums qui brachiis 
duobus Piraeeum Athenis jungit. 2. That the Theseium men- 
tioned by Andocides was not the celebrated temple of Theseus in 
the dty, but another sacred inclosure of Theseus in the Long 
Walls : for, although we know from Thucydides (6, 61), that the 
Theseium of the city, like the Anaceium and Odeiura, was occa- 
sionally a place of assembly for troops ; yet, in this instance, the 
defence of the longomural inclosure being the intention of the 

E e 2 


When the greater part of the population of Attica 
crowded into Athens, at the beginning of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war, the towers of the Long Walls, and of 
the two cities, furnished dwellings to the unfortunate 
fugitives from the open country ^ The long narrow 
space between the two walls was thickly inhabited, 
as long as the walls subsisted. Of this there is no 
clearer proof in history than that contained in the 
lively picture drawn by Xenophon of the distress of 
the Athenians, when they received advice of the 
defeat of their fleet at iSlgospotanii '. The Paralia 
brought the news in the night. ^^Then a sound 
of lamentation was heard spreading from the Pei- 
rseeus through the Long Walls to the city, as each 
person communicated the intelligence to his neigh- 
bour. No one slept that night ; for they not only 
lamented the loss of those who had perished, but 
feared still more that the Lacedaemonians would reta- 

assembling of the troops in the Theseium, that object could not 
be attained by removing them out of the Long Walls into the 
city. The Theseium of the Long Walls was doubtless one of the 
four mentioned by Plutarch (Thes. 35). There was a third, as 
we have seen, in Peirseeus. Thucydides, indeed, in the passage 
just dted, indicates a plurality of Thcseia, by specifying the 
Theseium mentioned by him to have been within the city (cr 

Polysnus (1, 40, § 3) distinguishes the three military divisions 
of Athens not less clearly than Andocides. He informs us that 
Alcibiades kept the Athenian troops on the alert, by ordering that 
whenever he should raise a torch in the Acropolis, it was to be 
answered by torches from the city, from the Long Walls and 
from the Peirseeus — /3ovXi$/ievoc rove ^vXarac tov atrrtOQ cat rov 
Uecpaciitfc ^ra^ rdtv ^iKuv r&v dxpi OaXafftrav kyfvwvovQ ircpi 
r^v f vXcuo)>' KoravKtvavaif &c. 

» Thucyd. 2, 17. * Xenoph..2, 2. § 8. 


liate upon them, what they themselves had done to 
the Meliiy a Lacedaemonian colony, and to the His- 
tiseenses, and Scionaei, and Toronsei, and Mginetedf 
and many other people of Greece." The next day, in 
a general assembly, it was resolyed to fill up all the 
ports except one, to repair and garrison the walls, 
and to make every preparation for a siege. They 
had little time, however, for these measures : the two 
Spartan kings were speedily encamped in the Aca- 
demy ; Lysander, with a hundred and fifty triremes, 
sailed unopposed into the Peirseeus ; and the Athe- 
nians, after suffering the torments of famine for 
several months, were constrained, upon a second refe- 
rence to Sparta, to give up all their ships, except 
twelve, to consent to the destruction of the Long 
Walls and the walls of Peirseeus, and to submit to 
see their ships burnt and their walls overthrown by 
the Lacedaemonians to the sound of musical instru- 
ments K 

* Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 2, § 28. Lys. c. Agorat. p. 453, Reiske. 
Andocid. de Pac. cam Laced, p. 94. Diodor. Sic. 13, 107. Plu- 
tarch. Lysand. 15. Alcib. 37. 

Chandler (p. 22) has supposed that ten stades of the Long 
Walls were allowed to stand at either end ; but the concurring 
testimonies of the authors cited above, show that, according to 
the treaty, the whole extent of the Long Walls, and all the 
circuit of the Peiraic citv, were to be subverted. Chandler's 
mistake seems to have arisen from the expressions of Xenophon, 
who informs us (ibid. § 15), that the first proposal of the Lace- 
dsBmonians was to throw down (not adl the Long Walls, except 
ten stades at each end, but) ten stades of each of the Long 
Walls.— irpoircaXoi/iTO Si rwv fjiaKpHv ru\(Siy eirl SeKa araSlovc 
gndtXiiy Uarepoy, But the people then refused to listen to an 
offer which they would afterwards have gladly accepted. The 
language of Lysias (1. 1.) is still more explicit than that of Xeno- 

422 THE LONG WALLS. [fflCT. X. 

There has been considerable difficulty in reeon- 
ciling the conflicting testimony of ancient anthers as 
to the number of the Long Walls of Athens, whe^ 
ther two or three. In this, as in some other ques- 
tions of Athenian topography, it is by an examination 
of dates that the true solution of the problem is 
obtained. There was, it seems, a third Long Wall, 
for about thirty years, and no longer. No more than 
two Long Wails are mentioned or alluded to by 
Andocides \ Plato \ Xenophon ', iEsobines \ Lysia8^ 
or by Livy • following Polybius. The words cnclXif m 
brachia^ often employed by later authors, cannot 
be applied to more than two, and this number 
agrees with present appearances, which clearly show 
the ' connexion of the one with the fortifications 
of the maritime city on the Phaleric side, and of the 
other on the Peiraic side. On the other hand, Thu- 
cydides, although he notices only the completion, 
soon after the battle of Tanagra (b. c. 457), of two 
walls, one to Peirseeus, the other to Phalerum ^ refers, 
when he afterwards describes the measures taken for 
the defence of Athens at the beginning of the Pelo- 

phon. Biypo/uviyc • ■••£<? AaKiBaifwvoc .... JlXSe ^pktv clp^KifF 
roiavrriv f^y rifitiQ ipyf fxaBopTig eyyvfuy . . • j(v ydp iLyrlfier T€v 
€wi iixa ora^ia rQy fiaKpwy reixCiy ^icXcIv, oKa rd /icupa rdxR 
SiatTKaypaC iLyrl hk rov aXXo ri iiyaOSy r^ ir6\ti evpcff6a(, mc 2c 
yavg irapa^vyax toIq AaKeiaifwyloiQ Koi to frepi rdy Ilcipaid rEi^oc 

^ De Pace cum Lac. p. 91. 93. ' Polit. 4, 14. , 

' Hellen. 2, 2, § 15. ^ De Fals. Legat. p. 335. 336. , 

* C. Agorat. p. 451. 453. ' 31, 26. 

^ "Hp^an-o 3e Kara rove \p6yovQ rovrovi koI to, fiUKpd rc(X9 cc 
BdXatrtray 'AOriyaloi oiKoSofielyt to ^oiKfipoyht kqX to fc IIcifMiia. | 

Thucyd. i. 107, 108. 


ponneBian war, to three walls ; namely, to two Peiraic 

Loog Walls {ra fMLKpa Ttiyii wfog rov Ilfipaia), besides 

the I^aleiic (ro $aXiiptJcov) ; remarking, that it was 
thought necessary only to man the Phaleric and the 
outer of the two Peiraic Long Walls \ It appears, 
therefore, that during the twenty-five years occurring 
between the two events, a third wall had been built, 
which circumstance Thucydides has not thought 
worthy of being recorded- Plato, however, in his 
dialogue entitled Grorgias, alludes to the building of 
this wall, which he calls the intermediate wall (ro 
itafiincv reixog) * ; and the feet is confirmed by one of 
the best philologers of later times, who not only 
refers to a lost play of Aristophanes, in which the 
poet had noticed three walls, but adds, that they 
were named the Northern, Southern, and Phaleric ; 
and that the one called the Southern was the middle 

' Tov rf yap ^X^pucov Tii\ovg crrd^ioc ^vay wivrt koI rptdKoyra 
ypog rdv kvicXov tov Aareot kcu ahrov tov kvkXov to ^vXavtro^iyoy 
Tpti^ i:al TtaaapaKovra' tan Ik avrov 5 koI a^vkaKTov ^v, to 
fitrali TOV Tt fAcucpov xal tov ^aXrjpiKOv' Tti H fiaicpa recoil irpo£ 
TOV n£ipata TitraapaKovTa aralitavt iv Td lifaOiy cnjpeiro* Kal tov 
UtipaiQc ivy Movyv)(fif, efAKorra fi€v trrailtay 6 &irag ircp//3oXoCf to 
f iy ^vXar^ oy ^y iffuav rovrov. Thucyd. 2, 13. 

' rOPFlAS olaOa yap ^riirov iri ni vewpca ravra Kal 

ra Ttlxri TiSy 'Adrjyaltiy Koi iiTfiy Xifiiyt^y rara^icfv]) €K Tfjc Be/ic^- 
tokXIovq av/i/3ovX4c yeyovc* rd h* cr Tfjg HepixXiovt' &XX' oifK Ik 
T^y ^fAiovpyHy, 2QKPATH2. Acyrrat Tavra, J TopyiOf ircpi 
6e/uoTOicXcovc* HepiKXiovs ^e Aral avTog ffjcovor, OTe trvyefiovXEvty 
iffiiy irepl tov ^tafiitrov Tti\0VQm Plat. GoTg. 24. 

' Aiafiiffov T€l\ovc, *Ayri<^y irpoQ NiKOKXia* TptiSy ovrwy Tiixuiv 
ly TJ 'Amrjf, wc i^^l 'Apwrro^aviyc f^rftriy iv TpujuiXriTi^ tov t€ Bo- 
peiov Kal tov Noriov icac tov ^aXripiKOv, Bid fiivov TOVTbty IXiyero 
to fioTtoy ov fiyji^yevei Kal UXaTiay iy Vopyl^. Harpocr. in v. 


These are the principal evidences on this question. 
The difficulty has arisen from the silence of Thucy- 
dides as to the building of the third wall : we might 
even conclude, from his words, that the Phaleric and 
northern Peiraic walls, ten or twelve feet in thick- 
ne&(8, sixty feet high, with towers at the usual inter* 
vals^ and extending eight miles in length, were 
completed in the short space of one year. But it 
was impossible that Athens could have found hands 
to accomplish such a work in so short a time, even 
supposing all the upper part of the walls to have 
been constructed of crude brick*. We may take 

the words of Thucydides (icara rovt; )(/oovovc rovrovc)* 

therefore, with some latitude, and make a compro- 
mise, perhaps, between his evidence and that of Plu- 
tarch, who states, with a great appearance of pro- 
bability, that although these walls were not finished 
till much later, their foundations were first laid by 
Cimon, when the Athenians applied the riches, 
brought home by that commander after the battle of 
the Eurymedon (b. c. 466), to the improvement of 
the city. As Cimon was recalled from banishment^ 

In the inscription before alluded to, two walls only are men* 
tioned, the Bopiiov and Nonov. See Appendix XX. 

^ The walls were probably not so thick above as at the founda- 
tions ; but ten feet was not an uncommon thickness in Greek 
works of defence. There is no direct evidence of the height of the 
Long Walls ; but as Appian (de B. Mithrid. 30) informs us, that 
the walls of the Peiraic city were forty cubits high, we may pre- 
sume those of the Long Walls were not less. Towers were 
absolutely necessary to such a work, and the inscription relating 
to the Long Walls leaves no question as to their having existed. 
See Appendix XX. 

' See Mueller de Munim. Ath. p. 12. 13. 


after an absence of five years, in 456 b. c, being 
the same year that the two walls were finished ' ; the 
year 462 is the latest to which, on the supposition 
just given, the commencement of the walls can be 

In the course of the thirty years intervening be- 
tween that time and the beginning of the Pelopon- 
nesian war, the intermediate wall {to Nonov, or to 
Siufuaov r€cxoc) was built. If Socrates (as we may 
presume) was of sufficient age to be entitled to 
attend the popular assembly, when he heard Pericles 
recommend the building of this wall, the circum- 
stance could not have happened before the year b. c. 
449-8 ^ Nor was it perhaps begun long before 
Pericles assumed the sole management of affiurs in 
444 B. c. ; for Plutarch attests that Callicrates was 
the builder of the wall mentioned by Plato in the 
Gorgias ' ; and Callicrates we know was one of the 
chief artists employed by Pericles, particularly on 
the Parthenon, which was commenced about that 
time. The same year was the beginning of the 
thirty years' truce vrith Sparta ; and in two Athenian 
orations we find it stated that the southern wall was 
built after the ratification of that treaty^: on the 

' Thucyd. 1, 108. Plutarch. Cimon, 17. Com. Nep. Cimon, 
3. Clinton, F. Hellen. I. p. 46. 48. 

' Clinton, F. Hellen. I. p. zx. 39. 

' TO ii fiaKpoy T€ij(p^, iripl oi 2wKpari}c &cov(ra/ i^ritriv ahroc 
€linfyovfUyov yy^fiiiy nepirXeovc, ijpyoXafiriae KaXXiicpanic* Plu- 
tarch. Perid. 13. 

* Andocid. de Pace cum Lac. p. 91, 93. ^schin. de Fals. 
Leg. p. 335. 336. On these passages, see Clinton, F. Hellen. I. 
p. 257. The earlier of these orations was pronounced fifty-four 
years after the event alluded to : the text of both is corrupt, and 


other hand, that the wall coald not haye been com- 
menced long after that year, may be partly inferred 
from the sarcasm of a comic poet, as to the tardiness 
of its progress ' ; the caase of which we may easily 
conceive to have been, that Pericles was then occu- 
pied with works more beautiful, and, until danger 
threatened from without, far more interesting to the 
Athenians : its completion, therefore, may have been 
protracted almost to the banning of the Pelopon- 
nesian war. 

If the evidence, as to the existence of three Long 
Walls at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, is 
too strong to be resisted, the testimony of Xenophon, 
supported by that of Lysias, seems equally to pre- 
clude the belief that there were more than two Long 
Walls soon after the termination of that war. The 
first proposal of the Laoedeemonians, which the Athe- 
nians rejected, was that they should throw down ten 
stades of each of the Long Walls \ thereby indicating 
that no more than two were in question. It would 

^schines seems only to have repeated the words of his prede- 
cessor ; buty correcting Andocides by Thucydides, we may infer 
from them as modi at least as I have stated ; and perhaps also, 
that the Peiraic fortifications were not completed until after the 
five years' truce, b. c. 450. 

' iraXac yap airro 

ASyonri Tpoayii HepiKXiriCf tpyoitri d* oh^e rtvci. 
Cratinus ap. Plutarch. Pericl. 18. de Gloria Athen. c. ult. 
Mr. Mueller remarks (de Munim. Athen. p. 22), diat Cratinns 
could not have alluded to any but the N($noy, or southern Peiraic 
wall ; because he did not exhibit comedies until Ol. 81, 3, or 
B. c. 454 (V. Clinton, F. Hell. II. p. 49), when the northern and 
Phaleric walls were already built. 

' See above, p. 421, n. 1. 


seem, therefore, that after the erection of the Noriov, 
or seoond Peiraic Long Wall, the Phaleric had been 
neglected ; or, at least, that it was not considered of 
sofiicient importance to form part of the first demand 
of the Lacedaemonians, thoagh its destruction was 
afterwards comprehended in the treaty, according to 
which all the Peiraic walls, as well as the Long 
Walls, were to be destroyed. 

The erection of the southern, or intermediate 
(iutfiiaov) wall, may perhaps have been the cause of 
the neglected state of the Phaleric Long Wall. 
This latter wall, having traversed the marsh of Pha- 
lerum, as we may infer from the words of Plutarch 
in describing its construction', followed a direc- 
tion not parallel to the Peiraic Long Walls, but 
direct from the north-eastern angle of Phalerum 
to the Asty, leaving between it and the northern, 
then the only, Peiraic wall a space, which may 
have been found, towards the maritime extremity, 
too wide for the military purposes of such works, 
which, as before observed, were usually parallel, and 
with a much smaller interval : bence probably the 
advice of Pericles to build the southern Peiraic wall, 
which, when executed, not only remedied the defect 
of the too great distance of the Phaleric wall from 
the northern Peiraic near the maritime city, but 
rendered the Phaleric almost unnecessary. The 
strength of the Athenian navy secured Attica from 
maritime invasion during the greater part of the 
Peloponnesian war ; the Phaleric wall, therefore, was 
an additional defence on the side where it was least 

' XiXuct iroXXp ical \(6oiq fiapitri r&y kX&v icuaBiyrwy. Plu^ 
tarch. Cim. 13. 


wanted, and after the building of the southern wall 
became little better than a superfluous outwork. 

If the Phaleric wall had been found unimportant 
during the Peloponnesian war, and unworthy of 
notice when the Lacedsmonians destroyed the two 
other Long Walls, we may easily conceive that it 
was not repaired when they were restored by Conon, 
in the eleventh year after their destruction. Conon 
may even have made use of its materials in rebuilding 
the neighbouring parts of the Long Walls or the 
Peiraic fortifications, or in forming a new wall for 
the purpose of uniting the Norcov, or southern Peiraic 
wall, to the Phaleric kvjcXoc, or inclosure, in the man- 
ner still shown by the existing foundations : at leasts 
no further notice of the Phaleric wall occurs in his- 
tory, nor have any vestiges of it been yet discovered. 

Seventy-one years after the re-establishment of the 
Peiraic Long Walls ^ when Antipater, after his vic- 
tory at Crannon, occupied in succession Munychia^ 
Peirseeus, and the Long Walls * : the latter appear 
from this circumstance to have been still in a good 
state of repair. During the century which veas 
nearly completed between the Lamiac war and the 
liberation of the Attic fortresses from the Mace- 
donians, by means of the exertions of Aratus \ the 
defences of Athens suffered no injury from war, with 
the exception of those of Munychia in the siege by 

^ The Peiraic and Long Walls received two repairs in this 
interval ; one about 852 b. c, die other in 339 — 330. See 
Appendix XX. 

* ^povpa ^e MaKeioywy e<r^X0£v 'AOijvacoiCf ol Movyuxfovyvore" 
poy Si Kal Unpaid Koi fiaxpa Ttiyti iirj(py^ Paasan. Att 25, 4. 

' See above, p. 406. 407. 


Demetrius Poliorcetes, when doubtless the damage 
was speedily repaired. By the possession of this 
natural citadel of maritime Athens, which commands 
all the harbours, and thereby the city itself, the Mace- 
donian princes insured the preponderance of the party 
&yourable to them; and, treating the Athenians 
with clemency and &vour \ had no motive or pre* 
tence for destroying the Long Walls. But the Athe- 
nians had as little for incurring expense in repairing 
them; and accordingly, forty-two years after the 
retreat of the Macedonians from Attica, we find a 
strong eyidence of the neglected state of the Long 
Wallsy in the statement of Livy, that Philip, son of 
Demetrius, was then repulsed, in a sudden irruption 
which he made into ^^the space between the two 
half-ruined Long Walls ^'' It seems evident, that 
Philip found the walls in this state, not that he him- 
self reduced them to it ; for which his desultory and 
unsuccessful, though destructive, invasion, had scarcely 
aflEbrded time. Probably they were never completely 
repaired after this time, although still considered one 
of the objects of admiration at Athens ; as appears 

^ Diodor. 18, 74. KaaaaySpoQ .... irpoc *ABrivaiovQ i^vyi^w- 
fiorfiac Xajii^y vir^roov rj)v irdXiv. Strabo, p. 398. This does 
not agree, indeed, with the Beiyoy ti vTrfjy oi fiitroQ cc 'AOrfyalovc 
of Pausanias, Att. 25, 5 ; but the former alluded chiefly to the 
time when Cassander occupied Munychia, and Demetrius of 
Phalerum governed Athens ; the latter, to the effects of the 
successful opposition of the Athenians to Cassander, after the 
expulsion of Demetrius ; but which ended in the re-establishment 
of the influence of Cassander at Athens, under the administra- 
tion of Lachares. 

' inter angustias semiruti muri, qui brachiis duobus Pirseeum 
Athenis jungit. Liv. 31, 26. 



irom the tenns in which the same historian mentions 
them, when L. iEmilius Paullus, in the year b. c. 
167, made a progress throngh Greece, after com- 
pleting the conqnest of Macedonia ^ Eightj-one 
years later, the remains were useful to Sylla in the 
erection of his mounds against the Peiraic fortificar 
tions, while the groves of Academus furnished timber 
for his engines ^ There can be little doubt that 
the damage which the Peiraic walls sustained during 
the siege, and in the subsequent destruction of Uie 
place by Sylla', was never repaired, as considerably 
within a century from that time the maritime city 
was reduced to a few habitations around the har- 
bours *. The remains of the Longomural and Peiraic 
defences met doubtless with the usual &te of great 
ruined buildings, — ^that of serving as materials for 
the construction of more ignoble edifices. For this 
purpose the Long Walls were not less conveniently 
situated, with regard to Athens and the plain, than 
the Peiraic walls were for maritime transportation. 

From the brief remarks made by Pausanias, about 
the middle of the second century of our era, little 

^ Athenas plenas qmdem et ipsas vetustate fam», multa tamen 
visenda habentes : arcem, portus, muros Pineeum urbi jungentea, 
navalia magnonim imperatorum. Liv. 45, 27. 

* ifXriy Se njfc 'Aca^/iiac enoirre jcai fkri\avaQ ttpya^tro fuylirrac* 
t6l t€ /tojcpa aKfXri KaS^pet, Xt6ovc Kal ^vXa ical yfiv ec to x^H""' 
fftcra/3aXXwy. Appian. de B. Mithrid. 30. 

' Sylla set fire to the place, and destroyed every thing that was 
most admired in it. t^t^dfievo^ ovrc rifc oirXoOf/iciyc ovrc r^r 
reafeoUafv ovt£ tivoq aXXov rtiv aotlifnay, Appian. de B. Mithrid. 
41. TO, vXtiara icariKavtrtV iSv Jjv icai if ^cXwi'oc orXo^ciy, Gov- 
fAa(6fuvoy epyov. Plutarch. Syll. 14. 

* Strabo, p. 395. 



more can be derived, than that the Long Walls were 
in ruins at that time ; but we may suspect, that very 
little of them was then extant, as Pausanias does not 
even allude to the southern wall, in proceeding firom 
Phalemm to Athens, though he could not but have 
passed very near its remains ; but reserves his notice 
oi the Long Walls for his renuu-ks on the road from 
the Peirseeus to Athens ', which probably then passed 
immediately on the outside of the northern Peiraic 
wall ; but which, since the cpcma, or ruins of his 
day, have been reduced to mere dc^Xco, or founda- 
tions, has followed the foundati(ms themselves. 
Spon, in 1676, asserts that the foundations of the 
Peiraic Long Wall were visible '^ almost all the way'' 
from the Peirseeus to Athens'; but this is not 
exactly confirmed by his companion Wheler, who 
states only that the " foundations are seen in many 
places'." They allude only to one wall, and evi- 
dently had not observed the remains of the southern 
or intermediate wall ^. 

The manner in which the ** southern " wall was 
united to the inclosure of Phalerum, may give us 
some means of judging how the northem wall was 

1 • 

voTtpov r$c irpoc KW^y vavfAaxiag^ aviarritre, Pausan. Att. 2, 2« 

* En revenant h. Ath^nes, on volt presque tout le long du 
ehemin les fondemens de la muraiUe, qui joignoit le Piree k la 
ville. Spon. XL p. 136. 

' Travels, p. 420. 

* The scholiast, on the words Itanicov riTxpQ (Plat. Gorg. 
24), remarks, that this wall was still in existence in his time 
(axpi yvr ioTiy iv 'EXXa^i), but he mistook the wall in question ; 
for he places it in Munychia, and describes it as connecting that 
fortress on one side to Petrsseus, on the other to Phalemm. 


united to the Peiraic defences, and may give reason 
for believing that there was an enlargement of the 
Longomural inclosure at its Astic termination, similar 
to that which seems to have existed at its opposite 
extremity. On this supposition the Longomural inclo- 
sure, at its north-eastern end, may have followed the 
crest of the hills, so as to join the Astic walls on the 
summit of Museium on one side, and near the Pnyx on 
the other. Nor is there any thing inconsistent urith 
this hypothesis, in the fact that numerous artificial 
excavations in these heights prove them to have 
been at one period excluded from the fortifications 
of the city, and at another included vrithin it ; some 
of them consisting of sepulchral chambers and 
niches, while others were magazines, cisterns, chairs 
(0povoi), or seats of a more simple form, foundations 
of houses, drains, chimneys, and walls, in which holes 
for rafters are observable. 

There may possibly be a question, whether these 
heights were a part of the Asty, or of the Longomural 
inclosure, at the time when Thucydides, describing 
the preparations for the defence of Athens, at the 
beginning of the Peloponnesian war, made a cal- 
culation of the Athenian forces and of the length 
of rampart to be defended in the whole circum- 
ference of the Asty, Long Walls, and maritime city ; 
for although the foundations of the Astic walls, 
which are traced along the crest of the hills of Pnyx 
and Museium, would seem to leave little or no doubt 
on this question, a suggestion may be made that 
those foundations, although now almost the only 
partb of the Astic inclosure easily traceable, belong 
to the most ancient works of Athens ; that this wall 


has neyer been entire since the Persian war ; that The- 
mistoclesy when he renewed the defences of Athens, 
the year after the retreat of Mardonius ^ may have 
inclosed all the heights to the south and west of the 
Pnyx and Maseium, within the new icvkXoc tov 
''Airrcocy or inclosure of the city ; and that Paasanias, 
in describing the wall which crossed the Museium, 
as o ap'j^aio^ ircpi/3oXoc, may have referred to this fact ^ 
And two considerations seem to favour this opinion : 
1. That, previously to the time of the Thirty tyrants, 
the bema of the Pnyx is said to have commanded a 
view of the sea ^ ; which, although inconsistent with 
the Pnyx in its present position, on account of the 
height of the hill behind it, and only to be under- 
stood by imagining not a bema only, but an entire 
prior place of assembly on the summit of the hill, is 
more consonant with probability, on the supposition, 
that the town wall on the Pnjrx, after having been 
demolished, together with the other defences of 
Athens, by the Persians *, was not renewed by The- 
mistocles ; since, on the opposite hypothesis, the 

* Thucyd. i. S9. 93. Plutarch. Themist. 19. Theopomp. 
ibid. Diodor. 11,40. Demosth. c. Leptin. p. 478. 479. 

' Pausan. Att. 25, 6. See above, p. 166. It may seem 
strange that Pausanias should have described the Museium as 
a hill mihin the inclosure (c^roc rov vipifioXov apxatov Xo^c)) 
when the wall followed its summit. The Museium, however, 
was specifically the place where Musseus was said to have been 
interred : upon which site, or immediately adjacent to it stood 
** the monument of the Syrian" (Philopappus) : and this was 
irt<Atn the wall. 

' Plutarch. Themist 19. See above, p. 182. 

* The almost total demolition of the walls of Athens is attested 
by Herodotus (9, 13), and Thucydides (1, 89). 

F f 


place of assembly would not have been in the city, 
but without the walls: 2. That Demetrius, son of 
AntigonuSy in the year 307 B. c, fortified Museium, 
and placed a garrison in it'; a fact, which seems 
more probable in the absence of any town wall 
crossing the summit of the height. 

In truth, however, neither of these arguments is of 
much weight. Demetrius may have made use of the 
wall as one side of his fortress, and Plutarch may 
have adopted an unfounded tradition concerning the 
Pnyx. On the other hand, there is this strong reason 
for believing that the Longomural inclosure is to be 
measured as fkr as the wall crossing the crest of 
Museium and Pnyx ; namely, that the length of the 
Long Walls, measured only to the south-western 
extremity of the heights, will be much less than that 
which is ascribed to them by Thucydides ; whereas, 
measured to the summit of Museium, they agree 
with suiBcient accuracy to his statement K 

^ Plutarch. Demet. 34. Pausan. Att. 25, 6. 

' As the Long Walls cannot have differed much from direct 
lines, and as those lines had undoubtedly been measured, they 
furnish the best means of comparing the numbers of Thucydides 
with the real distances ; the Phaleric Long Wall is better for this 
purpose than the Peiraic Long Walls, as the point of junction of 
the Phaleric with the inclosure of Phalerum can be more nearly 
defined than that of the Peiraic Long Walls with the inclosure 
of Peirseeus. The circumstance of a part of the Phaleric wall 
having been founded in the marsh (Plutarch. Cimon. 13), shows 
that this was no obstruction to its rectilinear direction, and 
leaves little question of its having been very nearly a right 
line. Now we find that the distance from the summit of Mu- 
seium to the remains of the inclosure of Phalerum, is very nearly 
equal to 35 stades, at the rate of 600 Greek feet, or 607 English 
feet to the stade ; a coincidence that goes far to pro?e not only 


The remains of ancient walls, which serve to guide 
us in inyestigating the plan, dimensions, and system 
of defence of the Peiraic peninsula and Longomund 
inclosure, will not afford the same degree of assistance 
in a similar inquiry as to the Asty itself. Across the 
crest of the hills of Pnyx and Museium, the founda- 
tions of the walls and of some of the towers are 
clearly traceable. Between Museium and Ennea- 
cninus vestiges of the walls may also be distinguished 

the point of termination of the Phaleric wall, but the length also 
of the stade employed by Thucydides. 

A tetrastich inscription, which recorded the distance between 
the harbour of Peiraeeus and the altar of the Twelve Gods in the 
Agora, and which was found by Chandler (Tnsc. Ant. xxv. 
p. 55) in a wall not very far from the supposed site of the altar, 
accords with the numbers of Thucydides, and the true distances 
according to the above named proportion of the stade to the 
English foot. The inscription is imperfect ; but has been restored 
in the three first lines by Pr. Boeckh (C. Ins. Gr. No. 525) as 
follows : 

*H xdXic €OTritriv fie fiporoiQ fjLvrifuioy aXi^Oec, 
wdaiy atifiaLvtiv nirpov oioiTroplag' 
tarty yap to /icrojv deUfi Trpoc ^uiiKa fiwfioy 
tatrdpaKoyr ey XifiiyoQ ard^toi. 

The deficiency iq the last line may be supplied with EISKAIT 
or TPEISKAIT, or HENTEniT or EHTEniT, but TPEIS is the 
only reading that can well be admitted, because 40 stades having 
been the length of the Peiraic Long Walls, the distance between 
their Astic termination and the altar of the Twelve Gods in the 
Agora, added to that (if any) between the Peiraic termination 
and the harbour, must have been more than one and less than five 
stades. This document is the more interesting, as it is of the 
time of Thucydides, the H and Q being employed, though the 
IS had not yet displaced the X2. It was, therefore, a little prior 
to the archonship of Eucleides, after which the four new letters 
were always employed in public documents. 

F f 2 


in many places. Their direction on the south-eastern 
front has already been adverted to ^ 

On the heights to the northward of Pnyx some 
foundations may be traced, lying in & Un^ which 
accords so well with that of the remains on the hills 
of Museium and Pnyx, that little doubt remains as 
to the general direction of the Walls in that part of 
the inclosure (the north-western). The intersection 
of that line with the road from Athens to Eleusis 
gives us a near approximation to the position of 
Dipylum ; but between this point and the Hissus, 
throughout the northern side of the city, I was un- 
able to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion as to 
the exact direction of the Astic inclosure, or of the 
extent of the city in that quarter. This, however^ 
is not a valid reason why we should reject the evi- 
dence of Stuart on this question, or of Fauvel, who, 

^ We learn from Vitravius and Pliny, that here, as well as on 
the side facing Pentelicum, or towards the £. N. £. the walls 
of the Asty were constructed of brick. Nonnullis civitatibus et 
publica opera et privatas domos etiam regias e latere structas 
licet videre ; et primum Athenis murum, qui spectat ad Hymet- 
turn montem et Pentelensem. Vitruv. 2, 8. Grseci, prasterquam 
ubi a silice fieri poterat structura, parietes lateritios preetolere : 
sunt enim sstemi, si ad perpendiculum fiant : de eo et publica 
opera, et regias domos struxere : mumm Athenis, qui ad montem 
Hymettum spectat: Patris etc. Plin. H. N. 35, 14 (49). 

The wall, although of brick, was erected probably upon a sub- 
structure of stone ; this having been a practice not uncommon 
among the Greeks, as appears from Xenophon in his narrative of 
the transactions of Agesipolis at Mantineia, confirmed by the 
extant remains of that city. See Travels in the Morea, III. p. 69. 

We may infer perhaps, from the remarks above cited of Vitra- 
vius and Pliny, that all the inclosure of the Asty, except towards 
the east, was formed entirely of stone. 


about fifty years later, bad leisure during a long resi- 
dence at Atbens to examine the site ; and both of 
whom, although not exactly agreeing with one another, 
satisfied themselves that they had not only traced 
the walls but even the position of some of the gates 
on this side of the Asty ^ It is certain, at least, that 
the extent of the city on the northern side could 
not have been much greater than they have indicated, 
otherwise it would have comprehended a portion of 
the heights of Lycabettus. The circuit of the Asty 
following the line of Stuart and Fauvel on the north, 
is about 20,000 English feet, equivalent to not more 
than 33 stades, instead of about 47 ^ showing that 
a large allowance is to be made for the flexures of 
the ramparts, which, it is natural to suppose that 
Thucydides took into his calculation, when con- 
sidering the number of men required to defend 

The entire circuit of the Asty, Long Walls, and 
maritime city, taken as one inclosure, is equal to 
about seventeen English miles, or 148 stades'. This 

' Fauvel communicated his plan of Athens to Olivier, who 
published it in the Atlas of his *' Voyage dans TEmpire Ottoman." 
Both Stuart's and FauveFs evidence on these remains of walls are 
inserted in the plan of Athens accompanying the present edition 
of the Topography of Athens. 

' Thucydides, in stating the length of rampart in the Asty, 
requiring defence, excepts the portion situated between the Long 
Walls (see above, p. 423, n. 1), without mentioning its length : this 
the Scholiast supplies by a number quite incredible, 17 stades. 
The exact circumference therefore is uncertain, but it is scarcely 
possible that the deficient number of stades could have been more 
than four. 

' This is precisely the number of stades resulting from the 


is very different from the two hundred stades which 
Dion Chrysostom states to have been the circum- 
ference of the same walls ', an estimate exceeding 
by more than twenty stades even the sum of the 
peripheries of the Asty and Peiraic towns> according 
to the numbers of Thucydides. The computation 
of Dion Chrysostom, therefore, was doubtless erro- 
neous. The walls of Servius Tullius at Rome are 
stated by Dionysius of Halicamassus to have been 
not much greater in compass than those of the Asty 
of Athens ' ; and in relating the attack upon Rome 
by the iELqui and Volsci, which occurred about thirty 
years before the Peloponnesian war, he remarks that 
the circuit of Rome, which was then bounded by the 
Tiber, and was undefended by walls on that side, was 
equal to that of the Asty '. In fact, if we compare 
the diameters, assuming that of the Asty to have 

length of rampart requiring to be manned at the b^inning of the 
Peloponnesian war, according to Thucydides : namely. 

Walls of the Asty 43 stades. 

The Long Walls 75 

Half the Peiraio-Munychian rampart 30 

148 stades. 
The number of men disposable for this service was 16,000 : the 
breadth, therefore, for each man to defend was 148 X 607-7- 
16,000 = 5 feet 7 inches English. 

* KaiToi duucotrwv orahltav elyai r^v irepf fJL€Tpoy rGv 'Adifvwv, 
Tov Uecpaiiwc (Tvyredtftivov koi rwy ^lafiiaov rttxGv xpoc row 
iteplfioXoy TOV "Aortoc Dion. Ghrysost. Orat. 6, p. 87* Morel]. 

' li ii nc povXevBelri fierptiy aM^v Kara tov *AOriyaioy K^kXor 
TOV TEpiixoyra &ffTV, oh mXKf ficl^iav 6 r^c 'Pw/ii|C ^ve/i| mrXoc* 
Antiq. Rom. 4, 13. 

' TOV vepifidXov TfJQ iroKewc ovtoq ky Tf t^ti xp6yf o^oc 'Aftf- 
vul^y TOV dtrreoc 6 kvk\o£, Antiq. Rom. 9, 68. 


been about eleven stades, and estimating that of 
Borne bj the distance between the Tiberine island 
and the mounds bejond the baths of Diocletian, 
whicb are generallj supposed to indicate the line of 
the Servian inclosure» we find an excess in the latter 
distance of not more than two stades. 

Plutarch was not so correct in comparing the cir- 
cumference of Syracuse with' that of Athens \ if he 
meant bj the latter the entire circuit of the Asty, 
Long Wails, and Peiraseus ; for an accurate military 
survey of Syracuse, made during the late war, showed 
the perimeter of the walls, including the site of 
Neapolis, to have been fourteen English miles, or 122 

It is almost unnecessary to remark, that these com- 
parisons relate to the circumference of the cities and 
not to their superficial contents, and their capacity of 
containing population. Rome was circular, Syracuse 
triangular, and Athens conBiated of two circular cities, 
joined by a street of four miles in length, — a figure, 
the superficies of whicb was not more than the fourth 
part of that of a city of an equal circumference, in a 
circular form. Hence, when to Rome within the 
walls were added suburbs of equal extent, its popu- 
lation was greater th4n that of all Attica. That of 

' Plutarch. Nic. 17. 

' The circuit of 180 stades, attributed to Syracuse by Strabo 
(p. 270), could not have been correct, unless by including the 
Olympium. This quarter, however, was so separated from the 
dty, that it could never have been conaected even with the 
suburbs, but by means of a street along the head of the har- 

440 DEMI. [sect. X. 

Atbensi although the most populous city in Greece \ 
was probably never greater than 200,000 '. 
^^^r Isocrates remarks that the city was divided into 
^^<^ KwfjMt and the country into Siifun \ which would seem 
to imply that none of the Attic demi were within 
the city. But there is sufficient eiddence to the 
contrary. The Ciomse, therefore, were similar to the 
wards of a town, which is divided also into parishes ; 
and in Athens comae were the more necessary, as 
some of the urban demi were partly without the 
walls. There is reason, however, to believe that 
some of the comae bore the same names as the demi ; 
and, in the instances of Melite and CoUytus, their 
boundaries may have been identical : but this cannot 
be supposed of Diomeia and Cerameicus, which were 
partly within and partly without the walls. Some of 
the xwpia, or districts of Athens, noticed by Pausa- 
nias and other authors, may have been the same as 
the comae of Isocrates; but as we have no other 
information upon the latter, nor of their number, we 
can only attempt to arrange the districts and the 
^*^™^ The demi, which were wholly or partly within the 

city, were ot Kipafut^j ol McXircic, oc AfOff€ic% o& 

KoXXvrfcc^ Oi KvSa9i|Mic€cc', Oi 2KOfi/3«^fSat ^ 

■ Thncyd. 1, 80. 2, 64. Xenoph. Hellen. 2, S, § 24. 

* See Appendix XXI. on the population of Attica and Athens. 

* iuX6ft€voi n^K fur v6kir Kara cm^Cs n)*' ^c X^'P^'^ cara 
^if/iovc* Areopag. p. 149, Steph. 

* See above, p. 163. 220. 276. and Menidns de Pop. Atli< 
in vT. 

* See below, p. 44S, n. 2. 3. 


Although the word Cerameicus was often applied Cera- 
to the old Agora generally, there is reason to believe 
from Pansanias, that this demus, as strictlj defined, 
€v roic opccr^otc rrig iroXcdiCs did not extend far to the 
eastward of the Stoa Basileius, and that the Hephses- 
teium was beyond its limits ^ From other autho- 
rities we perceive that Melite comprehended thoMeUte. 
Macra Stoa, the Hephsesteium, and Eurysaceium, 
which were near the northern side of the Areio- 
pagus, as well as the Colonus Agorseus ', which was 
probably a part of that height. Cerameicus and 
Melite, therefore, were conterminous. That Me- 
lite extended from hence northward, so as to 
include the Theseium and the parts around it, is 
rendered likely by the well-knovra conjunction of 
the worship of Hercules and Theseus ' ; for Melite 
was said to have been named from a wife of Hercules, 
and it contained the most celebrated temple of Her- 
cules in Athens, as well as the monument of Mela- 
nippus, son of Theseus ^ which was probably not far 
from the Theseium. As there was a gate of the 
Asty, named the Melitides, we may infer that the 
demus extended beyond the Theseium as &r as the 
ancient walls, but there seems not to have been any 

' Kv^aOZ/Koiov' Bfjfio^ ir aarti. Hesych. in y. Kv^aO^t^aioy 
^rifiog ky aaru rfjc UaiBtovlioQ ^vX^c* jcaXcirac ^c Koi KviaOoy^ 
Schol. in Plat. Sympos. 1 . 

' See below, p. 444, n. 1. 

' See above, p. 120, 252. 

' See above, p. 255. KoKiayoy .... MeX/ri; yap dfiroy iiC€iyo 
wc ky roic 6piirfiol£ yiypairrai Trjs ir($Xciiic* Schol. Aristoph. 
Av. 998. 

' See above, p. 167, and Appendix IX. 

* Cleidemus ap. Harpocr. in MtXaylirTrtioy. 

442 DiOMEiA. [sect. X. 

exterior Melite, for the suburban demos Ccele 
was contiguous to the gates of Melite ; beyond 
which the road was called n &a KocXif c oSoci as pasring 
through the demus Coele '. 
Dkmieja. As Cjuosarges was in the demus of the Diomenses^ 
and the gate Diomeiae led to it» Diomeia occupied 
the north-eastern part of the Asty, and there was an 
inner and an outer Diomeia, as there was an inner 
and an outer Cerameicus. The outer Diomeia, how- 
ever, was not extensive, and indeed seems to have 
comprehended no more thanCynosarges; for the latter 
bordered on the demus of Alopece, which place was 
no more than eleven or twelve stades from the city- 
walls '. Collytus bordered upon Melite ' ; and the 
Athenian tradition, as to the reception of Hercules 
at Athens \ seems to leave little doubt that it bor- 
dered also upon Diomeia ; in other words, that it lay 
between Melite and Diomeia. This agrees perfectly 
with the words of the rhetorician, who places Col- 

' eari ^c avrov tcu^c (Thucydidis sc.) wXrialoy rAy xvXmv ly 
X^9^V r^C *Amr^c» o KoiXi; icaXcIrac .... irpb^ yap rate MeXiriat 
iruXaic KoKovfiiyais €trriy ly Ro/Xf| rcL KaXoi/fuya Ri/iMKia fiv^ftara,, 
Marcellin. in Vita Thucyd. TiBawrai ii Ki/ioiv wpo rov aorcoc 
iripiiy riiQ Aia Ko^Xijc icaXtofUyiit o^« Herodot. 6, 103. Here, 
according to Marcellinns, lay Herodotas himself, as well as Cimon 
and Thucydides. 

* Herodot. 5, 63. JSschin. c. Timarch. p. 119, Reiske. 

' Strabo (p. 65) instances Collytus (KoXXurdc on the monu- 
ments) and Melite, as places having precise bonndaries, marked 
by pillars, on one side of which was inscribed Tovro fuy Ivrt 
KoXvrroCf on the other tovto ht 'WUklrri* 

^ Diomus was the son of Collytus, whom Hercules favoured in 
gratitude for the hospitality shoven to him by Collytus. Some of 
the Melitenses migrated to Diomeia, and celebrated Metageitnia, 
in memory of their origin. Plutarch, de Exil. 6. 


lytas in the centre of the city ^ Although the street 
through Collytus is designated as a arivwro^ or narrow 
street^ it appears nevertheless to have commenced in 
the Agora ^ and to have been a favourite place of 
residence *. It terminated probably like the streets of 
Melite, Cerameicus and Diomeia, in a gate of the 
Astic inclosure. 

The KiiSa0i|vcu€tc were an urban demus, whose Cydathe- 
importance is evident from numerous monuments, as 
well as from ancient authors. The name indicates 
something distinguished in the situation of the demus ^. 
Possibly, therefore, it occupied the Theseian city^; 
that is to say, the Acropolis, together with the parts 
adjacent to it on the south, south-east, and east, as 
far as Enneacrunus and the Ilissus, bordering north- 
ward on Diomeia. There would still remain suffi- 

1 We have seen tbat the street through the inner Cerameicus 
was descrihed as a ^p<$fu>Cf and that from the gates of Melite 
through the suburb Coele, as an oBoe. 

oTtvwKo^ nc ^y KoXvrroCf ovrw icaXovfievoCf ey r^ fuiraiTdTf 
rijs Ti^XfMCf ^fJLOv fuy i\(uy tTuvvfAoy, 6.yopdc Be XP^^9 Tifihtfieyog, 
Himer. ap. Phot. Myriob. p. 11 S9. 

' To Bi vt fii^ KaroiKiiy ^SapBuc ohOiy iirriy' ohBe yap ^AOriyaloi 
iraiT£c KaroiKovfft KoXvrroVi ovBb Kopiydtoi Kftdyetoy^ ohBk IlArovify 
Acuc^ysc* Plutarch, de Exil. 6. Plutarch. Demosth. 11. Aid- 
phron, 1, 39. 

Collytus was noted for having been the demus of Plato, and it 
was the residence of Timon the misanthrope (Ludan. Timon. ?• 

* EvBaOriyaioc' ivBo^oc 'AOiyKococ. Hesych. in y. See Miiller's 
Dorians, II. p. 72. 

* In like manner, the Eupatridse were originally inhabitants of 
the dty, and were thus contrasted with the yc&ipyo), or peasantry. 
Etym. M. in £virarp/^a<. 

444 ERETRIA. [sect. X. 

cient space on the southern and south-western sides 
of the Astj, for the Scambonidse, if this demus was 
within the walls. The reason in favour of this opi- 
nion is, that mention is made of a street at Athens 
in the Scambonidffi, named M jrmex, from a hero who 
was said to have been son of Melanippus ^ and who, 
according to Hesiod, was father of Melite, wife of 
Hercules, from whom the demus Melite received its 
name *. We must admit that this etymology tends 
to place Scambonidse near Melite and the Melanip^ 
peium; but if Cerameicus, Melite, CoUytus, and 
Diomeia, were respectively contiguous, and occupied 
all the northern side of the town, there is no place 
for Scambonidse but to the south. 
Eretria. Wo leam from Strabo, that, according to some 
antiquaries, the Euboean cities Eretria and Histisea 
were named from Attic demi '. Of the demus His- 
tisea we have evidence both from authors and monu- 
ments. In another place the geographer says of 
Eretria that it '*is at Athens where now is the 
Agora ^"^ The site of the Agora of the time of 

^ 'AOiivyffiy iv ^Kafilioyii&y iarl Mvp/ii|icoc arfMiiroc, &iro %>mc 
MvpfiriKog 6yofAa(ofiiyri, Hesych. in MvpfiriKOQ &rpairovc. Axis* 
toph. Thesm. 106. Phot. Lex. in M. &rpair<$c* Hesych. in 
Mvp/iiiKwy oSoi, 

' Phot. Lex. in MeXinf. 

' 'Ei'coi S* VT* *AOtiycUtay iiiroucurOfiyai ^airi ri^y 'Itrrlaiay awQ 
Tov iiifiov Twy 'loTiaiitay wi; ical &ir6 'Epcrpc^wy Tfjy *£f>crpiay. 
Strabo, p. 445. 

* '£perpc£ac 2* oa /xcv awo MaKiarov Tfjc TpifvXiac airotxurd^yai 
^aatVf VK '£perpuctfc' *^i ^ airo rfjc *AOriyftaiy 'Epcrp/ac, 4 yvr 
ioTiv ayopd, Strabo, p. 447i 


Strabo, being well known from its extant portal, we 
have thus the position of an urban district exactly 
where a name seems wanting to complete the x^P^> ^^ 
districts^ which encircled the Acropolis : for bordering 
upon Eretria to the south-eastward was Tripodes, 
bejond the latter westward Limnse, then Museium, 
Pnyx, Areiopagus, and the Inner Cerameicus, which 
met, or nearly met, the western end of Eretria. One 
might infer from the words of Strabo just cited, that 
Eretria was a demus as well as a district of the citj ; 
but as nothing has yet been found to confirm this 
opinion, and as Strabo shows that the name of the 
Euboean Eretria was bj some persons traced to 
Triphylia, in the Peloponnesus, we may conclude, 
that if Eretria ever was an Attic demus, it had ceased 
to be so at an early time. Limnse is stated to have 
been a demus by the Scholiast of Callimachus, but 
he has eyidently mistaken the Limnse of Athens for 
that of Messenia. 

No more than nine gates are noticed by ancient Gates. 
authors ; namely, the Thriasise, otherwise called 
Dipylum ; the Diomeise, Diocharis, Melitides, Pei- 
raicae, Achamicffi, Itonise, Hippades, and Herisese. 
But there was certainly a greater number. Reckon- 
ing, as the firsty the gate between Museium and 
Pnyx, which terminated the Longomural street, and 
the name of which is unknown, but may possibly have 
been Munychise, as leading directly to the Munychian 
peninsula, there was a second about midway between 
the summit of Museium and Enneacrunus (the 
Itonise) ; a third at Enneacrunus, for the sake of a 
ready access to that fountain (the name unknown) ; a 
fourth opposite to the Stadium (the name unknown) ; 


^fifih at the eastern extremity of the city, leading to 
the Lyceium (the gate Diocharis) ; a dxth leading to 
Cynosarges (the Diomeiss) ; a sef^enth at the end of 
the street Collytus (the name unknown) ; an eighth 
at the northern extremity of the city (the Acharnicae) ; 
a ninth at the end of the street Melite (the Melitides) ; 
the tenth was Dipylum ; the eleventh was the Peiraic 
gate ; and there are vestiges of a twdfUi in the hollow 
on the northern side of the hill of Pnyx. 

The only one of the gates above mentioned, of which 
it is necessary to justify the name given to it, is the 
Itoniffi. That the Itonise led to Phalerum seems 
clear on comparing the commencement of the Pla- 
tonic dialogue, named Axiochus, with a remark of 
Pausanias, who, in conducting his reader into Athens 
from Phalerum, says that the monument of Antiope 
stood just T^thin the gate. In the Axiochus, Socrates, 
who had walked out of the Asty at a gate in the 
eastern walls, not far from Enneacrunus, encounters 
Clinias, and is persuaded by him to visit Axiochus, 
the father of Clinias, who was confined by sickness 
to his house at the monument of the Amazon, near 
the Itonian gate \ 

* . • • roic 'Ir&iy/oic irvXacg' wXrieioy ydp ficii rHy tvXuv xpoc 
rjf *AfAaCoyiBi or^Xp. Axloch. 1. 

Pltttaich differs from Pausanias, inasmuch as he places the 
monument of Antiope near the temple of Tellns Olympia, which 
was within the peribolus of the Olympieium ; but there appears 
from Plutarch (Thes. 26 et seq.) to have been a difference of 
opinion among Athenian antiquaries as to the name of the 
Amazon who was slain by Theseus. Some said Antiope, others 
Hippolyte, and, according to Pausanias, it was Molpadia. Those, 
therefore, who considered the monument of the Olympieium as 


The twelfth gate of the preceding enumeration, or 
that which stood in the opening between Pnyx and 
Museium, was possibly the Hippades, or Equestrian 
Gate, having taken its name from the cavalry who 
may have marched out by this gate to the Hippo- 
drome ; for, as the other places of exercise— namely, 
the Lyceium and Academy * — were to the east and 
north, the Hippodrome was probably on the western 
side, where alone the vicinity of the town affords 
another favourable situation. The seventh^ or inter- 
mediate, gate on the north-eastern side, between the 
Diomeiae and the Achamicse, was perhaps the Heria2a; ; 
so called from the ^pia, as that kind of sepulchre was 
called, in which the body was laid, together with its 
icn/ii|Xia, in a cavity below the surface of the ground, 
constructed with slabs of stone at the side and ends, 
and similarly covered '. This kind of totnb, m the 
absence of the stele, which anciently marked the site^ 
presents little or no appearance externally; it is 
common in every part of Greece, and many of 
them have been excavated on the northern side of 

These twelve gates were nearly equidistant, at 
intervals of about five hundred yards, except between 
the Itonian gate and the firsty or the gate which I 
have supposed to have been called the Munychian. 

that of Antiope, gave undoubtedly some other name to the 
monument at the Itonian gate. 

' Xenoph. Hipparch. 3. See above, p. 300, n. 1. 

' 'Ilpia tibXv oi rd^c. ^avX ii Tivtc Koiy&rtpop xaVrac tovq 
rd^ovc o0riiic ovoiid^toBaC Kar* i^alperov ^i rove fiij cv vyj/ti Td 
otKolofjiiifiaTa c^oiT'ac» uXX' orav rd vwfJiara eic yyy KarareO^' 
^rofidaOri Bi wapa r^K ipay^ Harpocr. in v. 



Here the interval is double some of the shortest dis- 
tances between the other gates, and there can be 
little question as to anj gate having occurred in this 
interval, the walls being clearly traceable in this part of 
the periphery. This exception however to the ordi- 
nary intervals between the gates may be suflSciently 
accounted for by the steep and rocky nature of the 
hill of Museium, which admitted of no convenient 
situation for a gate, in the line where the walls 
crossed it. 

Besides the principal gates, there were doubtless 
several wXlSi^f similar to that of Panops, which wss 
situated between the Diomeise and Diocharis, and 
some traces of which were observed by FauveL 




The fortifying of the Acropolis by the Pelasgi, is one of 
the most curious incidents in the early history of Athens. 
From whence they came is uncertain, but the epithet 
Tyrrheni or Tyrseni, which Herodotus and others give to 
them, may incline us to the belief that they were a portion 
of the Pelasgi, who are said to have been driven out of 
Tuscany: for Tyrrheni was the name which the Greeks 
constantly applied to the people of that country. The 
first Pelasgi who came to Athens, were joined soon after- 
wards by some others, who had been compelled to .retire 
from Boeotia by the Bceoti, when these returned to their 
original seat on being expelled from Ame of Thessaly by 
the Thessali coming from Epirus. The Tyrrheni Pelasgi 
when exiled from Attica, settled in Lemnus and Imbrus, 
and these were the Tyrrhenian pirates, whom Bacchus was 
fabled to have converted into dolphins, and of whom the 
earliest notice is in the Homeric hymn. As the Pelasgi 
were already dispersed and destroyed as a nation, at the 
time of the Trojan war, we must look to a much higher 
date for their ocm^, and accordingly the general testimony 
of history tends to show that before the arrival of the 
Phoenician and Egyptian colonies on the south eastern 
coast of Greece, the Pelasgi existed as a tribe of Greeks, 
who had already derived letters and arts from the same 



quarter, through Asia Minor, and by means of their 
superior intelligence had governed a great part of 
Greece, but who were gradually confined by less civilized 
but more powerful tribes, to the north of Thessaly and 
some parts of Macedonia and Epirus. Others passed over 
into Italy : those of Peloponnesus after an intermediate 
colonization on the western side of Greece, others by 
crossing the Adriatic into Middle Italy, whither they con- 
veyed the use of the alphabet, and where they fortified 
many strong positions in the manner of their native coun- 
try \ The numerous remains of these fortresses or their 
repairs, especially in the central part of Italy, indicate the 
long prevalence in that country of a state of society, exactly 
resembUng the Pelasgic or earliest civilized state of Greece, 
when that country was divided into small independent tribes 
dwelling in fortified towns, sometimes at war, sometimes in 
alliance with each other. The first Pelasgic or Greek emi- 
grants were followed by others ; they were not always succ^s- 
ful in establishing themselves where they had intended, and 
some of them, or their descendants, were under the necessity 
of returning to Greece. Among these were the Pelasgi who 
went to Athens. Even before the Trojan war, the Pe- 
lasgi were so much dispersed, that the name and nation 
were extinct except in Thessaly, and in some small dis- 
tricts or towns of Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia 
Minor '. 

1 (OBnotms) ipKurt ir6\nc fificpdc Kai ffwtxtiS ^tI toic opc<ny, 8<nrcp ^ 
roic iroXaiotc rpoiroQ oiKrionoQ vwriOtiQ. Dionys. Antiq. Rom. 1, 12. 

' A tendency or liability to wander, to colonize and to settle in amaU com- 
munities in foreign countries, was perhaps a necessary consequence of the 
geographical construction of the native land of the Greeks, and of its poa- 
tion with regard to surrounding countries. The Pelasgi of the fifteenth 
century carried letters once more into Italy. Greeks engaged in conuneree, 
and seldom unmindAil of letters, have from that time been found in all 
the great cities of Europe and Asia, and even of America, not to mention 
the larger communities, which took refuge, and have continued to reside 
in the countries immediately bordering on Turkey. In London, the Greeks 
were most numerous in the reign of Charles the second, when Greek street, 
Soho, was named from them. Under the patronage of that king, and of his 


The similarit J, not to say the identity, which is renutrkable 
in the alphabets as well as in the most ancient military archi* 
tecture of Italy and of Crreece, aflbrds in its combination an 
unquestionable proof of the reality of the Pelasgic migra- 
tions, without having recourse to tradition, which however 
is not deficient. The same kind of monumental evidence 
gives an approximation to their date ; for we may observe, 
1. That the Etruscan, Oscan, Samnite, and Latin letters are 
similar to the earliest form of the Greek ; and that they 
were written at the time of their introduction into Italy, 
from right to left like the Phoenician, and other oriental 
characters, whereas by the Greeks the alphabet was em- 
ployed at a remote period in the opposite direction ', pro- 
bably even before the time of Homer ; although in short 
documents, we often find it, at a much later period, 
written from right to left, or in the transition state of 

2. That the ancient fortresses of Italy belonging to the 
Pelasgic state of society, resemble in their positions, their 
construction, and dimensions, those of Greece which were 
built in the ages prior to the Trojan war, as appears 
from the extant walls of numerous places named in the 
catalogue of Homer ; those places having ceased to be of 
importance after that event, when a new form of society 
graduaDy established itself in Greece, and when in general 
the fUKpoTTokirat quitted their fortresses and collected 
themselves into larger towns. 

3. That in Italy, although the Pelasgic or early form 
of the Greek language did not displace the indigenous 
dialects, the latter adopted, together with the alphabet, 
many Greek words, and that the names of a great number 
of places in Italy, which are situated and fortified exactly 

bTOther, the Duke of York, and aasisted by donations from them, as well 
from Compton, bishop of London, and other prelates, they built a church, 
which still exists, with a Greek inscription upon it, attesting these facts. 

* A Phrygian specimen of the alphabet, of the seventh century b.c., on a 
rock near Nacoleia, is engraved from left to right. See " Journal of a Tour 
in Asia Minor," p. 21. 



in the Pelasgic manner of Greece, are of Greek deri- 

4. That the mythology of Italy closely resembled that of 
Greece, that some of the names of deities were identical^ 
that if others were not so, the same kind of dissimilitude 
occurred in different parts of Greece, and that even the 
heroes of Italy were in general of Greek origin. 

Among the people of Italy who profited by Pelasgic migra- 
tion, the Etrurians by means of their federal union and 
the wisdom of their institutions, obtained far greater and 
more permanent power than any others. Before the foun- 
dation of Rome they had attained to great skill in almost 
all such manufactures as were known to the ancients, and in 
the imitative arts they had formed a school little inferior to 
the archaic Greek, and which to the last resembled the Greek, 
though still distinguishable from it like a family long sepa- 
rated from the original stock. Etruria in short was nearly 
in the same state as the monarchies or federal unions of 
Greece when in the ninth and eighth centuries, b. c, the 
redundant population of Greece sought colonial settlements 
in all the surrounding countries, and bringing with them 
wealth, naval power, and skilful men in various branches of 
art, found no difficulty in obtaining lands on the coast of 
Italy as far north as Etruria, including a part of that conn- 
try, and inland as far as Home. In some instances they 
established themselves in unoccupied sites near the sea, but 
more frequently they enlarged the bounds and popula- 
tion of places inhabited by people among whom they 
found the kindred manners which had been introduced by 
the Pelasgi. 

The discoveries which have lately been made in the Papal 
states within the ancient Tyrrhenia, of numerous vases 
bearing Greek inscriptions, are monumental illustrations of 
these later Greek migrations, not less satisfactory than 
those afforded of the earlier or Pelasgic, by the alpha- 
bets, by the names of places and deities, and by the for- 
tresses. On some vases of archaic design, are found 


inscriptions, written in the character which was employed 
in Greece in the eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries, b.c. 
on others are inscriptions in letters precisely similar to 
those used in the fifth century : but vases, of a later date, 
inscribed in Greek are very rare, which accords with the 
fact that the Greek colonies of Etruria then began to 
decline, the defeat of the Tyrrhenian fleet by Hiero in the 
year 474, b.c, having probably been the termination of that 
proq)erity and naval power, for which the Etrurians had 
been mainly indebted to the Greek colonists who had settled 
among them. The figures represented on the vases and 
other utensils found in Etruria, as well those of Greek, as 
those of Etruscan style, show an identity of rehgious wor- 
ship and mythology between those who made them and the 
people of Greece : and many of them are illustrations of 
the poems of Homer or of the legends of Greece on either 
side of the Isthmus. Similar vases inficribed with Greek 
characters, have been found at Veii, Agylla, and other 
ancient sites aromid Bome, together with numerous objects 
of common use, greatly resembling those of Greece, and 
leaving little doubt that at the time of the infancy of 
Bome, the Greek language was the chief organ of civilized 
communication in that country', which was thus Greek 
before it became Boman ; and might have continued so to 
the present day, but for the development of Boman power, 
and the cultivation of the Latin language. 

Among the numerous vases which have been found on 
ancient sites in the Boman states, those of Vulci bear the 
most remarkable resemblance to Athenian monuments, as 
well in the dialect and form of the inscribed characters, as 
in the subjects depicted upon them and in the names of 
the artists when these occur. We are led therefore 
to beheve, that ''OXictov* was founded by or received 
a colony from Attica, at the same time that Damaratus 
brought his Corinthians to the neighbouring Tarquinia. 

* Dionys. Antiq. Rom. 1,89. 4, 26. 

* This appears from Polybius (ap. Stephan. in v.) to have been the 
Greek form of the name. 


As it was a constant object with Athenian statesmen to 
find a remedy for the increasing numbers and increasing 
poverty of the citizens of Athens, we may easUy conceive 
that when naval intercourse was easy and safe between 
Athens and foreign countries, many citiiens skilful in the 
Ceramic art, which was one of the staple manu&ctures of 
Attica, may have been induced to leave the metropolis for 
the purpose of exercising their profession with greater profit 
in the colonies. To this circumstance it is most reasonable 
to attribute the close resemblance of the Vulcian vases to 
those of Athens : for it is almost absurd to suppose, that a 
bulky and brittle conunodity should have been to any great 
extent an article of commerce by sea, when its materials 
were found in every place, and skilful workmen were alone 
required to conduct the manufacture. 

Some writers, both ancient and modem, have supposed 
that Etruria may have originaUy derived its civilization from 
Lydia, others from Egypt, others from Palestine. It is 
not impossible that such a migration from Lydia, as Hero- 
dotus relates, may really have occurred ; but as the immi- 
grants are supposed to have come from Lydia by sea in the 
fourteenth century before Christ, when naval communica- 
tion between Greece and Italy, (as we may judge from the 
Odyssey of Homer,) could not have been very common, such 
a colony could not have consisted of any great numbers, 
and was quite insufficient to have reformed a large por- 
tion of Italy, or to account for that close resemblance which 
prevailed between Greeks and Etruscans in rel%ion, myilio- 
logy, manners, and civil institutions. Still fess can we 
conceive these peculiarities to have been derived from 
Egypt; for although an occasional resemblance may be 
observed between the art and mythology of Etruria and of 
Egypt; those of Greece and Egypt have an equal re- 
semblance, caused by a certain de^'ee of affinity between 
all the religions of the ancient world, and in art by a simi- 
larity in the effects of general principles. Any more exact 
similitude will be found to belong to an age subsequent to the 
occupation of Egypt by the Greeks. After that time com- 


meroe became active between Egypt aDd Italy, and a taste 
tor 'Egyptian art was diSbsed in the latter country, to a 
much greater extent than it e^r was in Greece \ 

The Greeks, though they may have originaDy derived a 
part of their mythology from Egypt, were not the pupils of 
that oounliy in the arts of design. Seven centuries after 
Egyptian art had arrived at its meridian, the sculptors of 
Oorinth and Sicyon, had not proceeded beyond the rudest 
r^nesentations of animal hfe: their architecture was 
indeed then approaching the state which became tibe nor^ 
mal Doric ; but even this bvanoh of art, though it arrived 
at perfection earlier than any other, could not have dmved 
any assistance from that of Egypt, being cieariy traceaUe 
to a construction in wood, while that of Egypt originated 
in the rocky margin of its inundated soil. 

Nor can a Phoenician origin be attributed to Etruscan 
civilization, on the ground of the eariy and extensive com- 
merce and navigation of the Phcenicians, for the alphabet 
employed by the Eitniscans, and other people of Italy who 
possessed any literature, was not Phoenician but Greek, 
derived indeed from the Phcenician, but clearly distin- 
guishable as that modffication of it, which prevailed at a 
very remote period in Asia Minor and Greece. Attempts 
have been made to distinguish Pehsgic masonry from 
Etmscan, but inviruth, every variety of this kind of con- 
struction existing in Italy, may also be found in Greece. 
A part of the wialls of Myeense closely resembles in its 
masonry those of Volatervse and Fsesulse. Although a 
dassification of the various kinds of ancient masoniy 
occurring in Greece, is found convenient to the traveller 
in describing them, there is but one ancient name besides 
*'*' Pelasgic ^ which can with authority be applied to a dis- 
tinct species of Greek masonry ; the author who describes 
it, having supplied us with an example which is still extant. 

' Pompeii shows that long before iho time of Hadrian, Egyptian com- 
munities, witli their temples, deities, ponates, hieroglyphics, and other 
peculiaritios were naturalized in Ita^. 



Pausanias has accurately stated that the walls of Tiiyna, 
said to have been built by the Cyclopes who came from 
Asia, are formed of large rude masses, the interstices of 
which are filled with smaUer stones. To slu^ each stone, 
and to fit it to its neighbour, instead of heaping up unhewn 
masses, was a natural improvement upon the ^^ Cydopian^ 
method, and this improvement we may attribute to the 
Pelasgi. In different places and at diflferent times, the 
^^ Pelasgic^ masonry thus formed was more or less irr^;u]ar 
in the form of the stones, more or less perfect in thdur junc- 
ture, and more or less approaching to a system of regular 
courses, until at length after the time of Alexander the Grreai, 
equal horizontal courses became the prevailing mode of build- 
ing. The construction peculiar to the Pelasgi, or early 
engineers of Greece and Italy is that of a wall, from ei^t 
to twelve feet thick, roughly built with stones and cement 
within, but composed on both fiices of large unconented 
nuisses, lidd so as sometimes to approach to, though never 
exactly to form equal horizontal courses, and more fre- 
quently consisting of stones, in the slu^ of triangles, qua- 
drangles, or polygons, very accurately fitting to each other, 
so that there is little appearance of courses, and sometimes 
not any in the entire wall. Though not regardless of flank 
defence, the Pelasgi seem never to have built a r^ular 
succession of towers, at equal or neariy equal distances, 
which was a conunon practice in Greece after the sixtii 
century, b.c. when fortresses were built upon more levd 
ground, than was usually chosen by the Pelasgi, whose sites 
were generally rugged hills, accessible only in particular 
places, where flank defence might be derived from the 
sinuosities of the ground, assisted by a few great towers or 
bastions on the weak points. 

See Homer, 11. B. 681. 840. K. 429. Od. T. 1 77. He- 
rodotus, 1, 56. 2, 51. 5, 26. 6, 137. 7, 42. 8, 44. Thu- 
cyd. 1, 3. 2, 17. 4, 109. Strabo 218 et seq. Dio- 
nysius, Antiquitates Bomanae, 1. 2. Lanzi, Saggio di 


lingua Etrusca. Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli Ita- 
lian!. Baoul Bochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, I. 
Larcher, H. d^Herodote, VII. Marsh. Horse Pelas- 
gicse. Inghirami, Monumenti Etnisci. Vermiglioli, 
Iscrizioni Peruke. Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alter- 
thumskunde. Niebuhr, Boman History, I. Thirlwall, 
History of Greece, I. Millingen. Transactions of the 
Royal Society of Literature, II. Fynes Clinton, Fasti 
Hellenici, III. 


Page 14. 


B. C. 

In this year Pericles made the following statement to the 
Athenians : — 

Oapcrecv re iiUXtvt, irpomovrwv fjiv i^oKoalwv rakavrwv 
o^C i^l TO iroXv ^6pov KOT IviavTov avo twv ^vfjifiaxiav ry 
ir6\u, avBv r^c aXXi}C vpotroSov, virap\6vTU)v Sk iv rj aiqpo- 
itoXh In T6rt i^yvptov iirurfifiov i^aiaaxiXiwv raXavrtov' ra 
yap irXccora rpioKOtitiMfv airodlovra pvpia lylvtroj a^' &v 
€C Ti ra TTpoirvXma r^c aKpoir<{Xcftic Kal raXXa oiKoSo/i^/iora 
KcX ec IlorcSaiav airavi}X(u0i}* xwp\^ Zl \pva(ov atnifiov koI 
ipyvplovf iv rt dvaOfifiaaiv cS/oic koI Stifiotiloi^f kqI 5<ra cfpa 
(TKci/if wept re rac^o/iirac koI rove ayoivoc? ical (ncvXa Mq&ica 
Kol et Ti ToiovrArpowoVf ovk iXatitiovo^ ^v ri ircvrcucoafwv 
raXavriuv. "Ere Si ical ra €k rutv aXXwv UpCtv TrpotnrlOu 
Xpfifwra OVK oXtyay olc "XpfitimOai avrovc, Kal ^v ttqw l&(p- 
yctfvrai iravTwVf Koi avr^c ^%C 0cov rocc ircpcK€c/ulyo<c XP^~ 
(rfocc* dirli^aivE S' c^ov ro ayaXfta rccrffupaicovra raXavra 
trradfiov )(pvfftov awii^Oov Koi vtpuuptTov iivai airay* xp^aor 
filvovc r£ lir\ tiwTtiplqy c^i}, XP^^^^ M^ iXaffcrctf avrcicara- 
trr^crac iraXcv\ 

Hence it appears that the whole treasure in the Acropolis, 
considered by Pericles as disposable to the exigencies of the 

» Thucyd. 2, 13. 


state, was about twelve thousand talents ; for the gold on 
the statue of Minerva in the Parthenon, which, according to 
Philochorus, weighed as much as forty-foor talents * (the 
authority of Diodorus, who states it at fifty, is scarcely worth 
mentioning) was equivalent to five hundred talenta of silver. 
Demosthenes, therefore, seems to have been moderate in 
saying that the Athenians brought to the AcropoUs, during 
the forty-five years of their ascendancy in Greece, more 
than ten thousand talents'. 

The tribute which produced the treasure of 9700 talents 
in coined money was a commutation for service in prose- 
cuting the war against Persia, and was first levied upon the 
allied cities by Aristeides in the year 477 b. ۥ, and hence 
was called 6 iv ^ApiardSov ^6po^. It was deposited in the 
temple of Apollo at Delus, from whence we are to suppose 
that it was drawn out as the exigencies of the war required. 
The yearly amount was 460 talents, augm^ited to 600 by 
Pericles, who, on the pretext that it would be safer fix>m 
the Barbarians at Athens, removed it to the Acropolis, 
which thenceforth became the treasury of the Confederacy. 
During the Peloponnesian war the tribute was raised to 900, 
1200, and even 1300 talents'. Neither the year in which 
the annual payment was augmented to 600, nor that in which 
the residue at Delus was removed to Athens, can be exactly 
ascertained ; but we may presume that they were nearly 
simultaneous : and, as the latter measure appears to have 
been already in contemplation while Aristeides was living ^, 
that they occurred not long after his death in b. c. 468, 
about the time of the first accession of Pericles to power, 
who seems always to have had the credit or disgrace of 
this bold attack upon the liberty and property of the allied 
cities. Isocrates, who employs the round number of 10,000 

> Ap. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 604. 

* frivTt fikv gal TfOffapoKovra trfi r&v 'EXX^ywv ^p%av MvriaV irXc/w t* 
ff^ ftvpta rdXavra c/c r^y 'AJcpox^Xtv dvtiyayov. Olynih. 3, p. 3/^, Reiske. 
ircp) rwrdK. p. 174. 

> Andocid. c. Alcib. p. 116, Reiske. iGschin. dc f. leg. p. 337. Plutarch. 
Aristid. 24. 25. PcricL 12. 17. 

* Thoophnht. ap. Plutarch. Arist. 26. 


talents in reference to the nmxinnim of the confederate irear 
sure \ remarks in another place, that the sum collected by 
Pericles was 8000 talents^ xiopic rHv Up£>v * ; that is to say, 
over and above the money which had been transported from 
Delus, and which was therefore about 2000 talents. It is 
scarcely necessary to advert to the negligent Diodorus, who 
says that the treasure brought from Delus amounted to 
8000 talents, and who represents Pericles as stating that 
460 was the annual ^opoc at the commencement of the 
Peloponncsian war*. 

The Delian treasure, as well as that which was added to 
it at Athens, having been formed from the annual savings of 
the tribute, after defraying all the expenses which the Athe- 
nians charged to the national defence under their ny^fiovltL, 
we might expect to find the average yearly expenditure 
nearly equal in the two periods, the fleet having gene- 
rally amounted during the whole time to about 250 tri- 
remes. And, in fact, the difference appears not to have 
been very great, for if 2000, or, correcting this number frx>m 
Thucydides with reference to the coined money only, 1900 
talents, was the saving upon a revenue of 460 talents in ten 
years, and 8000, or with a similar correction 7800, was the 
saving on a revenue of 600 talents in twenty-two years 
(taking the year 445 for that on which the saving ceased and 
the abstraction began), the average yearly expenditure in the 
former period was 270 talents, and in the latter 246, the 
difference being perhaps attributable to the resources 
derived from the profitable campaigns of Gimon. It is 
satisfactory to observe that this approach to equality in 
the average yearly expenditure dccords with the foregoing 
suggestion, as to the date of the removal of the Delian 
treasure, and of the augmentation of the tribute, as well as 
with the supposition that the treasure was at its maximum 
prior to the year 444, when Pericles attained unopposed 
power, and began to lavish this treasure without reserve 
on the embellishment of Athens. 

1 Dc pAoe, p. 173, Stoph. > P. 184. * Diodor. 12, 38. 40. 


Page 16. 


Of the five buildings on which is founded the fame of Peri- 
cles and his advisers in affitirs of art, no more than three 
were finished when the Peloponnesian war suspended the 
progress of all such works. Of the two unfinished, namely, 
the Erechtheium and the Mystic temple of Eleusis, con- 
siderable progress had probably been made in the former, 
when the war broke out. The Eleusinian temple, having 
been of great importance to the Athenian religion, may 
have been restored to a serviceable state before the adminis- 
tration of Pericles, but that it proceeded slowly while the 
great buildings of the Acropolis were in progress, and still 
renuiined incomplete at the beginning of the war, is evinced 
by its having had three successive architects, besides Ictinus, 
as well as by the fact that its exterior portico was not built 
until about 150 years afterwards, when Philo, a fifth archi- 
tect, was employed for that purpose ^ The Odeium was 
the earliest of the five buildings in date. The comic poet 
Gratinus, in reference to the peculiar formation of the cra- 
nium of Pericles, and at the same time to his power, calls 
him a squill-pated Jupiter, with his Odeium on his head, 
that Odeium having been noted for its pointed roof. 

1 Sinho, p. 395. Vitruv. 7 in prwf. Plutarch. Perid. 13. 
' *0 (TxtvoKf ^Xoc Zi^c S^< xpo(repx<rai 

nipccXific, rtfSiiov Ixi rod Kpaviov 

'ExwVf iiTft^i) Tov^TpoKov irapoixtTai. 

Cratin. ap. Plutarch. Pericl. 13. 


Cratinus, in the same passage, alludes to the ostracism of 
Thueydides, son of Melesias, which had raised Pericles to 
undivided power ; whence it appears that the Odeium was 
already finished in the year b. c. 444, when Thueydides was 
banished. As we learn, moreover, from Plutarch, that the 
party of Thueydides accused Pericles of expending the trea- 
sure of the confederates upon his buildings, it appears 
that he had already begun to draw upon it when he was 
erecting the Odeium. 

The Parthenon was the next in order ; it was completed 
in the year 438-7, and in the following year the Propylaea 
was begun, which was finished in five years ; that is to say^ 
in the year preceding the commencement of the Pelopon- 
nesian war \ It is not so easy to determine when the Par- 
thenon was begun, as when it was finished. In all proba- 
bility the plan was formed soon after the retreat of the 
Persians, when the great protectress of the Athenians 
having been left without a temple, a lKar<S/iir€Soc vaog may 
have been voted, and even its foundations laid, although its 
execution may have been suspended, until the energy of 
Pericles, with an abundant treasury at command, allowed 
full scope to the genius of Phidias. The harmony and 
adaptation of all the parts to each other sufficiently show 
the work to have been almost entirely executed under the 
influence of one and the same comprehensive mind. The 
construction and completion of the Parthenon, therefore, is 
to be attributed almost entirely to the eight years occurring 
between 446 and 437 b. c. ' 

We have no direct testimony as to the cost of any of the 
great works of Pericles, except the Propylaea ; the expense 
of which is stated by Heliodorus, the author of a work on 

^ PhilochoruB ap. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 604. Philochonis, Heliodonis 
ap. Harpocrat., Sutd. in IlpoirvXata ravra. Palmer. Exereit. p. 746. 
Corsini Fasti Attici, III. p. 21?. Sillig. Catal. Artif. in Phidias. MaeUer 
de Phidije Tit&, et operibus, p. 35, not. 1 . 

' Plutarch alludes to the rapidity with which the works of Phidias were 
executed. Pericl. 13. 


the Acropolis, to have been two thousand and twelve talents *. 
In this he agrees very nearly with Diodorus, who remarks 
that four thousand talents were spent upon the Propylsea 
and the siege of Potidaea ', which latter we know from Thu- 
cydides to have caused an expenditure of two thousand 
talents *. But though we may deduce from this concurrence 
of testimony that such an opinion, as to the cost of the 
Propylsea, prevailed in the time of those writers, there is 
great difficulty in believing it to have been correct. Neither 
Philochorus, an Attic historian who lived only a century 
after the time of Pericles, nor Plutarch, who appears to have 
been diligent in his inquiries as to the buildings of Pericles, 
have left us any statement of the expense of the Propylsea, 
though they agree as to the name of the architect, and as to 
the length of time employed in its erection *. Two thousand 
and twelve talents, or even two thousand, is too great a 
sum both in itself, and in proportion to the whole amount 
which could have been expended on the celebrated edifices 
of Pericles. 

Two thousand talents contained a quantity of silver equi- 
valent in our present currency, as will be seen below, to 
460,000^., and they were capable of conmianding two or three 
times the quantity of labour and skill which the same sum 
can obtain at the present day. If the Propylsea had cost two 
thousand talents, the Parthenon would have required double 
that amount, and all the buildings not less than eight or 
nine thousand talents. Such a sum it would have been 
impossible for the Athenian revenue to have afibrded during 
the fourteen or fifteen years that the buildings were in pro- 

^ Utpi 9k tQv npomikaiuv rfiQ *AKpoir6\tuc ^e ^ifi EifOvfuvovc dpxov- 
roc oUoSofuiv ^plavro 'AOffvaloi, MvifVicXiovc ApxiriKTovovvroc, SXXoi Tt 
taropiiica^i Kai ^iX&xopoe kv ry rerdpry, *B\i6St^c ^ Iv irpwrtp wtpl r^c 
*AOjivy<nv AicpoiroKfktc, fu&' tnpa Kal ravrd ^iiviv iv irtai fiiv irivrt irav» 
TiXiif i^tirotriOfi, rdXavra ik AviXwOfi Siffxl^w dudtica, irlvrc ik ir^Xac liroiif- 
ffaVf di iv fc£ ri)y iiKpoirokiv dviainv, Harpocrat. in DpoirvXaia ravra. 

The flune citation from Heliodorus occurs in Suidas and Photii Lex. in 

n. r. 

« Diodor. 12, 40. » Thucyd. 2. 70. 

* Plutarch. Pericl. 13. 


gress; the yearly revenue of Athens at that time, both 
foreign and domestic, having been not more than one thou- 
sand talents \ — a sum scarcely sufficient for the growings 
exigencies of state. Among the sources of expenditure 
may be mentioned the public amusements, the sacred spec- 
tacles, the gratuities granted to the people, the completioa 
of the two Long Walls, the minor buildings and geoeral 
decoration of the City and Peiraeeus, the restoration of some 
of the ruined temples of Attica, particularly those of 
Rhamnus and Sunium, a fleet increasing firom two hundred 
to three hundred triremes', the revolt of Euboea and Me* 
gara, together with the hostile demonstrations of the Pelo- 
ponnesians on that occasion ; the expeditions to the Cher- 
sonese and to Pontus ; the war of Samus, which alone con- 
sumed one thousand or twelve hundred talents ; the colonies 
sent to Thurium, Amphipolis, and Sinope ; the completion 
of the fortifications of PeirsBeus ; the building of the inter- 

1 Xenbph. Anab. 7» h § 27- The tribute of the Confederatee haTing been 
at the same time six hundred (Thucyd. 2, 13. Plutarch. Aristid. 84), it fol- 
lows from Xenophon that the domestic income was four hundred. Hme 
years afterwards, in the midst of the Peloponnesian war, when there were 
no less than one thousand cities in the allianoe, and paying tribute, 

Aristoph. Vesp. 707)9 
the whole revenue had nearly reached two thousand (Aristoph. Yesp. 6fil), 
and the ^poc thirteen hundred (Plutarch. Aristid. 24). The domestie por- 
tion, therefore, had then increased to near scTen hundred talents. That 
these numbers are not to be taken as a mere poetical exaggeration, seems 
evident from the accuracy with which Aristophanes has detailed the items 
of the revenue. 

Kai irpOrov fikv \6yiirai ^vXttcfiij yl^ii^tc SXK* &irb x<*P^* 
rbv ^6poy Vfiiv iirb rwv irdXiwv IvXX^jS^^v rhv irpoai6vrar 
cd(ii» rovrov rd riXti x^P^Ct f^^ f dc fr^KXoQ icarotfrdCt 
UpvTaviia, furaW*, dyopAc, Xi/thvaQ, fuoBo^Q, mat Siifa^fHtra* 
Tovrwy wX^poifxa, rdXavr jyy^c ^ti^xiXia yiyvtrat i|fuv. 

Aristoph. Vesp. 6S7. 

' At Salamis the Athenians had 180 triremes (Herodot. 8, 44) : at the 
siege of Samus alone, in the year 440 b. Cy two hundred were empk»jed 
(Thucyd. 1, 116. Isocrat. xcp2 rrJQ avriiSotme, p. 446, Oxon.). Nine years 
afterwards, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the fleet amounted 
to three hundred triremes (Thucyd. 2, 13). 


mediate Long Wall (to Sia fUtrov rccxoc)) and finaUy the 
preparations for that conflict, the magnitude of which was 
ftdly foreseen ^ 

It seems evident, therefore, that when Pericles began his 
great buOdings, he began also to draw upon the treasure of 
the confederates deposited in the Acropolis; and as this 
was the principal accusation urged against him by his oppo- 
nents prior to the year 444* b. c. ', it was probably in the 
preceding year that the treasure attained its maximum of 
9700 talents, and began to be diminished. When Pericles, 
therefore, in his speech to the Athenians, at the beginning 
of the Peloponnesian war, stated that 3700 talents had 
been expended out of the 9700 for the Propylsea and other 
buildings, and for the Potidsean expedition*, he intended all 
the great buildings which Plutarch has particularly men- 
tioned, namely, the Odeium, the Parthenon, the Mystic 
temple of Eleusis, and the Propylsea ; to which we may add 
the Erechtheium until its progress was arrested by the war. 
Plutarch, who appears to have had good information on this 
subject, seems clearly to mark that the buildings of Gimon 
were defrayed from his private fortune and the spoils of his 
successful campaign against the Persians, and those of 
Pericles from the confederate treasure. The greater im- 
portance, therefore, given to the Propylaea by the words of 
Thucydides, or rather of Pericles (ra UpoirvXaia koi rSXka 

1 Thacyd. 1, 1. 102. lU et seq. 2, 21. Corn. Nep. Timoth. 1. Diodor. 
11,88. 12,5.27.32. Paiiaan. Eliac. pr. 23, 3. Vit X. Rhet. in Lysia. 
Dionys. de Lyma, p. 4d3. Plin. H. N. 12, 4 (8). Plutarch. PericL 6. 
19. 20. Polit. Pnecept 15. 

A particular proof of the great expense of the state at the period here 
alluded to ia found in Plutarch, who tells us that Pericles sent out every 
year for Beveral years an exercising squadron of sixty triremes, for the 
instruction of the citizens in naval operations, and kept them in pay for 
eight months. As a talent was soon afterwards reckoned the ordinar}' 
monthly expense of a trireme on service against the enemy, this exercising 
squadron must have required a yearly expenditure of little less than three 
hundred talents, which was more than the average yearly expenditure from 
the confederate fund. 

• Plutarch. Pericl. 16. » See above, p. 458. 

H h 


ocKoSo/i^/uara), may have been a consequence of its more 
recent construction and of the novelty and boldness of tbe 
design, which may have rendered it comparative^ more 
costly than the other buildings ; circumstances tending to 
make it an object of greater present curiosity to the people 
than any of them. 

Thucydides in recording the surrender of Potidsea, 
observes that the whole siege had cost two thousand 
talents '. If, therefore, a probable estimate can be made 
of the portion of these 2000 talents which had been 
expended when 3700 talents had been laid out upon 
the siege and buildings together, we shall have a tolera- 
bly correct valuation of the entire cost of the works of 

In the first year of the Peloponnesian war, eighty days 
before midsummer, six months of the siege were not yet 
terminated '. Pericles made his financial statement to the 
Athenians when Archidamus, at the head of the LacedsBmo- 
nians, was moving fi-om the isthmus into Attica '. Hence 
if we consider the time occupied in collectii^ the combined 
forces at the Isthmus before that movement, together with 
the time spent in the siege of (Enoe, between the movement 
and midsummer, when Archidamus entered the plain of 
Athens, we cannot be very wrong in concluding that the 
speech of Pericles upon the finances was made about forty 
days before midsummer, and that the siege had then lasted 
seven months. The siege terminated about the middle of 
the second winter, and consequently lasted twenty-seven 
months in all. 

The investing land force consisted of three thousand 
hoplitse, with as many wrfipirai^ or light-armed attendants. 
Each hoplita was aUowed two drachmae a-day for himself 
and his attendant \ The expense of the investing army 
was therefore, as follows : 

» Thucyd. 2, 70. » Thucyd. 2, 2. 19. » Thucyd. 2, 13. 

* Thucyd. 3, 17. The ordinary pay of the hoplita was four oboli, 
whence rir^^poXiZiiv and rtrpupoXov jStOf for the life of a soldier. But 


Talents of 
6000 dracfanue. 
Six thousand men for twenty-seven months, at thirty drachmn 
per man per month 810 

To this sum must be added the expense of the corps 
under Phormio, which was sent from Athens not long after 
the beginning of the blockade, and ^idiich, after completing 
the investment of Potidaea towards the peninsula of Pallene, 
and after building a wall on that side, made occasional excur- 
mens upon the Ghalcidenses and Bottisei. As this corps 
was not in Macedonia in the ensuing autumn ' (having pro- 
bably been withdrawn at the time of the invasion of Attica 
by the Laoedsemonians in the spring), it was employed about 
si^ months against Potidsea. It consisted of one thousand 
six hundred hoplitse ', paid at the same rate as the three 
thousand* : the expense of this corps, therefore, was. 

Three thousand two hundred men for six months, at thirty 

drachmse per man per month 96 

Which added to 810 talents gives for the total expense of the 

investing land foroe 906 

This deducted from 2000 

Leaves 1094 

for the naval department of the investment, and for the 
occasional expeditions and operations against Potidsea. As 
Thucydides remarks ^, that in the first year of the war the 
Athenians had two hundred and fifty triremes at sea, a hun- 

this was tiie /daOog only ; besides which there was a fftrq^<noy, or ration 
of com, sometimes paid in money ; as it appears to have been on the expe- 
dition of Potidiea, but which it was obviously more consistent with good dis- 
cipline that the state should provide. Accordingly, we find that the expe- 
dition to Syracuse was acoompaDied by mrayHya irXoia (Thucyd. 6, 30). 
In the nineteenth year of the Pel(^HHmeeian war a body of Thracian pel- 
taatn was hired at a dnchma by the day for each man (Thucyd. 7* 27) ; 
these probably had no further allowance for provision. 

» Thneyd. 2, 31. • Thucyd. 1, 64. 

» Thucyd. 3, 17- * Ibid. 

H h 2 


dred in the Attic seas, from Euboea to Salamis, a hundred 
around Peloponnesus, and fifty at Potidaea and in other 
places, we may allow twenty-five for the blockade of Potidsea, 
which was then the principal foreign expedition. As the 
historian fiirther remarks \ that all the ships^ companies 
were paid at the same rate as the land forces, we may cal- 
culate the pay of the seamen at a drachma per diem ', and 
the complement of the Athenian ships being generaUy fifty 
seamen and a hundred and fifty rowers *, we may conclude 
that the monthly expense of each trireme was about one 
talent *. 

The expense, therefore, of the permanent naval force 
before Potidaea was probably 


Twenty-five triremesy at a talent a month, for twenty-fieren 
montha 6^b 

A few smaller veaaels, the expense of which may have been 
equivalent to that of three triremes 81 


> Ibid. 

' Thucydides gives us to understand that the pay of the sailors at Potidsea 
was uncommonly high. In like manner, the Peloponneaian seaman was 
considered as highly paid when he received a drachma a-day &om Tiasa- 
phemes in the twentieth year of the war (Thucyd. 8, 29. 45). The usual 
daily pay of the Athenian seamen was three oboli (Thucyd. 8, 45. X^iophon. 
Hellen. 1, 5, §7). Those of the celebrated trireme Paralus received four 
oboli (Haipocrat. in UdpaXoQ). But in addition to this was the allowanoe 
for com, which, in the time of Demosthenes, when the medimnus cost five 
drachnuB (c. Phorm. p. 918, Reiske) was reckoned at ten drachmae a month, 
or two oboli for soldier as well as seaman (Demoeth. Philip. 1, p. 48, Reiske;, 
c. PolycL p. 1209. 1214). When the same orator estimates the pay of the 
sailor at thirty drachmae a month (de coron. trierarch. p. 1231) we may 
suppose that he includes the vtrifpiviov. 

* See M^moires de I'Acadtfmie dee Inscriptions, xxxviii. p. 559. 

^ This was the sum which Lysander endeavoured to prevail upon Cyrus 
to allow for each of the Lacedaemonian triremes ; but Cyrus would only 
consent to raise the daily pay of each man from the usual sum of three oboli 
to four (Xenoph. Hellen. 1, 5, § 5. Plutarch. Lysand. 4.) ; that is to say, 
the pay in money (Svov Scaoroc tkafitv dpydptov), and exclusive of the 
triTfipiffuw. See Demosth. c. Polycl. p. 1209. 


To this most be added the chai^ge for the ships attached to the 
corps of Phormio ; for it is evident, from the words of Thu- 
cydides, that there were ships so employed '. Reckoning their 
expense in the same proportion to the expense of the corps 
itself, which that of the permanent naval force bore to that of 
the three thousand hoplitee» we shall have for the cost of the 
naval department of the corps of Phormio about ... 90 

Giving for the whole of the naval service .... 846 

Which added to the charge of the land service 906 

Makes a total of 1752 

for the whole expense of the investment of Potidsea : 

This sum deducted from 2000 

leaves 246 

for the charges of two expeditions against Potidsea. I'he 
former of these was in the summer preceding the beginning 
of the Peloponnesian war, when the battle of Potidsea was 
fought, when the wall was built across the isthmus, and 
when three thousand hoplitse and seventy ships were em- 
ployed'. The latter was in the second summer of the war, 
when Agnon, with four thousand hoplitse, lay before Potidsea 
for forty days, and besieged it with machines '. If we allow 
the same proportion of ships in the latter expedition as in 
the former (and it was about the average proportion of 
triremes to soldiers in the floating expeditions of the Athe- 
nians *)y we may suppose Agnon to have been accompanied 

> Thncyd. 1, 64. * Thucyd. 1, 61, et seq. » Thucyd. 2, M. 

* No great accuracy can be expected upon this head ; the proportion of 
the naval to the land forces depending in great measure upon the circum- 
stances of each cxpediUon. In that of the Corinthians against the Corcyraii, 
four years before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, two thousand 
hopUtce were embarked in seventy-five ships (Thucyd. 1, 29). In the expe- 
dition against the coasts of Peloponnesus, commanded by Pericles in the 
second year of the war, four thousand hoplitse were embarked in a hundred 
ships (Thucyd. 2, 66). In an expedition commanded by Nicias, in the 
seventh year, two thousand hoplitse were embarked in eighty ships (Thu- 
cyd. 4, 42). 


by about ninety ships. It does not se^n probable from the 
narrative of Thucydides that the operations against Potidaea, 
in the year preceding the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
war, were much longer or shorter than those under Agnon 
in the second year of the war. The two hundred and forty- 
eight talents, therefore, which defrayed them both, may be 
divided between the two in the proportion of their land 
forces, or in the ratio of three to four : 

Giving to the former ezpedttion an expenBe of ... 106 
And to that of Agnon an expense of 142. 

It is observable, that this sum of a hundred and forty-two 
talents would have been nearly sufficient to defray the 
expense of the expedition of Agnon, upon the supposition 
that it consisted of ninety ships and four thousand hopUtee, 
and calculating the cost of the former at a talent per 
month, and the pay of the latter on shore at a drachma fest 
diem : for the expense of ninety ships during forty days, 
would have been one hundred and twenty talents, and that 
of four thousand hoplitas for the same time, twentynsix 

According to the preceding calculation, the expenses of 
the siege of Potidsea, during the seven months previous to 
the opening of the war, and the speech of Pericles upon the 
Athenian finances, were composed of, 


1. The expense of the expedition previouB to the formation of 

the blockade 106 

2. The expense of the corps of Phormio 96+90 or . 186 

3. j^ths of the expense of the whole blockade, or of one thou- 
sand seven hundred and fifty-two talents .... 455 

Total 747 

Or in roond numbers . 750 

Having deducted this sum from three thousand seven 
hundred talents, we have two thousand nine hundred and 
fifty talents for the cost of the buildmgs of Pericles. 


It would be desirable to ascertain, if possible, what pro- 
portion of this sum was applied to the most admirable of 
them, the Parthenon ; but there are no means of arriving 
at any accuracy on this point. It is difficult to conceive, 
however, that leas than two-thirds of the whole sum could 
have sufficed for the Odeium and Propylsea and for the 
temple of Eleusis, and Erechtheium, as far as the two 
latter were built when Pericles made his financial statement 
to the Ath^iians ; one thousand talents, therefore, seem as 
much as we can allow in round numbers for the Parthenon. 
The temple of Delphi, which was built of the stone called 
roipoc, with the exception of the front which was of Parian 
marble, with sculptured metopes, cost between three and 
four hundred talents * ; but the difference between this sum 
and one thousand talents is considerably reduced by the 
diminution, which occurred in the value of silver in the 
sixty years which elapsed between the building of the Del- 
phic and that of the Athenian temple : the remaining dif- 
ference is sufficiently accounted for by the superior magnifi- 
cence of the Parthenon. The exact power of one thousand 
talents, in commanding labour and skill at the present day, 
it may not be possible to ascertain, but some approximation 
may be made to it by adverting, I. to the quantity of silver 
contained in the talent, and, II. to the price of some of the 
necessaries of life at Athens in the time of Pericles. 

I. The rich mines of Laurium having rendered silver the 
most important of all the productions of Attica, the Athe- 
nians made their coinage an object of especial care ; during 
the four centuries in which the mines were principally 
worked, it was multiplied to an. immense extent; and it 
obtained a reputation in the commercial world, to which it 
was well entitled by its purity and the unvarying correctness 
of its standard. The element was the drachma, but the 
obelus or sixth part of the drachma also served as unity ; 
and from the bisections, or binal multiples of these two, 
twelve different denominations of coins were formed, of 

1 Uorodot. 2, 180. 5, 62. Euripid. Ion 190. 


which seven were of the dmchma and five of the obolus ; 
the smaUest having been the quarter obolus, weighing less 
than three grains Troy, and the largest the octodrachm, 
which weighed near 540 grains '. Of these the didrachm 
and octodrachm are the most rare, and the tetradrachm the 
most common. The mina contained one hundred drachmse, 
and the talent sixty minse, but these were nominal measures 
of money. There are three modes of arriving at the correct 
weight of the drachma : i . By weighing a great number of 
Attic drachmae and tetradrachms, selecting those in the beat 
preservation, and excluding most of the broad tetradrachms, 
of which the far greater number are subsequent to the Bfg6 
of Alexander; for these tetradrachms, with a very few 
remarkable exceptions of overweight, are generally light ^ 
when compared with the older coinage, partly perfai^ in 
consequence of the greater wear of the larger surface. 

2. By weighing the best preserved Macedonian coins, 
particularly the staters or didrachmse of Philip and Alex- 
ander in gold, the Macedonian standard having been the 
same as the Athenian. 

3. By means of the proportion which the Attic drachma 
bore to the Roman pound. 

Mr. Burgon, in whose rich collection are many Philips 
and Alexanders, of gold and silver, as well as Athenian 
drachmae and tetradrachms in the best preservation, has 
from these, and the weights of similar coins in the Hun- 
ter collection and in the British Museum, deduced an 
average of from 66 to 66^ grains Troy to the drachma, 
without any allowance for wear '. But although the wear 

^ One or two examples of the Decadrachm are said to have beea 
covered : this would make the number of Athenian mlver coins amount to 
thirteen. In gold there were the stater or didrachma and one or two sm^ 

' It was by admitting a great number of these into his calculation of the 
average of the drachma, that Mr. Payne Knight deduced its weight to 
have been sixty-five grains troy. Prolegomena in Homerum, § 66 ; Boeckh*B 
CEcouomy of Athens, p. 26. 

* Of seven didrachmse of Philip and Alexander^ in my own ooUectionytlie 
lightest is 131] grains, the heaviest I33|. 


has been very small in the best preserved specimens, some- 
thing may be allowed for the effect of twenty-two centuries ; 
66^ therefore would seem to have been rather below the 
weight of the drachma during the ages when the Attic 
silver-mines were most productively wrought, and when the 
Athenians were most scrupulous as to the weight of their 
drachma, its multiples, and divisions. 

A comparison of the drachma with the Roman pound 
will give more than 67 grains for the weight of the drachma. 
In the treaty of Antiochus with the Romans, he engaged to 
pay his tribute in Attic talents of eighty Roman librae or 
pounds each ^ The Roman pound, according to Raper ', was 
5040 gnuns Troy, or, according to Letronne ', 6160 French 
grains, or rather 6154 \ equal to 5045 Troy. Taking the 
medium 5042^, the drachma was equal in grains Troy to 

*^^^ = 674. Again we find a remark of Galen', that 

the Attic minJA contained sixteen and the Roman pound 
twelve Roman ounces. ThQ drachma, therefore, was the 

100th part of ^ ^^ , which gives the same result. 

From Demosthenes, in his oration against Phormio', 
delivered about 335 b. c, we learn that the ordinary price 
of wheat at that time was five drachmae the medimnus ^ 

1 fii) Ikarrov t iXjcirw t6 roXavrov Xirp&v 'Pwfuiuewv dydotiKovra, 
Polyb. 22,26. Talentmn ne minus pondo octoginta Ronuuiis ponderibus 
pendat Lir, 38, 38. 

> Phil. Tnns. IxL p. 462. 

* Consid. Bur les monnaies Grecques et RomaineSy 4to, Paris, 1817. 

* See p. 7. 

* v. ap. H. Stephan. Lex. in Append., p. 216, A. 

* P.9J8,Reiske. 

' The Attic dry measure was the ftl^tfivoc, divided into icrclc or sixths, 
each of which contained eight xoivtKtg, The medimnus was equal to six 
Roman modii (Com. Nep. Attic. 2. Cicero in Verr. de frumento, 45 & seq.). 
Pliny, who has given us (H. N. 18, 7 (H & seq.) the weightof the modius of 
several kinds of wheat, remarks, that of those which were imported into Italy, 
the Gallic and the Thracian Chersonesan were the lightest, and that the mo- 
dins of these grains weighed twenty libne. We learn from Theophrastus 
(Hist. Plant. 8, 8) that the wheat of Attica did not contain moro than three- 


In the age of Solon it bad been no more tban one dracbma 
tbe medimnus ^ About the year 435 the retail price of 
flour was two oboli the hecteus', or two drachmae the 
medimnns. About 393 b. c, the hecteus, of wheat 
{wvpCfv) cost three oboli', or three drachmse the medi- 
mnus. This comparison of prices is the more worthy of 
attention as the price of com was kept generally steady 
at Athens by a free importation, and that the gradual rise 
is sufficiently accounted for by the increase of silver in 
Greece, derived from mines, or from the plunder of the 
sacred deposits at Delphi and other places. 

About the same time four oboli, equal in silver to six- 
pence of our present coinage, was the wages of the com- 
monest kind of labour, as well as that of a foot-soldier, but 
who in Greece, as in modem Europe at the present day, 
generally received about half as much more for provision. It 
has been reckoned that, about the time of Pericles, an 
Athenian family of four persons might be supported with 
severo (economy at an annual expense of five hundred 
drachmae \ equivalent to about 20/. in silver of our present 
currency. Under these circumstances we can hardly suppose 
that a thousand talents, equivalent in silver to 230,000/. 
was not capable of obtaining as much art and laboiur as 
two or three times that sum at the present time (1838). 

fifths of the nounshment of the BcBotian, which Pliny oonaden to have been 
of the very fiist quality. Hence we may suppose that the wheat of Attica was 
nearly of the same quality and weight as that of Chersonesusy the soil of 
which peninsula very much resembles the Attic soil. We cannot be veiy 
wrong, therefore, in estimating the weight of the Attic medinmns at a hun- 
dred and twenty librce, which, at 6(M2| grains to the libra, is equal to a 
hundred and live pounds troy, or to about eighty-six pounds avoirdupois. 
Suidas indeed (in Midifivov) says that the medinuius was equal to a hundred 
and eight Xlrpat ; but his authority is not to be placed in competitiou 
with that of Pliny, and the Xirpa of his time may have been different from 
the Roman libra of the time of Pliny. 

1 Plutaroh. SoL 23. 

' Plutarch, de Anim. tranq. 10. Stob. Serm. 96. 

* Aristoph. Ecd. 380. 643. 

^ Boeckh*s (Economy of Athens, I. p. 16] . 


Page 30. 


The identity of Pausanias of Magnesia, who wrote the 
Periegesis of Greece, with the Pausanias cited by Stepfaa- 
nus as the author of a work on Syria, is assumed on the 
following grounds : 

1. There was a tradition in Lydia, that Ascalus, son of 
Hymenseus, and brother of Tantalus, had conducted from 
thence a colony into Syria, where he had founded and given 
name to Ascalon *. 

2. Tantalus, according to Pausanias the Ilepinynrrii of 
Greece, was a native of Magnesia, whence it appears that 
the expedition of Ascalus proceeded from that city. 

3. Stephanus refers to a Pausanias, as having written on 
the colonies of his native city, and as having noticed Asca- 
lon as one of them ' ; it seems to follow therefore, that 
Pausanias of Magnesia was the author of that work. 

> TCdvOoc Iv Ttrdprg AvSuuQv ^i|<nv, 5ri TcfvroXoc ^al 'AcrcaXoc 
iraijcc *Tficvau>tr t6v 8k 'AffiuiKov virb 'AKia/iov rov Av9&v PatnkiiitQ 
alpiOivra arparfiybv itc Svplay frrparfvffair KdKti irapOsvov ipaadiiQ 
w6\iv Kvieai, f^v l^ iavrov o!h-u>c &v6fuiat, Td aitrd Kai VigSXaoQ 
(Dftinucns) Iv rtr&pry Iffropi^, Stephan. in 'AtrKaKwv. 

' UavnaviaQ Si iv ry riiQ warpidoc aifvov ktIoii AupulQ aifvo^^ koKiX, 
r^c y^df^tVf Tvpun, 'AcrcaXwyirac, ru»pc<i{:, 'Pa^yfwroi.— Stcphan. in 

Both these articles are from the original work of Stcphauuti, but the 



Again, I. Tzetzes and I. Malala refer, as well as Ste- 
phanus, to a Pausanias who wrote a work on the foun- 
dation of Antioch {^Avrioxdag Krlmc) which agrees with 
the mention of Antioch, the Orontes, and Daphne, by the 
Periegetes of Greece; the article AJipoc in StejAanus 
accords equally with his notice of some of the most 
remarkable places in Judsea. Malala describes Pausanias 
as a \povoypa^og^ which concm^ with the references in 
Tzetzes and Stephanus, to the extent of shewing that the 
work on Syria was chiefly historical \ 

Pausanias of Geesareia at Mount Argseus, wrote m^ 
(Tiiyra^caiC) ircpl irpo(i\fifiaTU)v^ koX trtpa. Philostratos 
speaks of him as a sophist and a rhetorician who betrayed 
his Cappadocian origin by his speech. He was a pupil of 
Atticus Herodes, a cotemporaiy of the Sophist Aristeides, 
resided long at Borne, and died there at an advanced 
age '. 

A third Pausanias, who was of Damascus, is classed by 
Gonstantine Porphyrogennetus among historians (r^v 
loToplav ytypaip6rBg) together with Strabo, Menippus, 
and Scylax'. He seems to have been the same person 
described as the Syrian sophist (airo rrig Svpfac <ro^iarric) 
by Galen, who cm*ed him at Rome of a paralytic affection 
in his fingers *. 

A fourth Pausanias was a Lacedaemonian iaropuAg^ 
who wrote Laconian chronicles and works on the festi- 
vals of Laconia, on the Hellespont, and on the Amphic- 

Epitomo of Hermolaus (in Afipoc) deserves also to be cited as oonfinuing the 
name of Pausanias which some critics have doubted. 

1 I. Tzetz. 7, 118. I. Malal. Chronog. p. 86. Stephan. in 2cXc«C0/3«- 
Xoc. Malala correcting Pausanias^ and asserting that Antiodi had been 
named by Seleucus, not from his father, but from his son Antiochus, adds 
fl'oXXd $k Kai SXXa 6 ahrbi; eo^vraro^ Tlavaaviag woitiruaSc ovveypa^aro : 
where the adverb not unaptly describes the style of the historiad narra- 
tives of Pausanias. 

' Philostrat. Sophist 2, 13. Suid. in llavvaviae. Eudocia in D.ap. 
Villoison. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 353. 

' De Them. 1, 2. « Galen, de locis affectis, 3, 14. 


tyons \ Arrian and JElian refer to another Pausanias, 
author of a work on Tactics ', who lived apparently three or 
four centuries before the time of the Periegetes of Greece ; 
and Photius as well as the Scholiast on Thucydides, to a 
Pausanias, author of an Attic Lexicon ', which the former 
praises, and to which Eustathius often refers. 

Different from all these probably was the Pausanias, 
whom Diogenes Laertius in his life of Heracleitus, names 
among the writers who had commented upon the work of 
Heracleitus ttc^i i^itnwcy for this Pausanias was distin- 
guished from other authors of the same name, as Uavara- 

' Suid. in Uavnavlae. Endoc. in II. sp. Villoison. Anecd. Gr. I. p. 350. 

> Arrian. Tactic, p. 4, Blancard. ^lian. Tactic. 1. 

> Phot. Myriobib. p. 322. Schol. Thucyd. 6, 28. 


Page 90. 



For the foUowing absteact of a manuscript by an anony- 
mous modem Greek in the Imperial Library of Viieniia) I 
am indebted to Professor K. O. Mueller, of Goettingen. 
The author^s allusion to the Duke of Athens, and to the Par- 
thenon as a church of the Panaghia, shows that he wrote 
before the Turkish conquest, but as Mr. Mueller thinks, judg- 
ing from the manuscript, not before the fifteenth century. 

Bibliothecse Gaesarese Vindobonensis God. Theolog. Grse- 
cus cclii. p. 29. banc continet Athenarum descriptionem ex 
medio sbvo. 

Upiirri ri ^AKaStifUa Iv X^P^V ^^^ ^atrtXiKwv' Stmipa i 
^EXaiaTiKrj * iig Toifg 'AjuireXoic^oi/c* * rptrov to roi; IlXa- 
roivoc SiSaorKoXccov eig to Ylapaddtriov, riraprov to tov 
HoXvZflkov iv OQti roi rifiiTtf^. ' irifmrov to tov AtoSwpov 
irXritrtov Toirov. ivTog Si Tijg ir6Xewg cori to SeSacricaAfiov 
TOV 2ii>K(>drovc» iv a> iifri KVKkf^ oi avSpig Koi oi avifioi 
Itrropurfdvou * Kara Siaiv Si ro6rov ?<n'ai;rat ra iraXana tov 
QifuoTOKkiovg. koi irAtiafov tovtov tl<x\v oi XcLfjnrpoi o7kim 

> Eleatica philoflophomm seetft. 

' Pagus Ambelokipi. 

' Hymettium, puto. 

* Aperte Andronici Cyrrhestse horologium Socratis dicit acholam. 


rov TroXtfAap\ov. taraifrai Si ra ayaXfiara tov Acoc iyyv^ 
rovrov. avriKpvg Si tovtov i<rri /Soi/uoCv ug &v ra^tig 
a&ovvrac ol varfKpariaaTai koI ^OXvfivioi' Iv ^ i^iTt^vrtg 
w p^Topeg Tovg iiriTai^lovg Xoyoi/c iveytvwxrKOv. Kara 
ipKTOv Si TOVTOV vinipx§v n vpafTti aYO(>a Trig viXewg, tig 
rjv o avooToXog ^(Ximrog tov ypa^^aria c/3v0i|<rcv. ivOa 
vTJp^ov Kai ol Xofiirpol olcoc f^vXtig Trig IlavSiovfSoc ^ 
Kara Si to votiov pipog vinipxi SiSaaKoXeiov tUv Kvvucwv 
^fXcMFO^v icai wXfiaiov tovtov tUv TpayiKwv, 

Deinde dicit scriptor, extra acropolin esse etiam ScSocrica- 
Xiiov Sophoclis. Hinc versus meridiem Areopagum. Hinc 
versos orientem palatia Oleonidis et Miltiadis. Prope 
BiSafTKoXtiov Aristotelis. 

"YTTfpOt 8c TOVTOV, pergit, Wavrai Svo Kioveg' Koi tig plv 
TOV avaToXiiBOv vniipxe to Tijg^AOfivag ayoXfca, ug Si to Svai- 
Kov rov TloauSHifvog' pti^tov Se tovtov Xiyovaiv tlvai irore 
ropy6v7ig Kc^aXifv tvSov KOvfiowzXaiov aiSiipov' toTi Si 
Kai i>poX6yiov Trig Vl^p^^g fiapfiapiTiKOV avriKpvg Si tovtov 
wpbg iitfnip,^plav virrip\t ScSaaicaXscov Xtyopitvov tov *Apt- 
<rro^avovc* koI avaroXiKa aiqui|p {orarcu 6 Xv^^voc tov 
^rifioadivovg '. 

Prope, deinde scribit, fuisse Thucydidis aedes et Solonis, 
et alteram ayopav^ et Alcmseonis domum, et maximum 

Hinc, pergit, irpog v6tov ij fieyaXri a7opa Trig 'ir6Xtwg' 
Koi Ttfilvri trXtltna a^tayatrra twg Trig 'irvXrtg voTiSog' fig 
Tpog Trig <p>Xtag loToprivTai ivveaKatStKa avSpeg — ^Lacuna] — 
rov iva littOKOv. Ikh virripxt koL to /SamXiicov Xovrpov, 
fv c^ rov piyav ^aaiXia Sia Trarayov ^ofin&ai i^dAfiorav* 
IvOa KoL 6 rov Mvtjoapxov olKog. lororat SI Kara avaroXac 
ToiTOV KUfjiapa fJLtytoTri koI (opata^, m\ SI ra 6v6fAaTa 
^ASpiavov Kot Oriiilwg, 

^ Hflec opinio fluxisse videtur ex titulo : UoKsv rg UavSiovidi ^vXy, Corp. 
loser. Gnec. n. 213. 

' Jam turn igitur lucema Demosthenis dicebatur Lysicratis monu- 

' ArcoH Hadnani. 


Deinde narrat de oiKt^ ^a<riX<K<tf pulcris colunmis 
instructo, quern xii. reges sedificasse scribit \ Hinc ad 
meridiem versus esse oIkov /3a<nXiKov, in quo 6 Sav^ oon- 
vivia celebret. Deinde ^Eweaxpovvov cum templo Juno- 
nis, nunc ry Qh)t6k(^ oonsecrato. Versus orientem ease 
Theatrum Athenarum, id habere i. fitXiov iv Seoar^ftarc, 
duosque introitus versus Septentrionem et Meridiem, et 
centum 2^(i5vac circulares. Instructum esse candido mar- 
more. Apud portam orientalem esse aliam ayopav et duo 
ayotyoifc vSarog a Julio Caesare structos. Alium aytoyov 
esse versus portam borealem, a Theseo structum. 

In Acropoli esse parvum Si&ktkoXccov musicorum. 
Huic oppositum esse magnum Palatium, candido marmore 
{jEtctum, inauratum, quo Stoici et Epicurei commeaverint. 
IIcpl Si tov vaov (pergit) r^c Ocofi^opocy &v i^oS6fiii<nv 
'AiroAXteic Kol EvX6ywc Iv ivofiari ayvfljim^ dcc^, c^^cc 
ovrcuc* '£<n'ftv vaoQ SpofUKuyrarog km sifpv^wpoc; habet 
muros candido marmore structos et ferro et plumbo 
vinctos ; et circa eos columnas maximas, quarum capitula 
€ic (r\fiita ^of i/cKoc omata esse ; et supra has trabes candido 
marmore factas '. 

K. O. Mueller. 

The testimony of the Greek is here opposed to that of 
the Pere Babin, who states that the Parthenon under the 
Christians had been a church of St. Sophia. The Turks 
bear witness to the same effect, and they have the same 
tradition as to some mosques at Saloniki and elsewhere, 
which had been churches before the conquest. In these 
instances, as well as that of St. Sophia at Constantinople, the 
Turks have a pride in retaining the name, because it is a 
memorial of the conquest, and conve}'s no meaning repug- 
nant to the Mahometan faith. The Greeks on the other 
hand, as they became more idolatrous, and particulariy after 
the introduction of pictures, preferred the Otofiiirwp. At 

* Olympium templum, puto. 

' Haec ad Parthenon pert'nere, apertum. 



Athens it was natural that the church should at first have 
been dedicated to fi ^Ayta So^fo, as Minerva was a personi- 
fication of the divine Wisdom. 

Similar changes were common in the course of the 
extinction of Paganism. The founder of Constantinople, 
when he was himself in the state of transition, dedicated to 
n ' Ay ta 'Sofia a Pagan temple, which he repaired, enlarged, 
and covered with a wooden roof, and which seems pre- 
viously to have been a Pantheon, as it contained a great 
number of images of heathen gods and Roman emperors, 
which had augmented to the number of 427, when Justinian 
built his new church of St. Sophia on the same spot, and 
diE^)er8ed the statues over the city \ 

' Anon, de Antiq. CouBUuit. ap. Bandori, I. p. 13. Codin. de Orig. Conat. 
p. 8, 

1 1 


Pages 161, 304. 


Among the OtoX x06viol were Dionysus, Hermes, and 
Poseidon, who, in his subterraneous capacity, was the Pluto 
of Latin mythology. At Athens Fii, the Earth, the same 
as the Cybele of Asiatic Greece, was the principal among 
them, and with her was associated Atifi^iip XX6ri. In the 
year 1759, a marble was found in the stadium, and trans- 
ported to Venice, where, until very lately, it formed an 
article in the Nani collection. A copy of it was published 
in the Monumenta Peloponnesia of Paciaudi^ I. p. 207, and 
may be found in Millin, Galerie Myth. pi. Ixxxi. No. 327. 
An inscription in characters, apparently not long subse- 
quent to the archonship of Eucleides, occupies the breadth 
of the Stele between two representations in relief, in the 
upper of which the figures are on a smaller scale than on 
the lower, as in a similar tablet cut on the rocks of one of 
the quarries of Parus, which, as an Ionic island, may be 
supposed to have resembled Athens in its mythology. See 
a drawing of the latter in Stuart^s Athens, IV. 4. pi. 5. 
and a description of it in ^^ Travels in Northern Greece,'" 
III. p. 91. A third stele of the same kind, found near the 
Acropolis of Athens, is engraved in the Museum Wondeianum, 
II. pi. 9. This last had probably been an dvaOrifia in one 
of the caverns in the rocks of the Acropolis. The subject is 
here treated more simply than on the two other monuments. 



Three nymphs are led by a young man (^Epfitig XOoviocO 
towards a colossal head of Bacchus ; at the opposite end of 
the composition Pan is seated in the douds ; above and 
below are many worshippers on a smaller scale, preceded by 
a sheep, which was the usual sacrifice to Geres Ghloe 
(Eupolis ap. Sch. Sophoc. (Ed. Col. 1600). In the two 
other monuments the lower compartment represents TeQus 
seated. In the tablet in the Parian quarry, she is attended 
by many other figures; but in the stele from the Pan- 
athenaic stadium, by Geres only, who stands beside her, 
bearing two torches. Tellus has a fruit in her hand. 
Tellus and Geres had the same postures in a temple of 
Geres at Patrse, also an Ionic city (avrti fuv koL ri Trace 
iaraai^ to Sc ayaXfia trig Trig c<n'l ica0^fi£vov. Pausan. 
Achaic. 21, 4). Opposite to them in the monument from 
the Athenian stadium is a man leading a horse, towards an 
altar in the middle, showing that the horse was intended as 
a sacrifice, or at least as a dedication to the deities of the 
sacred place'. We are told by Pausanias, that horses 
were thrown into the Deine, a whirlpool on the coast of 
Argolis (see Travels in the Morea, II. p. 480) in honour of 
Neptune. The most popular part of the worship of the 
terrene gods was that of Pan and the Nymphs, who pre- 
sided over rivers, fountains, and caverns, and they appear 
to have had many sanctuaries in the vale of the Ilissus. 
The inscription on the monument found in the stadium is 
as follows : 

Oi rrXvvfig Nvfi^aec ev£a/u£vot dvlOetrav icai 9£0tc iraercv, 
Ztamy6pag ZwKvirpoVf ZwKvwpog Ztaayopovy GoAXoc XeuKUy 
^wKparrig HokvKpaTOVQ^ * Airok\o^Qvr\g Eviroptaivocs 

MaviyCy Mvpptviig^ 2ai(r£ac» '^(oaiyivfig, MtSag. 

> An altar and a hog for sacrifice are similarly placed in the lower com- 
partment of a Stele at Rome, in the upper division of which are three 
Salerse, with two attendants. See Fabretti de Aquseduct. diss. 2. The 
temal number was conunon to many female deities. The muses were 
anciently three in number. Pausan. Boeot. 29, 2. Plutarch, quoest. sympos. 

f i2 


Paciaudi and Boeckh (C, Ins. Gr. No. 455.) have sup- 
posed these irXvvcic (Att. irXvv^c) to have been a society 
of latarea or bcUneatoreSj persons who attended upon bathers. 
The former cites an inscription at Arezzo, attesting the 
ancient existence at Aretium of a Collegium lotorum, and 
supposes there were warm-baths near the stadium for the 
use of the Athletee. But baths in Greece were attached 
to Gymnasia. Hercules, not the Nymphs, usually presided 
over them, and there is no evidence of stadia having been 
similarly provided. Nor does any instance occur of o{ irXv vccc 
with such a meaning as has been supposed, while the ordi- 
nary application of the word at Athens is shown by that of 
rd irXvvr^pia, a festival instituted for the cleansing of the 
garments of Minerva Polias. This ex veto, therefore, as 
Mr. Wordsworth has suggested \ refers probably to a custom 
similar to that of the Athenian women in the present day, 
who resort to the pools of the Ilissus to wash linen. A 
society of washermen appear to have erected the monu- 
ment to the Nymphs of Ilissus, and to have placed it in 
some cavern on the banks of the river near the stadium. 
The humble condition of the persons might, indeed, suit 
either hypothesis. None of them were Attic citizens. The 
two first seem to have been firom Cyprus, where names 
ending in ayopag were common, three other metoeci follow, 
the remaining six were slaves. Manes and Midas were 
common names for men of that class', and Sosias still 
more so. 

> Athens and Attica, p. 160, note. * Strabo, p. 304. 


Page 163. 


Some of these have already been alluded to in other parts 
of this work ; of the remaining there are very few of which 
the situation can be determined. To begin with these. In 
the Ceramic S/cn(/lcoc, or Agora, which conunenced at Dipy- 
lum, and led to the centre of the city, bordered on either 
side by bazars and public buildings, the first which occurred 
was the council-house of the artisans (to t€\vitC)v /SovXev- 
r^/cMov), situated very near the gate (irapa tclq tov Kepa/LC6<- 
Kov irtiXac ov vSppto rCtv iinriwv) '. The horsemen here 
noticed by Philostratus may have been equestrian statues, or 
possibly a building belonging to the 'Iinrac- In the same 
great street probably stood the stoa of Attains ', and near 
it perhaps the colossal statues of Attalus and Eumenes, 
which afterwards received inscriptions in honour of Marcus 
Antonius '. 

In the quarter of Melite, besides the temples of 
Hercules Alexicacus and of Diana Aristobule^, was the 
house of Phocion. Plutarch describes it as still existing in 
his time, small and simple, but covered with copper tiles 

> Philostr. Sophist. 2, 8, § 2. > Aihen. 5, 13 (60). 

* PlatATch. Anton. 00. When these were blown down at the time of 
the hattle of Actium (see above, p. 340), it was an omen of the fall of 
Antony ; and the old inscriptions were probably restored. 

* See above, p. 163. 


(xoXicaic \twlai KSKoa fuifiivti *). Here also was a temple, or 
heroum, of Melanippus son of Theseus % and the place of 
rehearsal of the tragedians, called the house of the Meli- 
tenses (6 MeXitIwv oIkoc')* Behind the Prytaneium was 
a place called the plain of famine {Atfiov irsStov) *. 

There were many palsestrse at Athens. Mention occurs 
of those of Lycurgus son of Lycophron*, of Taureas', of 
Sibyrtius^ and of Hippocrates*. Plato, in the Lysis, 
alludes to a new palsestra, which was near the fountain 
of Panops •. 

Baths (Pakavsia) were equally numerous. They resem- 
bled probably the baths of the Turks, who adopted the use 
of them from the conquered people : of one only is the 
situation known. It was near the statue of Anthemo- 
critus, which was on the outside of Dipylum ". Aia\ai, or 
places where the poor were allowed to warm themselves in 
cold weather and to pass the night, are said to have been 
still more numerous ". Of the Athenian kiarxaiy of a supe- 
rior Idnd, serving as places of meeting for conversation and 
business, and which had been customary in Greece as early 
as the time of Homer, we have no particular account, 
but we may readily believe that they were numerous at 
Athens. * 

The Agora was divided into markets, streets, and por- 
ticos, which in general derived their names from the objects 
sold in them. Such were the crroa rcJv aX^/ro^v, or aroa 

> Plutarch. Phoc. 18. 

* Asclepiades, Cleidemus, ap. Harpocr. in MeXavcinrcioy. 
' Hesych., Phot. Lex. in M cXirfwv oZcoc. 

* Hesych. in v. Zenob. Prov. 4, 93. 

* Vit. X. Rhet. in Lycni^. 

* Plat. Charmid. 1. Lncian. Parisit. 43. ' Plutarch. Aldb. 3. 

* Vit. X. Rhet. in Isocrat. » Plat. Lys. I. 

10 iBceus ap. Harpocr. in 'AvOc/i^pcroc. See above, p. 224, n. I. The 
situation is explained by a remark of AthenaeuB (1, 14 (32), that anciently 
baths were not permitted within the walls. This was perhaps one of the 
most ancient baths of Athens. 

" Three hundred and sixty, according to Proclus (ad Uesiod. Op. 491). 


oXfirdTrwXic ^ (flour-market) ; the ayopa yvvaiKita \ or 
shops for goods peculiarly adapted to the use of women ; 
the ayopa <nratp6irw\iQy or ifjLariowwXig^ (for the sale of 
ready-made clothes) ; the ayopa lx0v6ira)\iQ* (for fish). 
There were other Agorae, or divisions of the Agora, named 
OceJv ayopa, ayopa 'Apytlwv, ayopa Kcpiccuirciiv' ; the last of 
these, which was noted for the sale of stolen goods, was near 
the 'HXia^a ', on the position of which, a conjecture has 
already been offered'. The different divisions of the markets 
for provisions were commonly indicated by the name of each 
article preceded by the preposition €ic> ^ ^^c rove Tinrovc, the 
horse-market ; etc rovxpovj the cooks^ shops ; dg ra /Lccaicovia, 
the place where asses^ flesh was sold. Etc ra pvpa^ Ag rag 
\vrpag, cic ra aKtipoSa, eic ra Kp6fJLfiva, ug ra dpfifxaTa, Big 
Tov 'x\(M)pov TvpoVf cic ra Kapva, etc to. fc^Xa^ &c., were the 
denominations of several parts of the Agora, where oint- 
ments, pottery, garlic, onions, perfumes, fish, cheese, wal- 
nuts, apples, &c. were sold. The booksellers^ shops were 
called /3i/3Xco9^icai '. The kvkXdi were round buildings in 
the Agora * ; in one of which slaves were sold ^^ in another 
butcher^s meat and fish M, in another vases ^'. 

^ Aristoph. Ecclcs. 682. The poet here alludes probably to a stoa of 
that name at Peirseeus ; but that there were 'others for the same purpose in 
the Asty may safely be presumed. 

' J. Poll. 10, 18. Theophr. .Charact. vtpi KoKoKiias. 

» J. PoU. 7, 78. * Vit. X. Rhet. in Hyperid. 

* Hesych. in vv. Bekker Anecd. Gr. I. p. 212. From Aristides the 
Sophist (Orat. in Minerv.) the BiQv clfopA appears to have been also called 
rb r^c 'A^vac t*^poc, and to have served for all kinds of affairs. 

• Hesych. in 'Ay. Kcpv. Eustath. ini Od. B. 7- K. d52. 
' See above, p. 361. 

• J. PoU. 7, 211. 9, 47. 10, 18. Theophr. Char, xfpi pSiXvpiac 

The divisions of a baz&r in Greece are indicated very nearly in the man- 
ner described by Julias Pollux in the provision-market of ancient Athens. 
The same mode of using the prepositions, and, with a few slight corruptions, 
the same words, are in general slill preserved. Srd rpo/i/iv^ia, ffrd Kop^^ca, 
ord 9K6poBat ord firjiKaj arb xXa»p6 rvpl, will conduct the travellers to the 
shops for onions, walnuts, garlic, apples, and new cheese, in a modem Greek 
town, as well as the expressions mentioned by Pollux would have done in 
ancient Athens. 

* Menander ap. Harpocr. in KvcXoi. Hesych., Suid. in K. 

10 J. Poll. 7, 11. " SchoL Aristoph. £<i. 137. 

" Alexis ap. J. Poll. 10, 18 


Some of the streets of Athens derived their names from 
the artizans who practised their trades in them. One of 
the streets was called ii ruiv *Epfioy\v^slwvy the street of 
the makers of Hermse \ or heads of marble on a quadran- 
gular stele, which were extremely numerous at Athens ; 
another was ii rtHv jci/SctfroirocfJvy or the street of cabinet- 
makers '. Some of the streets appear to have been named 
from deities ; that of Vesta has already been noticed * : 
others frx>m the demi and districts, as Golyttus, Tripodes. 
Sometimes numbers appear to have been employed to dis- 
tinguish them. J. Pollux mentions iv rplrq pifiti ^ or the 
third street. 

Among the sanctuaries not noticed by Pansanias, we 
find the following : A temple of the Hours (ro 'Qpwv ic/>ov), 
in which was an altar of Bacchus *'Op0ioc, and another of the 
Nymphs' : a sanctuary of the People and Graces (t6 lifuvo^ 
rov AfifAov Koi TiSv XaplTwv\ in which stood a brazen statue 
of Hyrcanus, chief priest and ethnarch of the Jews * : a tem- 
ple of Ceres Acheia, or Gtephynea ' ; ro Uphv Miiv6tov 'Hpa- 
tcXioCi a temple of Hercules, founded by Sophocles, with 
the epithet of Menytes ; because the god had pointed out to 
him in a dream the place where was hidden a golden crown, 
or patera, which had been stolen from one of the sanctu- 
aries of Hercules, and for the recovery of which a talent 
had been offered by the people*. The PherrephatUum, 
or sanctuary of Proserpine, was in the Agora, not very 
distant from the Leocorium *. There were idso sanctuaries 
of Diana AvarlZ^vo^ ^^ of Venus yf/tOvpoQ^ of Cupid, with the 

^ Plato, Sympoe. 39. Plutarch, de Gen. Socratis, 10. 

> Plutarch, ibid. * See above, p. 264, n. 1. 

* J. Poll 9, 38. * Philochor. ap. Athen. 2, 2 (7). 

* Joseph. Antiq. Jud. 14, 8. Aeeording to the Athenians there were oely 
two Hours, and two Graces ; the former named Thallo snd Carpo ; the 
hitter named Auxo and Hegemone (Pansan. BoDot. 36, 1). Socrates, in his 
statues of the Graces, in the Propyliea, appears to have adopted the 
'ErcovXf 101 x^pAT'tc, from Orchomenus, which were three in number. 

' Herodot. 6, 65. Aiistoph. Acham. 709. Hesych. in 'Axtua, Etjm. 
M. in'Axc^a- 

* SchoL SophocL in viti. Cicero de Divin. 1, 26. Hesych. in M^wir^c^ 

* Demosih. c. Conon. p. 1269, Reiske. 
» Schol. in ApoUon. Rhod. 1, ▼. 288. 


same epithet, of Hermes xpiOvpiarrig S and of Hermes He- 
gemonius, or leader of the blind '. Each tribe had a place 
of meeting, called the Phratrium, which contained a statue 
of Jupiter Phratrius, and served to promote afiriendly union 
among the ylvn of the ^parpta*. 

Altars of deities, and heroa or monuments and sanctu- 
aries of ancient Athenian heroes, were found in every part 
of the city. We find mention made of the following : — 
the altar of Eudanemus, near the Metroum, and the ascent 
to the Acropolis * : the sepulchre of Solon, a little within 
the city wdls, near one of the gates*: the temenus of 
.dSacus, in the Agora *. There were heroa also of Hesychus, 
of .^B^us, of Phorbas ' (near the street of the Hermse), 
of Stephanephprus *, of Catamites ', of Socrates ^^, and of 
Aristomachus, commonly called *0 larpoc". The altar 
and statue of Jupiter Agorseus " were probably in the 
ancient Agora. Of the situation of the altar of Anteros, 
which was a dedication of the Metoeci, or of that of Am- 
philochus, both named by Pausanias ^', we have no indica- 
tion. Altars of Jupiter, Hermes, Hercules, and other deities, 
were to be found at the door of every private house. 

Near the temple of Theseus was the Horcomosium, 
so called because the treaty, between Theseus and the 

1 Pemosth. e. Neser. p. 1358. Harpocrat. in ^lOvpurrifc. 

> Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 1100. * J. PoU. 1, 24. 3, 62. 

* ArrUn de Exp. Alexand. 3, 16. Eudanemus, otherwiae Angelus, was 
a son of Neptune. Hesych. in EMdvtfioQ, Pauaan. Achaic. 4, 6. 

* ^lian. Var. Hist. 8, 16. 

* Herodot. 5, 89. Plutarch. Thes. 10. Hesych. in AIokovtiXov. 

' Andodd. de Myster. p. 30. Andron, Hellan. ap. Harpocrat. in ^op- 
fiavTiiov. Phorbas, king of the Curetes, another son of Neptune, was slain by 

* Stephanephoros was a son of Hercules. Hellanicus ap. Harpocr., Said, 
in T. 

* Demosth. pro Cor. p. 270. Apollon. in vit. iEschin. 

^* Those of ^geus, of Socrates, and of Hesychus, have already been 
noticed. See p. 143, 175, n. 1. p. 368. 

i> Demosth. de f. leg. p. 419. SchoL ibid. Hesych. in 'larpSe, Apollon. 
in Tit. .Asehin. 

>' iEsehyl. Eumen. 979. Eurip. Heracl. 70. Hesych. in 'Ayopaio^, 
Bekker Anecd. 6r. I. p. 338. i* Attic. 30, 1. 34, 2. 


Amazones was there sworn to ^ The Amazoneium appears 
to have been in the same quarter ; for when the Amazones, 
proceeding to attack the Acropolis, took post on the 
Areiopagus, their right, according to the tradition, was at 
the Pnyx, and their left at the Amazoneium, which still 
existed in the time of Plutarch '. We have already seen 
that Plutarch speaks of a place called Heptachalcum, near 
the walls between the Peiraic and the Sacred Gkites '. The 
Meticheium, or Metiocheium, which received its name fix>m 
the architect and rhetorician who built it, was one of the 
Athenian courts of judicature *. The Thesmophoreium was 
a avaalriovy where the women, called Thesmophoriazosse, 
were lodged and boarded, in undergoing a particular dis- 
cipline previous to their employment in celebrating the rites 
of the Thesmophorse (Ceres and Proserpine) '. It is uncer- 
tain where the dpyvpoKowHOv ', or mint, was situated ; but, 
in a state so celebrated for its silver coin as Athens, it must' 
have been a building of considerable importance'. The 
Ofiaravpog was a building in which images (ayaXfiara) and 
other sacred property were deposited '. 

> Plutarch. Thes. 27. 

' .^^hyl. Eumen. 689. Plutarch. Thee. 27. Stephan., Sold, in 'A/io^ 

* Plutarch. SyU. 14. 

* J. Poll. 8, 121. Hesych. in Mifnxov rk/uvoc- Phot. Lex. in Mi|rcoxf(ov, 
Mrirloxoc. Bekker Anecd. Gr. I. p. 309, where we ought to read with 
Photius, priTopoQ rtav OY rd /SsXriora <n)fiPov\€V<rdvTiav : for this Metio- 
chuB was doubtless that colleague of Pericles who meddled with every thing, 
and of whom a comic poet said, 

Mifrioxoc f^v vrpartiytif Mifrioxoc ^i rdc <^o^q^ 
Mi|ru>xoc ^^ apTOVQ liroirra, Mqrtoxoc ik rd dX^ira, 
Mjynoxoc ^i vdvra iroicTraii Mqrioxoc 2' oifiwCerac 

Ap. Plutarch. Polit. Prcecept. 15. 

* Hesych. in npvravctov. Meurs. Attic. Lect. 4, 21. 
< Antiphon ap. Harpocrat. in v. 

' From an Athenian inscription (Boeckh, C. Ins. 6r. No. 123), compared 
with Harpocration and Hesychius (in ' kpyvpoKOwiiovj Src^av^^opoc), it 
appears that the heroum of Stephanephorus was in the mint, and per- 
haps that the mint itself was called the house of Stephanephorus. It 
would seem also from Hellanicus (ap. Harpocr., Suid. in Src^.), that this was 
called the Astic Stephanephorus, to distinguish it from some other ; and 
consequently that the mint was in the asty. 

' Hesych. in Qiivavpoq. 


Seveiail archives (apxHo) have already been noticed'. 
The Lyceium contained the archives of the Polemarch, or 
third Archon '. The Parasitium was an apxdov^ where the 
parasites, who in the origin held an honourable situation, 
deposited the first-fruits of the sacred com '. The /3apa9/oov, 
or Spvyfia, was a deep excavation, where those were con- 
fined who were condemned to death ^ ; whence the expres- 
sion, i hrl T(} dpiyptari^ for the executioner*. The '£^- 
afpcacc was a place where burthens were deposited '. The 
monument, caUed 'iTnrov koL K<(f>iic, was in memory of the 
cruelty of an Athenian archon, Hippomenes, who had ex- 
posed his daughter, Limone, to be torn in pieces by a horse '. 
Blaute was a place where a shoemaker had dedicated a 
wooden last (/3Xa^) V 

Among the great number of statues which adorned the 
Agora, we find the names of those of Phocion, Diphilus, 
Berisades, Satyrus, Gorgippus, Demades, and Chabrias •. 
The statues of Demades were all destroyed. Chabrias 
was represented kneeling, with his spear couched, and 
his shield upon his knees, this being the position in 
which he ordered his phalanx to throw themselves, when, 
by this new and unexpected movement, they prevented a 
charge of Lacedaemonians under Agesilaus, near Thebes '*. 

As every tribe, i^parpta, yivogj cpavocy and family, had its 
protecting deity, to whom statues and altars were raised, 
we may imagine the immense number of them there mtist 

* See above, p. 114, n. 1. p. 243. ' Hesych. in 'En-iXvnov. 

* J. PoU. 6, 36. Athen. 6, 6 (27). 

* Harpocr., Stephan., Hesych., Suid. in BdpaOpov, Harpocr. in 'Opvyfia. 
According to the Scholiast of Aristophanes (Plut 431), it was a deep pit, 
with hooks on the sides. The messengers sent to Athens by Darius are 
said to have been thrown into the barathrum to seek for the earth and 
water, which they demanded as a token of submission. 

* J. Poll. 8, 71* Dinarch. c. Demosth. p. 46, Reiske. Lycux^. c. Leo- 
crat. p. 221. 

* Etymol. Mag. in 'S^atpevcc. 

' Heraclid. de Polit. 1. Suid. in *lirwofiivriQt Udpirirov. 

* J. Poll. 7> 22. Hesych. in v. ' See Meursius Ceram. Gem. 16. 
1* Com. Nep. Chabr. 1. 


have been at Athens. Each had an epithet derived from 
the name of the family, or from some peculiarity attached 
to the worship. For some of these appellations see Meur- 
sius Athense Atticse, 1. 2, c. 13, 14. 

After the time of Alexander, statues, raised by the vote 
of the people, became so common, that the Agora was filled 
with them. Meursius, in his Geramicus Geminus (p. 16), 
has collected the names of many, and the evidence upon 
which they rest. 

Dinarchus and Plutarch show the great number of brazen 
statues which were often erected to the favourite of the 
day, and the faciUty vrith which they were thrown down 
and melted, when popularity changed its object \ 

Among the places in and near Athens, of which the 
names are known, but the situation is uncertain, may be 
mentioned the ayi\a<rToc irhpa ' : the hiU SckcX/o, described 
by Suidas as a three-legged hill (rpicrjccX^c X<(^oc) ' : Trigia, 
a place where stood a statue of Hecate Triglathena, to whom 
the red mullet (i^ rplyXa) was offered in sacrifice^ Sia rov 
6v6fiaTog oiKuinfra, rp(/xop^oc yap -q 0i6Q * : Gydoborus, a 
torrent, which occasionally rushed down with a great noise *. 

Demosthenes asserts, in the third Olynthiac, that some 
of the dwellings of Athens surpassed the buildings of Peri- 
cles in magnificence', which, although it may be an orato- 

> Dinarch. c. Demoeth. p. 33, Reiske. Plutarch. PoliL Pneoept S?. 

wlrpa 'AOifvyffi ot^w Xtyo/iivti. Bekker Anecd. 6r. I. p. 337. It waa bo 
calledy according to Hesychius (in ▼.), because Ceres sat upon it, whea in 
search of her daughter. 

' Possibly the lower or western rock of Lycabettus ; for this hill being 
near the walls, and commanding a part of the northern side of the city, 
explains, by its position, the Dodonsean oracle, which recommended to the 
Athenians to occupy Sicilia. Pausanias mentions this among some other fiital 
examples of oracular ambiguity. 'AOifvaioic ik ndvnvfui i^XOtv U AmiiinfC 
SutiXiav oUiZiiV 4 ^^ oif w6p^ r^c ^oXf «#( if ScccMa Xofoc ivrh e^ 
fiiyac» Pausan. Arcad. 1 1, 6. 

« Athen. 7, 21 (126). Eustath. in II. Y. 71. 

• Schol. Aristoph. £q. 137. Acham. 381. Plutarch. Polit. Pnecept. 9. 

* p. 36, Reiske. 


rical amplification, must have had some foundation. The 
streets at the same time were crooked and narrow \ 

Julius Pollux has given an idea of some of the principal 
features of Athens, in enumerating several of the constituent 
parts of a city. ireiXecuc Si fxipri—aToai koi Spo/Lcoi Koi arpa" 
rfryia koL apxua Koi ypafifiarua kclL SiSaaicaXeia kgI ircuS- 
aywyia a ical ^cuXco^c aiv<(/LcaSov. 9, 41. The walks (i$ 
TreplwaroQ) were cv aroq, fi Bp6fju^ ji aXaci. 10, 57. 

' Diomrch. p. 8, Hadaon. 


Page 166. 


The monument of Philopappus was built in a form slightly 
concave towards the front. The chord of the curve was 
about thirty feet in length. In front it presented three 
niches between four pilasters ; the central niche was wider 
than the two lateral ones, concave and with a semicircular 
top ; the others were quadrangular. A seated statue in the 
central niche was obviously that of the person to whom the 
monument was erected. An inscription below the niche 
shows that he was named Philopappus, son of Epiphanes, 
an Attic citizen of the demus Besa {^ik6wainroQ ^Eirifa- 
vovg Biiaaic^c)- On the right hand of this stAtue was 
seated a king Antiochus, son of a king Antiochus, as we 
learn from the inscription below it (fia<ri\evg 'Avrfoxoc 
fiamXiu^g ^Avti6xov). In the niche on the other side was 
seated Seleucus Nicator (/SacrcXcvc SIXcukoc ^Avti6xov 
NiK&Twp). On the pilaster to the right of Philopi^pus 
of Besa, is the inscription: c(aius) julius c(aii) F(ilius) 


to the left of Philopappus was inscribed BaariXevc *Avr{oxoc 
^iXoTramrog, /SacriXloic 'Eirt^dvouc, roii *AvTi6')(pv. Be- 
tween the niches and the base of the monument, in a ain^e 
compartment, there is a representation in high relief of tiie 


triumph of a Boman emperor, simflar to that on the arch of 
Titus at Borne. 

The part of the monument now remaining consists of the 
central and eastern niches, with remains of the two pilasters 
on that side of the centre. The statues in the niches still 
remain, but without heads and otherwise imperfect ; the 
figures of the triumph, in the lower compartment, are not 
much better preserved. Although the monument stood so 
near the wall, the back front was not without ornament ; 
there are remains of two pilasters at the back of the great 
niche '. 

The monument of Philopappus appears, from Spon and 
Wheler, to have been nearly in the same state in 1676 as 
it is at present : and it is to Giriaco d^Ancona, who visited 
Athens two centuries earlier, that we are indebted for a 
knowledge of the deficient parts of the monument. Stuart 
in the year 1751 found two statues lying on the ground at 
the foot of the hill below the monument, which had evi- 
dently from the style formed a part of it. These statues in 
the year 1785 had been carried away, and are now probably 
in some collection, where their origin may be forgotten. 
Stuart had no knowledge of the MS. of Giriaco, which is 
in the Barbarini library at Rome ; but judging from what 
he saw, he rightly concluded that the two statues stood 
on the summits of the two pilasters, and were intended for 
the persons whose names were inscribed on the pilasters 
below them. 

We learn from Josephus, that in the fourth year of Ves- 
pasian (a. d. 72), Samosata the capital of Gommagene was 
taken by Psetus, whom Vespasian had left in the govern- 
ment of Syria. Antiochus, the king of Gommagene, retired 
to Cilicia with his wife and daughter, but his two sons 
Epiphanes and Gallinicus held out for a short time in arms, 
and even engaged successfully in action with the Romans, 
but at length having been deserted by their soldiers, they 

1 Here Mr. Kinnard thinks there may have been some monument in 
honour of Epiphanes, father of the Philopappi. 


crossed the Euphrates into the territory of Vologeses, king 
of Parthia. Vespasian showed no resentment against 
them, but permitted both the &ther and sons to proceed to 
Bome, where he treated them with distinction. We may 
infer from the inscriptions, that Philopappus of Besa, and king 
Antiochus Philopappus, were sons of Epiphanes, and had 
assumed the name of Philopappus from respect to the 
grandfather, the last de facto king of their family. The 
name was similar to numy adjuncts of those days, such as 
Philometor and Philoromseus. While one of the brothers 
affected the republican simplicity of an Attic citizen, the 
other still adhered to the empty title of king, ^liiich of course 
he bestowed also on his father Epiphanes. As to the Latin 
inscription, I am inclined to believe with Stuart, that it was 
intended for a son of Callinicus ; he could not have been a 
brother of the tituhir king Antiochus Philopappus, their 
two Greek names having been the same ; but for that very 
reason he was likely to have been a first-cousin. The 
Gaii filius show that his &ther was a citizen of Rome as weD 
as himself, and it appears that they were enrolled in the 
Fabian tribe and Julian &mily. 

From the Latin inscription, we learn nearly the date of 
the monument. Trajan is styled Dacicus, but not Parthi- 
cus, which title, if the senate had then bestowed it upon him, 
would not have been omitted, especially as there was a suffi- 
cient space for it on the pilaster. The monument, there- 
fore, was erected between the years 101 and 108 ' of the 
Christian sera. As Epiphanes is stated by Josephus to 
have been young in the year 72, his son Philopappus 
must have died at a middle age ; and the monument was 
probably erected by his surviving brother and cousin, who 
may have intended to explain this fact by their own statues 
having been erect while the two others were seated. The 

> If we refer the titlee Dacicus and Parthicus to the two triniD^ibB of 
Trajan, the years will be 105 and 116 instead of 101 and 108. Optamos 
was bestowed upon Trajan as early as the year 99, though seldom fooiid on 
monuments until near the end of his reign. But Philopappus would pro- 
bably be early in doing honour to his patron. 



treatise of Plutarch on '^ How to distinguish a flatterer 
from a friend,^ is addressed to an Antiochus Philopappus, and 
in another place he mentions a /SaaiAeftc ^^iX<(ira7nroc as 
having executed with great munificence the office of Agono- 
thetes, and that of Clhoregus for all the tribesjon'^some par- 
ticular occasion' . The title and the two names are suited 
to the person whose statue stood on the left hand of Philo- 
pappus of Besa. But it is possible that Plutarch may have 
referred to two persons ; and that one of them may have 
been Philopappus of Besa, who residing among the Athe- 
nians, may have been usually known as king Philopappus, 
although an Attic citizen ; for it was probably in the 
latter capacity that he filled the offices mentioned by 
Plutarch. The magnificence of the monument, and its 
position within the city in one of the most honorable 
and conspicuous situations, show it to have been that 
of some person who had obtained the special favour of 
the Athenians. One hundred and fifty years before, they 
had refused to permit M. Claudius Marcellus a consular, 
who was killed at Athens by one of his attendants, to be 
buried within the walls, but erected a monument to him in 
the Academy '. 

* Qunst. Sympos. 1, 10. 

t Locum sepultime intra nrbem impetrare non potui, quod religione se 
impediri dicerent : neque tamen id antea cuiquam concesaerant. Servius 
Salpicius Rufna M. Ciceroni ap. Epist. ad Div. 4. 12. Y. £p. ad Attic, 
13, 13. 



Page 167. 


Eight centuries after the death of Theseus, the people of 
Athens suddenly became ashamed of the ingratitude of their 
ancestors towards this great benefactor, in driving him out 
of Athens, to die by violence in a foreign country : it was 
reported that his spectre had been seen fighting against tilie 
Modes at Marathon ; and the Pythia having been consulted^ 
directed the removal of his bones to Athens, and that he 
should be honoured as a hero. Cimon, son of Miltiades, 
who about seven years before had reduced and colonized 
Scyrus, was sent to that island to obtain the remiuns. 
Bones of large stature were found, with the head of a spear 
and a sword of brass lying by them. These having been 
recognised as the bones of Theseus, were brought by Oimon 
to the Peirseeus. The Athenians received them with pro- 
cessions and sacrifices, and interred them on a height in the 
middle of the Asty. This event occurred in the archonship 
of Apsephion, b.c. 469-8 '. The present temple, therefore, 
which was erected over the tomb, was finished, allowing five 
years for its completion, about the year 465 b.c. It was 
unequalled in sanctity, except by the temple of Minerva in 
the Acropolis and the Eleusinium '. Its sacred indosure 

1 Thucyd. 1, 98. Plutarch. Thes. 35. 36. Cimon. 8. Diodor. Sic 4, es. 
11. 41. 48. Paiuan. Attic. 17, 6. Lacon. 3, 6. Plutarch and Pftusanias 
are incorrect in connecting the conquest of the island with the search for 
the bones. 

> Plutarch, de Exil. 1?. 



was so large as occasionally to serve as a place of military 
assembly \ and it enjoyed the privilege of an asylum', 
which had the effect of rendering it a prison to those who 
fled from justice*. 

The temple faces about 8^ to the southward of east. It 
is a peripteral hexastyle with tlurt^en columns on the sides, 
one hundred and four feet long and forty-five feet broad on 
the upper of two steps which form the stylobate. It consists 
of a oificoc or cella, having a prodomus or prothyrseum to 
the east, and an opisthodomus or posticum to the west. 
These were separated only from the ambulatory of the peri- 
style by two columns and perhaps a railing, which may have 
united the columns with one another, and with the antse at 
the end of the prolongation of the walls of the cella. The 
prodomus was deeper than the opisthodomus, as well as 
more distant from the adjacent front of the temple ; the sum 
of the two dimensions in the pronaus being thirty-three feet, 
and in the posticum twenty-seven feet. The ambulatory at 
the sides of the temple is no more than six feet in breadth. 
The thirty-four columns of the peristyle, as well as the four 
in the two vestibules, are near three feet four inches in 
diameter at the base, and near nineteen feet high, with an 
intercolumniation of five feet four inches, except at the 
angles, where, as usual in the Doric order, the interval is 
made smaller in order to bring the triglyphs to the angle, 
and at the same time not to offend the eye by the inequality 
of the metopes. The height of the temple, from the bottom 
of the stylobate to the summit of the pediment, is thirty- 
three feet and a half. 

The eastern fronting of the temple, marked by the greater 
depth of the pronaus, is shown still more strongly by the 
sculpture. In the eastern pediment only, are there any 
traces in the marble of metallic fastenings for statues ; and 
the ten metopes of the eastern front, with the four adjoin- 

> Thneyd. 6,61. 

* Diodor. Sic. 4, 62. Plutarch. Thes. 36. He8}rch.,£tymol.Mag.inei|(rfioy. 

* Etymol. ibid, et in 9i|«rfi5rpiif/. 



ing of either flank, are exclusively adorned with figures, all 
the other metopes having been plain ^ But no Doric tem- 
ple had yet been attempted, either in Greece or its colonies, 
in which sculpture had been employed in decorating the 
entire frieze of the peristyle, still less of the cella. For 
Phidias was reserved the glory of leaving no part of either 
unadorned with sculpture in relief, at the same time that he 
filled both the pediments with statues, and thus left in his 
great work, the Parthenon, no difierence in the magnificence 
of the two fronts or of the two sides of the temple. In the 
Theseium the cella was adorned, as the temple of Jupiter at 
Olympia appears from Pausanias to have been, with a 
sculptured frieze over the columns and antee of the prodo- 
mus and opisthodomus. In the Theseium it stretches 
across the whole breadth of the cella and ambulatory, and 
is more than thirty-eight feet in length. 

When the Theseium was converted into a Christian 
church, the two interior columns of the pronaus were re- 
moved to make room for the altar and its semicircular 
inclosure, customary in Greek churches. A large door 
was at the same time pierced in the waU which separates 
the cella from the opisthodomus : when Athens was taken 
by the Turks, who were in the habit of riding into the 
churches on horseback, this door was closed, and a smaller 
one was made in the southern wall. The roof of the cella 
is entirely modem, and the greater part of the ancient 
beams and lacunaria of the peristyle are wanting. In other 
respects the temple iis complete, though the sculptures have 
suffered greatly from time or violence, and some of the com- 
ponent blocks of the columns have been thrown out of their 
line, probably by the effect of earthquakes. The building 
consists entirely of Pentelic marble, and stands upon an 
artificial foundation formed of large quadrangular blocks of 

1 It is not impossible that the contrast of these latter metopes with the high 
reliefs of those at the eastern end, may have been diminished by means of 
painted figures ; and that the western pediment may have been fiUed 
with figures in clay. 


ordinary lime-stone. At the north-western an^e of the 
temple, where the hill upon which the temple stands is 
steep, six courses of the substruction are apparent to view, 
the form of the ground having here a tendency to expose 
the foundations to be undermined by torrents. 

The Theseium was not only the sepulchre and heroum of 
Theseus, but it was a monument also in honour of Hercules, 
the Idnsman, friend, and companion of Theseus, who had 
delivered him from the chains of Aidoneus, king of Molossi; 
in return for which, Theseus was said to have brought Her- 
cules with him from Thebes to Athens, that he might be 
purified for the murder of his children. Theseus then not 
only shared his property with Hercules, but gave up to him 
all the sacred places which had been conferred upon Theseus 
by the Athenians, changing all the Theseia of Attica, except 
four, into Heracleia \ The Hercules Furens of Euripides, 
which, like the temple itself, seems to have been intended to 
celebrate unitedly the virtues of the two heroes, represents 
Theseus promising to Hercules that the Athenians should 
honour him with sculptured marbles, and appears to refer 
to the decorations of this among other buildings at 
Athens '. 

1 PhilochoroB ap. Plutarch. Thes. 35. Two of the othere were in the 
Long WallSy and in Peineus. See above, p. 393. 419. The third was at 
ColonuB. Pauaan. Attic. 30, 4. 

* "Birov V &it iifiiv irpbc woKiefui IToXXa^oc. 

'Bc«I x^pac ^^C dyviirac ludeitaroct 

A^ftovc Tf ittoti, xp'IfiAi'wv T ln&v /cfipoc* 

*A y ic iroXirwv iup* I^Wt owaaQ K6povQ 

&Iq inrdj ravpov KvwWiov KaraKravMV, 

Soi ravra itiirm' wavraxov Bi ftoi xOov6c 

Tffiivif iUaffrai' ravr iirmvo/iafffuva 

Sl0fy r6 Xoiirdv U PporiSv ccKX^irirai 

ZtivTOC 9av6vroQ i\ idr' av ti^'Kiiov fioXytt 

Oviriaitrt, Xatvoiei r IKoyKtiinatn 

Tiftcov dvd^n waa* 'AOtivaittv iroXic. 

KaX6c yAp AirToic ^rri^pog 'EXXiyyMV Svo, 

'Avip* ioOXbv itffcXovyraCff cvKXciaf rvx^iv. 

Tiiv^ AvrtSm^ti, Eurip. Here. fur. 1323. 


If it was perfectly in harmony with Athenian tradition 
to select the exploits of Hercules as well as those of Theseus 
for the sculptural decorations of the Theseium, it was 
equally so to give the more conspicuous situation to those 
of Hercules, as Theseus had yielded to him the fint 
honours of his native country. We find, accordingly, that 
all the metopes in the front of the temple, which can be 
deciphered, relate to the labours of Hercules, and that all 
those on the two flanks, which can be deciphered, relate to 
the labours of Theseus. 

As the great actions of Hercules were much more nume- 
rous than the metopes in front of the Theseium, the artist 
had to select ten \ These were, beginning from the south : 
1, Hercules and the Lion of Nemea ; 2, Hercules and lolaus 
destroying the Hydra; 3, Hercules taming the stag of 
Ceryneia; 4, Hercules and the Erymanthian boar'; 5, 

' The twelve labours of Hercules were the invention of a later age ; when 
they seem to have been assimilated in number, as well as to hare had some 
recondite mythological reference to the twelve gods, the twelve months^ and 
the twelve signs of the zodiac. Apollodoms who has described the labours 
of Hercules called the Twelve, together with other exploits called the 
Udpipyay observes that anciently ten only was the number, and ten also 
is the number described in the Hercules Furens of Euripides. They are 
not the same, however, as those represented on the Theseium, but as fol> 
lows : 1, Hercules kills the Lion of Nemea ; 2, overthrows the Gentanrs of 
Mount Pelium ; 3, kills the deer of Diana ; 4, tames the horses of Dio- 
modes ; 5, kills Cycnus ; 6, destroys the dragon of the Hesperides ; 7» 
relieves Atlas from the burthen of the Heavens ; 8, oonquers the Ama- 
sBones, and brings the girdle of Hippolyta to Mycenae ; 9, destroys the hydra 
of Lema ; 10, kills Geryon the triple-bodied pastor of Erytheia. It is evi> 
dent, therefore, that in the fifth century B.C., artists and poets felt themselves 
at liberty to choose among the actions of Hercules, when celebrating those 
which they wished to represent as his ten principal labours. 

' This, Stuart supposed to be the Cretan buU ; but the outline of the 
hinder part of the animal is that of a boar, and not a bull, as beoomes evi- 
dent, on comparing it with the bull and the sow represented by the aune 
artist on the metopes relating to the Ubours of Theseus. Besides this, 
the vase upon which Hercules sets one foot, generally aceomiianies the 
representations of Hercules and the Erymanthian boar : it refers to the 
story of Eurystheus having hid himself in a vase when Herenles brought 
home the boar. Hence on ancient monuments the head of Eurystheos 



Hercules with one of the horses of Diomedes, king of 
Thrace ; 6, Hercules and Cerberus ; 7, much injured, but 
probably Hercules taking from Hippolyta the girdle of 
Mars ; 8, Hercules having slain Oycnus * ; 9, Hercules and 
Anteeus, whose mother, Earth, stands by, and stretches 
out both arms, in an attitude often seen upon Greek 
vases; 10, Hercules receiving an apple from one of the 
nymphs Hesperides. 

Of the four sculptured metopes on the southern side, the 
first from the angle, represents Theseus and the Minotaur : 
the second, Theseus and the Marathonian bull : the third, 
Theseus and Pityocamptes : the fourth, perhaps Theseus 
and Procrustes. The first on the north side is perhaps 
Theseus and Corynetes': the second, Theseus and Ger- 
cyon : the third, Theseus and Scyron : the fourth, Theseus 
and the sow of Crommyon. 

The sculptures over the prodomus and opisthodomus of 
the Theseium are in much higher relief than the frieze of the 
Parthenon ; and although now for the most part in a state 
of extreme degradation, they, were evidently, that of the pro- 
domus at least, works of greater merit and perfection. As 
Micon, who painted the walls of this temple, was a sculptor 
as well as a painter, there is every reason to believe that 

IB often seen looking out of the vase, while Hercules stands over it, 
exactly as here represented. 

' Of this metope, though particularly injured, the design is evident. 
The contest with Cycnus was the most celebrated of the fiovoftax^ai of 
Hercules. It was represented in a group of the Acropolis, (see above^ 
p. 157), and in relief upon the throne of the Amycltean Apollo. Pausan. 
Lacon. 18, 6. 

' This metope and the former, represent a victorious hero standing over 
his prostrate antagonist ; but none of the attributes which may formerly 
have distinguished the personages are now apparent. As the labours of 
Theseus, however, were usually held to be. eight in number (Hygin. Fab. 
38), and as six of the eight metopes are sufficiently preserved to show the 
particular labours which they described, it can hardly be doubted that the 
remaining two described the defeat of Corynetes and Procrustes, though it 
may be uncertain which of the two was intended for the former, and which 
for the latter. 


these are not only from his demgns, but that being not very 
numerous, all the best of them were finished by his own 
hands ; this at least is much more Ukely than that the sculp- 
tures of the Parthenon were executed by Phidias himseJfc 
The artist appears to have bestowed a care in the execution, 
proportioned to the great prominence of the relief, and to 
the protection from the weather, which these interior friezes 
derived from their sheltered position : their perfection how- 
ever has been, in some measure, the cause of their present 
imperfect state, the high relief having rendered them so 
much more liable to suffer frx)m the bigotry or wanton 
violence of the barbarians, who for more than three hun- 
dred and fifty years have had possession of them. 

We have seen that the ten metopes in front of the temple 
were devoted to the exploits of Hercules, and that eight, 
less conspicuously situated, related to those of Theseus. In 
Uke manner we find that the frieze over the columns and 
antse at the back part of the building, was one of the most 
celebrated actions of the life of Theseus, his contest with 
the Centaurs. It may be presumed, therefore, that the 
corresponding pannel of the pronaus related to some of the 
exploits of Hercules. This composition, which is thirty- 
eight feet in length, is divided into three unequal portions 
by two groups, each consisting of three figures seated upon 
rocks and facing each other. The three which are not far 
frx)m the southern end represent a male and two females ; 
those towards the northern end, but which are nearer to 
the middle of the frieze, consist of a female seated between 
two males \ 

There can be no doubt that these figures being, although 
seated, as high as those on foot, were intended for deities, like 
the similar figures on the frieze of the Parthenon, and that the 
rocks are those of Olympus. The destruction of the heads 

* See the plates from Pan's drawings in Stuart's Antiquities of Athens^ 
III, pi. 15, et seq. ; or the casts of the original marbles in the British 


and of the greatest part of the original surface, together 
with the loss of those additions to the marble, in metal or 
colour, by means of which the ancient artists left no ambi- 
guity as to the characters which they intended to repre*- 
sent, render it impossible now to assign names to all these 
deities: it seems sufficiently evident, however, that the 
southern group consists of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, 
because they are seated in that order, and because the two 
former lean apparently upon sceptres, while the third wears 
a helmet. The masses of rock with which all the com- 
batants on one side in the principal action are armed, and 
the enlarged proportions of two figures represented as dead, 
leave little doubt that the subject of the composition was 
that so often introduced in Athenian art, the Gigantomachia 
or rebellion of the Giants, who were said to have hurled 
whole mountains against the gods, and to have been subdued 
chiefly by the assistance of Hercules \ The difficulties of 
this subject, some of which were not smaller than those 
inseparable from two other representations common among 
the Athenians, namely their fabulous battles with the Ama- 
zones, and with the Centaurs, have been surmounted by the 
artist with admirable ingenuity. 

As the whole frieze, thirty-eight feet in length, was 
devoted to a single subject, the composition may be 
regarded, like those in the pediments of the Parthenon, 
as a great glyptic picture, and the more correctly so as 
its efiects in many of the minor details were produced 
by metallic adjuncts and by painting. It consisted of 
twenty-nine figures. The arrangement of the subject 
depended principally upon the position of the king of gods 
and men. Seated as he was supposed to have been on the 
summit of Olympus, which the giants were never permitted 

" role ^i ^«WC X1J71PV i^v virh Bi&v fikv fitiUva rmv Tiydvrvv dwoUoBai 
litvaoBai, mffA/taxovvrog Bk Bvijrov tivoq rtktvrriffHV .... Zttc .... 
'Bpaickia ik ^itfiaxov it 'AOfiv&Q iwiKakitraro .... Tavra^ ik *Hpa«X^c 
IrSltwnv. Apollod. 1, 6. § 1. 2. See Pindar Nem. 1, 102. ApoUod. 2, 7. 
|1. Diodor. 4,15. SiL Ital. 17, 6ft0. 


to approach, he is placed towards the southern extremity 
of the frieze ; leaving nothing behind the mountain, but aa 
q)isode, which though inq)ortant to the general design, 
and connected with the main action, was subordinate and 

On the other hand, in order to show that the giants had 
attained the lower heights of the mountain, which were 
occupied by some of the deities inferior in rank to the three 
on the summit, the former were placed nearer to the 
centre of the frieze than to the northern extremity, in 
order that the war might be represented on both sides of 
them: this is very clearly explained by the two young 
warriors next to them on the north, who are marching 
behind them to reach the battle oa the other side, as 
appears particdarly from a part of then- shields hid by the 

The apparent want of synmietiy in the position of Uie 
two groups of deities with respect to the whole sculpture, 
was not repugnant to ancient taste ; in fact it produces a 
more agreeable and a far more poetical effect, than if the 
two groups of deities had been at equal distances firom 
the centre. Jupiter was placed towards the southern, 
not the northern end, in order that his forces, advancing 
towards the giants in the lower part of the mountain, might 
have their right sides towards the spectator, which placing 
the giants in the background, gave superior offset to the 
action of the right anna of their opponents, enabled the 
artist to represent the shields of the latter in slight relief 
on the lowest surface, and generally made it more easy for 
him to show them as combatants prevailing in the contest. 
These warriors on the side of the gods being generally 
armed with shields, we cannot hesitate in believing that they 
had swords in the right hand, though not a single right 
hand is preserved. 

As Micon could not distinguish his giant combatants by 
their stature, without degrading his gods and heroes, it is 
only in the dead figures that any marked difference 


appeaiB ; though it is to be supposed that, whereTer there 
was a dose contrast, some distmction had been made. 
This indeed is evident from the only figure of a giant in 
sufficient preservation to admit of the comparison ; namely, 
the third figure from the southern end of the frieze, which 
represents a young giant on his knees, and which may be 
remarked as having a greater fuhiess of face and limbs, 
than the figures of his equally youthful opponents. The 
only part of the composition, in which the sculptor has 
drawn upon the spectator's imagination as opposed to his 
senses, is in representing human figures as grasping and 
hurling rocks of which their hands are capable of covering 
only a small part ; but this was a difficulty inseparable from 
the subject. 

The Greek sculptors and painters having seldom been 
servile followers of the mythological writers, we cannot 
expect any close coincidence between Micon and Apollo- 
dorus, the only extant author who has entered into parti- 
culars of the giant war, and who probably followed the 
ancient poets. He represents Jupiter as having ful* 
minated some of the rebel giants, Hercules as having 
transfixed them all with his arrows, and Minerva' as 
well as Hecate, Diana, and the Fates, as having been 
engaged in the battle ; instead of which Jupiter is here a 
tranquil spectator, no females are to be perceived except 
the seated deities, and no figure can be discovered shooting 
with a bow, which indeed would in sculpture have been 
almost ridiculous against such weapons as the giants em- 
ployed. The assistance of the bow of Hercules, therefore, 
without which, it was said, that none of the giants could be 
destroyed, seems to have been entirely omitted. 

The male deities engaged in combat with the giants, 
were said to have been Apollo, Bacchus, Hermes, Vulcan, 
and Neptune '. Porphyrion was reported to have been killed 

I See also PauactniM Aread. 47, 1. 

* Apollod. 1, 6. § 1, 2. AeeonUng to Diodoras (4, 16), and the Scho- 
liast of Pindar, Nem. 1, 100, Baeehm m well as Hercules was a tiiUGtoc, 


by Apollo * ; Bacchus to have destroyed Eurytus vith 
his thyrsus ; Hermes to have prevaOed over Hippo- 
lytus by virtue of the helmet of Orcus ("A'iSog kvvIii) 
which concealed him from view ' ; Glytius to have been slain 
by Vulcan with irons from his foige ; Polybotes by Nep- 
tune, who hurled at him the island Nisyrus, which he had 
wrenched oiF from Cos ; Typhon by Jupiter, who buried 
him under iStna*. Some of the deities had probably 
been identified by means of these fables, or by the more 
usual attributes : but such is the present state of the 
monument, that nothing better than conjectures can now be 
ofiered in explanation. 

The main action, however, may be divided into five 
monomachiae. The pair of combatants nearest to Jupiter, 
consists of a warrior having a shield and a crested 
helmet, but othei-wise naked, fighting against a giant 
who appears to be hurling a stone from his right hand» 
and who is the only one among the giants having any 
appearance of drapery. Next to him a naked warrior 
stands over a prostrate giant. The third pair of com- 
batants, unlike the others, consists of a giant on the 
southern side of his adversary, of whom the bust only re- 
mains with the left arm, the shield, and a part of the 
chlamys. Next come the two warriors above mentioned, 
marching northward and passing behind the three seated 
deities ; beyond whom is the fourth monomachia. Here 
we perceive a warrior lai^r, broader, and more muscular 

bom of a mortal mother, without whose asBistance the Fates had declarsd 
that the Grods ooold not prevail. See also the Baeclue of Enripldesy 640. 

> Pindar Pyth. 8, 16. According to Apollodoms, by Hercules and 

> V. Homer. II. E. 846. 

* Apollod. L 1. According to Strabo (p. 489), and Stephanus of Byzaa- 
tinm who follows Strabo, Neptune broke off Nisyrus from Cos with his 
trident, and overwhelmed the giant with this new island. A statue of Nep- 
tune, in the street leading from the Peiraic gate to the Cerameicus, repre- 
sented him as hurling his trident at Polybotes. See above, p. 1 10. Neptune 
is seen in the same attitude on the coins of Posidonia and other places. 


than the preceding, and in violent action. A long flowing 
chlamys trails behind him, leaving the whole figure naked 
in front. The giant opposed to him, hurls an immense 
rock with each hand ; one of these masses his adversary 
pushes back with his left hand, while his right arm was 
stretched out so directly as to give the idea that the deadly 
blow, which he was about to inflict, was with a missile 
weapon of some kind. In the last combat, to the north, 
the bust and left thigh of the fighting deity only are pre*- 
served, and the left arm appears to grasp a rock. The bust 
is of the same muscular description as the preceding. He 
seems to have already destroyed a giant, who lies prostrate 
before him ; and to be engaged with another, who throws a 
rock with each hand. 

This may perhaps be Neptune fighting with another giant, 
after having slain Polybotes. The rock in his left hand may 
represent the island with which he covered the giant ; and 
his right may have been armed with the trident \ In this 
case the fourth may be Vulcan hurling red-hot iron at Clytius 
(KX6riov jSoXcJv ^iiSpoic) ; the third, Bacchus ; the second, 
Apollo, whose superior power may be expressed by his having 
already slain Polytion ; and the figure next to Jupiter may 
possibly be Hermes wearing the helmet of Pluto. But it 
will be asked, where was Hercules, one of whose actions 
this composition was particularly intended to commemo- 
rate. It was for him probably that the southern extre- 
mity of the composition was reserved, where five figures are 
seen between the southern end of the frieze, and the figure 
of Minerva seated on Olympus. The first figures at the 
former extremity are two young chlamydated warriors 
bearing shields, the first bareheaded, the second wearing 
a helmet without a crest, and both marching northward 
like the two near the lower deities. Next to them is the 
giant on his knees, before mentioned, behind whom a war- 
rior, wearing a chlamys and crested helmet, ties the giant^s 

* The action is thus represented on a Vulcian vase in my poeflemion, but 
the trident is there directed not against a fresh adversary but against the 
prostrate Polyhotes. 


amis behind his back. Between him and Minerva there 
remains only a young naked warrior without helmet, but 
having a thong on his left arm, which indicates there was 
also a shield. He is represented stepping northward, bat 
suddenly turning round to behold the action behind, and as 
stretching oul his right arm, as if ready to assist the ^dctor 
against his struggling adversary. The action here repre- 
sented is, probably, Hercules binding Alcyoneus, whom he 
had overcome. The assistance which Minerva granted to 
Hercules in all his undertakings, and especially in his con- 
test with this giant, may have been one reason why the 
artist placed the action near Minerva, although from other 
obvious considerations he was obliged to represent her as 
facing towards the main contest. There was a motive also 
for separating this action from the others: Hercules, 
whom we may suppose to have already wounded all the 
giants with his arrows, could not subdue Alcyoneus his 
particular adversary, until (by the advice of Minerva) 
he had driven the giant out of Pallene, in which peninsula, 
whenever the latter was thrown to the ground, he was 
revived by his mother Earth ^ Hercules now secures him 
from any further resistance, by binding him as a captive in 
the usual manner. 

At the northern end of the composition, behind the 
group of deities, and beyond the fourth and fifth pair of 
combatants, the extremity of the frieze is occupied by five 
figures, obviously intended to balance the same number 
which accompany the action of Hercules at the other «id, 
and together with them to give importance to the centre 
of the composition. Among all these only one head and one 
leg are preserved. In their graceful attitudes, and unem- 
ployed or preparatory state of action, they resemble those 
of the western frieze of the Parthenon, and may have been 
intended perhaps for some of the inferiors of Olympus, 

* aMc ik (Alcyoneus) M rtJQ F^c ftaXXov dvtBdKiriTO' 'AO^tivac $€ 

Apollod. 1, 6. § 1. 



or possibly the foUowers of Bacchus not yet called into 
action. The southernmost, a naked young warrior with 
a shield, stands fronting the spectator : the second is a 
youth with a girded chlamys, who rests his left arm on the 
neck of an older figure, of which no more remains than 
the bust, the feet, and the chlamys hanging at the back. 
The fourth is clothed in a chlamys, which covers both 
the left arm and the right hand. The forthest to the 
north is a young warrior with a girded chlamys and a 
dose helmet, leaning forward and stretching forth his right 
arm towards his left leg, which is placed upon an eleva- 
tion. This figure, which Stuart supposed to be erecting a 
trophy, was probably adjusting a Kvri/ilg to his 1^, an 
action often represented on gems and vases. 

In the combat of Centaurs and LapithsB, which forms the 
subject of the firieze of the posticum, we distinguish Theseus 
as the only one of the men who has slain his opponent. 
Micon had conferred the same distinction upon him in a 
painting which adorned one of the walls of the cella ^ We 
also recognise Gseneus, who, having received from Neptime 
the gift of being invulnerable by weapons, was overwhelmed 
by the rocks and trees which the Centaurs heaped upon him. 

*^ Saxa trabesque super totoeque inyolvite montes ; 

et erit pro vulnere pondus." 

Ovid, Metam. 12, 607. 

Oseneus is represented half-sunk into the earth, while an 
enormous mass of rock is suspended over his head, and is 
held up by a Centaur on each side '. 

All the sculptures of the Theseium, as well of the metopes 
as of the friezes, were painted, and still preserve some 
remains of the colours. Vestiges of brazen and golden- 
coloured arms, of a blue sky, and of blue, green, and red 
drapery, are still very apparent. A painted foliage and 

* See above, p. 126. 

* The same subject is seen upon the frieze of the Phigalian temple, now 
in the British Museum. 


mseander is seen on the interior cornice of the peristyle, and 
painted stars in the lacunaria. . Similar painted omamenta 
are seen in the Parthenon, in the Panhellenium of .^Igina, 
and in several other temples. 

The three pictures which adorned the three interior walls 
of the Theseium related to the actions of Theseus. The 
stucco upon which they were painted is still apparent, and 
shows that each painting covered the entire wall, from the 
roof to two feet nine inches short of the pavement. On 
one of the walls was represented the battle of the Atheniana 
with the Amazons : on another the fight of the Gentaors and 
Lapithse, in which Theseus alone was represented as havings 
slain a Centaur, the rest being engaged in an equal combat. 
The picture on the third wall described an action of Theseus 
in Crete '. From the inferior importance of the latter sub- 
ject, it is probable that this picture was on die western wall,, 
which was the smallest of the three. 

' See above, p. 125. 


Page 168. 



The Athenians began to build a temple to Jupiter Olympius 
at a very early period. Deucalion was reported to have 
been the original founder \ About the year 530 b. c. a 
temple was commenced by four architects, employed by 
Peisistratus '. Their design was magnificent, and probably 
Ionic, this being the national order in Attica ; and hence 
perhaps the temple was ultimately Corinthian, this order 
having been in fact a decorated Ionic. Considerable pro- 
gress appears to have been made by the Peisistratidse ; for, 
though the building cannot but have suffered injury from 
the Persians, the cella at least was rendered serviceable 
soon after their departure, if it be true that one of the 
earliest employments of Phidias was that of adorning this 

> See above, p. 131. 

* Aristot. Polit. 6, 11. Namque Athenis Antistates et Callieschros et 
Antimachides et Pormos architect! PisiBtrato oedem Jovi Olympic facienti, 
fandamenta constitaerant : post mortem autem ejus propter interpellationem 
reipubBc8B incepta reliquenmt, itaque circiter anniB ducentis (350 f) post, 
Antiochus rex, cum in id opus impensam esset pollicitus, cellse magnitudi- 
nem,et colnmmmmi circa dipteron collocationem, epistyliorum et cseterorum 
omamentomm ad i^mmetriam distributionem magna solertia scientiaqne 

gumma civis Romanus Cossutius nobiliter est architectatns In 

asty Tero Olympiam, ample modoloram comparatu, Corinthiis symmetriis 
et proportionibus, uti supra scriptum est, architectandum Cossutius susce- 
piase memoratur. Vitrur. 7* ui pnef. 



temple with paintings \ Its unfinished state in the most 
flourishing period of the republic seems to have been a 
common subject of regret*. About the year 174 b. c. 
Antiochus Epiphanes employed a Roman architect, named 
Cossutius, to proceed with it \ and his design appears from 
Yitruvius to have been followed until the buildii^ was com- 
pleted. Upon the death of Antiochus, in the year 164 b. c, 
the work was interrupted. Seventy-eight years afterwards 
Sylla carried away some columns which belonged to the 
Olympieium, probably those prepared by the architects of 
Peisistratus, and applied them to the use of the Gapitoline 
temple at Rome *. The work was not resumed until the 
reign of Augustus, when the kings and states in his alli- 
ance or subjection undertook to complete the building at 
their joint expense *. But the honour of finally executing the 
design of Cossutius, of dedicating the temple, and of erecting 
the statue of the god, was reserved for Hadrian, three cen- 
turies after its commencement by Antiochus, and 650 years 
from its foundation by Peisistratus '. 

1 Plin. H. N. 35,8 (34). * Plutarch. Solon. 32. Lucian Icaro-Meiup.24. 

* 'Ev dk raiQ trpbc rdg ir6\nc BvaiaiQ koa rate vpbe ro^c Bio^ rt^uuc 
irdvrac vTripkfiaXKi (Antiochus) rode piPaffiXtvKdra^' rovro i* dp rtc 
rtKfiiipaiTO Iff rt rov irap' 'ABifvaiot^ 'OXvfiieitiov. Athen. 6, 6 (21). 

Magnificentiie vero (Antiochi) in Deos vel Jovis Olympii templum Athe- 
nifl unum in terris inchoatum pro magnitudine Dei potest testis ease. 
Liv. 41, 20. 

Antiochus Epiphanes qui Athenis Olympieum inchoavit. VeU. Patefre. 

T6 'OX^/Airioi^ 5 rep ^fiiTiXkc KOTiktirt 6 AvaBtlc (qu.'Avrioxoc)i3a9iXfvc. 
Strabo, p. 396. 

'OXvfivuiv, tifurtXkf fiiv, KardirXiiKiv d* Ixov (fid) Hjv ri)c oUoBofua^ 
vwoypafriv, Dicsearch. Vit. Gr. p. 8, Hudson. 

* Athenis templum Jovis Olympii, ex quo Sylla Capitolinis sedTbos advex- 
erat columnas. Plin. Nat. Hist. 38. 6 (6). See aboye, p. 40, n. 2. 

^ Reges amici atque socii et singuli in suo quisque regno, CiBsareas uibea 
condiderunt ; et cuncti simul sedem Jovis Olympii Athenis antiquitus incho- 
atam perficere communi sumptu destinavenmt. Sueton. August GO. 

' Hadrianus ad Orientem profectus per Athenas iter fecit, atque 

opera quae apud Athenienses ceperat dedicavit et Jovis Oljmpii sedem et 
aram sibi. Spartian. Hadrian. 13. 

'AipMvbc ^k TO Tt 'OXvfiTTcov TO Iv 'A^^vacc, iv if Kai ahrb^ c^pvrcM, 



We peroeive from the existing remains, that the temple 
consisted of a cella, surrounded by a peristyle, which had 
ten columns in front and twenty on the sides ; and that 
the peristyle, being double in the sides, and having a triple 
range at either end, besides three colunms between antae at 
each end of the cella, consisted altogether of 120 columns ; 
sixteen of which, six and a half feet in diameter above the 
base, and above sixty feet high, with their architraves, are now 
standing ; thirteen of them at the south-eastern angle, and 
the remaining three, which are of the interior row of the 
southern side, not far from the south-western angle. There 
was a seventeenth column belonging to the western front, 
standing until about the year 1760, when it was taken down, 
by order of the Turkish governor of Athens, to build a new 
mosque in the Bazar \ The entire lengtJi of the building 
was 359 feet, and its breadth 1 73. Livy accurately remarks, 
translating perhaps the words of Polybius, that the Olym- 
pium was ^^ unum in terris inchoatum pro magnitudine Dei ^^ 
— ^^ inchoatum,^^ because it was not finished at the period to 
which he refers, nor indeed in his own time, and ^^ unum/' 
because it was a greater work than any other temple of Jupi- 
ter ; for although its length is found to be a few feet shorter 
than the Agrigentine temple, with an equal breadth, the latter 
was not even peripteral, but was formed of semi-columns, and 
was still unfinished when destroyed by the Carthaginians'. 
The temple at Selinus, being dipteral, furnishes a closer 
comparison, but its dimensions were only 331 feet by 161 ; 
and this also was never completed, as some of its unfinished 
fiutings demonstrate. Of the three great models of archi- 
tecture in marble, which Vitruvius unites with the Olym- 
pieium of Athens, that of Ephesus was the greatest of all, if 
Pliny is correct in stating its dimensions to have been 425 
feet by 220 ' ; for not a vestige has yet been found of this 

iU^oififft' KOI 8p<Uovra Iq avrb avb *lviiac KontffOivra dviOfiKf, Diou. 
Caas. 69, 16. 

1 Stuart, Antiq. of Athens, 1 II, 2. Chandler, Travels hi Greece, 13. 

» Diodor. 13, 82. 

« Plin.H. N. 36, 14(21). 

l1 2 


great edifice to confirm or invalidate his assertion. Two 
others are still extant, and sufficiently preserved, to enable 
us to compare them with the Olympieium of Athens. These 
are, the temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidse, near 
Miletus, which was 304 feet long and 165 broad, and the 
mystic cell of Eleusis, which was 217 feet by 178. The 
former was never completed ; this indeed is generally the 
fate of such immense undertakings. Pericles and Phidias 
judged more correctly. By confining themselves to a more 
moderate scale, utility and perfection of art were both more 
attainable, and unrivalled works, of much longer duration 
than those immense monuments, were completed in a few 


The eastern side of the peribolus, being about twenty 
feet high above the present level of the soil, shows thai 
there was no access to the temple by steps in the centre of 
this side, and leaves us to conclude, that, although this was 
doubtless the front of the temple, the approach to it, as in 
the instance of the Parthenon, was from the west. The 
gate of Hadrian formed an entrance to the peribolus at the 
north-western angle, and presented to Sthe spectator the 
same kind of view that he obtained of the Parthenon on 
emerging from the Propykea. In both instances, his eye, 
by comprehending at once a view of one of the fronts and 
one of the sides of the building, enjoyed a more imposing 
prospect of those magnificent edifices than could have been 
presented to him, by an approach immediately in fit>nt. 
There was a similar approach at the temples of Minerva 
at Sunium and Priene, and at the Panhellenium of JEfposL. 



Page 183. 


The Pnyx was an artificial platform on the north-eastern 
side of one of the rocky heights which encircled Athens on 
the west, and along the crest of which is still traced the 
ancient inclosure of the Asty. In shape this platform 
difiered only from a circular sector of about 155 degrees, 
inasmuch as the radii forming the angle were about 200 feet 
in length, while the distance from the angle to the middle of 
the curve was about 240 feet. On this latter side, or towards 
the Agora, the platform was bounded by a wall of support, 
which is about sixteen feet high in the middle or high- 
est part, and is composed of large blocks, of various sizes, 
and for the most part quadrangular. In the opposite direc- 
tion the platform was bounded by a vertical excavation in 
the rock, which, in the parts best preserved, is from twelve 
to fifteen feet high. The foot of this wall inclines towards 
the angle of the sector, thereby showing that originally the 
entire platform sloped towards this point as a centre, such 
being obviously the construction most adapted to an assem- 
bly which stood or sat to hear an orator placed in the 
angle. At this angle rose the celebrated /3^/tia, or pulpit, 
often called the rock (6 Xtdog^), It was a quadrangular 

^ iv dyofif 'irpdc Tip XiBif, Plutarch. Solon. 25. Six centuries earlier 
wc find tho same term lamiliarly applied to it by Aristophanes. See abovc» 
p. 180. 

518 THE PNYX. [aPP. 

projection of the rock, eleven feet broad, rising from a gra- 
duated basis. The summit is broken ; its present height is 
about twenty feet. On the right and left of the orator there 
was an access to the summit of the bema by a flight of steps, 
and from behind by two or three steps from an indosure, in 
which are several chambers cut in the rock, which served 
doubtless for purposes connected with that of the Pnyx itself. 
The rocky height out of which they were formed, and which is 
higher than any part of the Pnyx, was embraced by a great 
salient angle of the Astic inclosure, to the eastward of 
which a retiring angle approached to within sixty yards of 
that extremity of the Pnyx. The area of the platform was 
capable of containing between seven and eight thousand per« 
sons, allowing a square yard to each ; from five to seven 
thousand appears from the ancient authors to have been the 
greatest number ever assembled \ It would otherwise be 
difiicult to conceive how the theatre, which was generally 
the place of meeting for large assemblies in later times, was 
not sooner preferred to the Pnyx, in which the more distant 
auditors were much less advantageously placed for hearing 
the speaker than in the theatre. To be heard by them from 
the pulpit of the Pnyx must indeed have required the utmost 
exertion of the orator ; we cannot wonder, therefore, that 
Demosthenes found it necessary to strengthen his voice, in 
order to qualify himself for speaking in the Pnyx. 

Cicero, in an interesting prelude to one of his philoso- 
phical discourses, in which he shows his knowledge of the 
topography of Athens, alludes to the Pnyx, though vrithout 
naming it, as one of the Athenian monuments rendered 
most worthy of attention by its ancient associations. ^^ Turn 
Piso .... quid Lucius noster (inquit) an eum locum 
libenter invisit, ubi Demosthenes et ^schines inter se 
decertare soliti sunt . . . . Et ille, quum erubuisset. Noli (in- 
quit) ex me qusBrere, qui in Phalericum etiam descenderim, 
quo in loco ad fluctum aiunt declamare solitum Demosthe- 

> Thucyd. 8, 72. Demosth. c Timocrat p. 715, Reiake. C. NeKr. p. 


XI.] THE PNYX. 519 

nem, ut fremitum assuesceret voce vincere 

id quidem infinitum est in hac urbe: quacunque enim 
ingredimur, in aliquam historiam vestigium ponimus \'" 

Various explanations have been given of the derivation of 
the word Pnyx, — ^from the multitude of counsellors, or of per- 
sons assembled, or of seats (iropa to nvKvodaOai ckcT roiic 
/SouXcvrac — wapa to imrvKvCKrOai Tt^ wXfiOu Tutv iiacXivovTwv 
CKCiO'c avOpioiriov — airo TrvKvovaOai tov 6\Xov — diro tow 
venvKvwadai Toig KaOidpai^)y or from the compactness and 
strength of the stones with which the Pnyx was constructed 
(r^c Tfciv XiOwv TrvKvoTffTo^)^ or from the earth of the plat- 
form being consolidated and condensed (wvKvovfiivii) by the 
upward pressure of the massive stones below, or from the 
numerous habitations around it (on irvKva i<m inpi ainiiv 

The Pnyx appears to have been sacred to or under the 
protection of Jupiter. In the artificial wall of rock on 
either side of the bema are niches ; below which an exca- 
vation brought to light a variety of votive offerings to 
Jupiter the supreme {AifYtfjloTt^)^ which are now in the 
British Museum, Nos. 209 seq. 

' Cicero de fin. 5, 2. 

* Sehol. in Aristoph. Eccles. 665. Eq. 42. Schol. in Demosth. de Cor. 
p. 244. deidemoB ap. Harpocr. in IlyvKi. Phot. Lex. in IIvcv^. Suid.^ 
Etym. Bfag.y Phot. Lex. in IIvvC. Bekker Aneod. Gr. I. p. 202. 


Page 189. 


The original termination of this great constraction at 
the summit is evident ; but to what extent it descended into 
the valley cannot now be traced. If, as we generally find in 
great theatres, resting on the side of rocky heights, the 
middle of the cavea was hollowed in the rock, an excava- 
tion would probably bring a part of it to light, which might 
afford some means of judging of the magnitude of the 
theatre, and enable us to understand, whether we are to 
interpret literally a passage in the Banquet of Plato, where 
he seems to show that the theatre was capable of containr 
ing more than thirty thousand spectators. Socrates ironi- 
cally comparing his own shadowy pursuits* with the 
splendid result of those of the youthful Agathon, whose 
tragedy had obtained the prize, and had given him the 
honour of sacrificing as Ghoregus, adds, ^' your wisdom, 
Agathon, was manifested in the presence of more than three 
myriads of Greeks '."^ It appears, however, that the word 
rpiafiipioi was not uncommonly used at Athens, to mean 
the body of Attic citizens. Thus Herodotus (5, 97) says 
that Aristagoras deceived thirty thousand Athenians 
{rpuTfivplovQ *AOfivatov^)^ and Aristophanes employs the 

* vo^ia .... 4 i/i^ • • • • ififiOpflTiiviftot tSo'ircp 5v<ip odvtu § 4. 
4 T(Mrii9pi<Ht» 


words nXiov { rpiafivplufv ^ exactly in the same sense ; 
so that Plato may on this occasion have put a fSuniliar 
expression into the mouth of Socrates, without any inten- 
tion of defining the number of spectators actually present 
in the theatre. 

On the other hand, it is not impossible that the theatre 
at Athens may have been intended to contain occasionally 
the entire body of Attic citizens, and may have been con- 
structed accordingly ; and this appears the more likely on 
considering that the Athenian theatre was probably at least 
as large as any in Greece, and on calculating the capacity of 
some of those still extant. Of these the theatre of the